It is a mistaken notion that the interests of labor and capital are in
any way antagonistic to each other. This fallacy has, however, taken
such hold of the minds of the representatives of both these interests,
that it is engendering a spirit of bitterness which, it is to be feared,
will grow into as fierce a character as that against slavery did. It is
always hard to produce any argument that will convince this spirit If
convinced, the spirit of opposition will not be calmed, and obstinacy,
assuming the place of all sentiment, compels the individual to remain
rebellious.
It is most true that there could be no capital unless labor first
existed. This stamps labor as of the greater importance. Let a person be
cast upon a fertile island, without pecuniary means, and he will live by
labor from its fertility; but let him fall upon an utterly barren and
sterile land, and all the millions of a Rothschild would not insure his
existence. So it is everywhere, and under all circumstances, to a
greater or less extent. Labor can exist—though not flourish—without
capital; but capital cannot exist entirely divorced from labor. Being
dependent upon it for primary existence, it must ever remain under a
direct analysis in the state of semi-importance.
The capitalist is the more unreasonable of the two in the position he
assumes. He continues to apply all his energies to the acquisition of
wealth, utterly regardless, in most cases, of any idea of justice to
what has given it to him. The general practice is—and this is the true
test, for whatever is of general application must be governed by some
underlying principle of right—when capital requires any given thing done
which it is obliged to apply to labor to accomplish, it must give
one-half interest in the venture to enlist its co-operation. This is
true regarding nearly all speculative pursuits, and when there is an
actual necessity for either to apply to the other for aid to carry out
its desires, this rule of agreement always obtains. This forms one of
the most conclusive arguments by which to demonstrate the true relations
of labor and capital, and should be made the basis of all co-operation.
It is not for the best interests of the wealthy to become still more so
at the expense of poverty to those under them. On the contrary, it is
their true interest to render fullest justice and strictest equality to
the demands of labor, to be determined by the principles that shall
promote the most general good. It is the greatest mistake of the age—it
has been the greatest mistake of all ages—to suppose that individual
benefit must accrue from the acquisition of wealth at the expense or
sacrifice of any general principle of justice. It is also a great
mistake for labor to array itself in opposition to wealth, and to form
combinations to control it. It is too late in the ages for these kinds
of arguments to convince. They can only end in producing still more
injustice and distance between the two interests, which distance will be
filled by rankling bitterness and contemptuous insinuation. An approach
of the two interests is what is desired—an assimilation of them, so that
the same end shall be best for each.
It may be laid down as an unanswerable proposition that there can be no
general happiness, peace or comfort among a people so long as the
principles society is built upon tend to promote unequal distributions
of the products of labor; and this brings us to the consideration of the
remedy. It is to reconstruct society upon such principles as shall tend
to promote complete unity, harmony and equality among its various
classes. To accomplish this it should be the special aim of every one
possessed of wisdom enough to comprehend a common logical proposition to
endeavor to bring about this equality by diffusing the deductions of it,
in all possible ways, among both classes. Let the various producing and
exchanging classes exist as they do, but let their relations be governed
by such rule of law as shall render them equal, both as to caste and to
the benefits to be derived from an equal interest in the common cause of
the brotherhood of mankind.
NEW YORK. July 10, 1870.