NEW YORK, November 10, 1870.
In national as well as in individual affairs, it is well to occasionally
take an exact account of the situation in which we are; to balance “our
general books,” to see whether the balance is to the “debit or credit”
or “profit and loss,” and to decide from the results obtained whether
satisfactory progress has been made. As nothing more than “a journal” of
such affairs as we shall take into the account has been kept, it will be
our duty to “post” these affairs into a new “ledger” from existing
“journals,” and also to enter up the new balances which we may find
standing to the several accounts.
At no time since the close of the Revolutionary War has there been a
time more fitting and inviting for such a work. The whole world is in a
ferment, which was begun by the terrific strife into which the course of
events forced us, and from which we have just emerged through the
reconstruction of an almost demolished Governmental structure. Not all
of the legitimate results of that strife are even yet externally
apparent, either in our own country or in the world at large. There are
various undercurrents, eddies and outcroppings which have never been
taken into any consideration; but when considered, the destiny of this
country, so long foreshadowed, but which was pretty nearly eclipsed,
shines forth more clearly brilliant than ever before.
Whatever may have been the arguments favorable for the continuance of
the institution of slavery, the destruction of it has rendered them
nugatory, and but few of those who once used them could now be found to
favor its resurrection. The atmosphere is cleared of the cloud it was
draped with, under its influence, and the radiant sun of freedom now
shines for all, and the star of hope our night was illumined by shall
now no more be dimmed by the dense fogs that were wont to arise from its
then already decaying carcass. With its destruction the lives of two
great political parties passed away, and left the people with no
distinct lines of demarkation. It is true that there bodies still exist,
but the process of disintegration is rapidly going on, and the stench of
their decay fills the nostrils of all whose senses are rendered acute by
the intensifying power of intuitive perception.
Creation is from one point toward one purpose, the extremes of which
course, are beyond the comprehension of human ken. Any fact in the line
of its progress may be considered, and the relations it bears to
contemporaneous facts determined. A fact isolated from all connections
loses its significance. The comparison of a fact with other facts forms
the basis of all relative knowledge, and the further this comparison is
extended, the wider the range of this knowledge becomes: while an
infinite series of facts constitutes the sum total of creation.
Hence, to obtain a substantially correct knowledge of the present, the
facts of it must not only be considered as facts of the present, but
their relations to, and dependencies upon prior facts, out of which they
arose, must be traced, so that it may be determined why they exist. It
is not sufficient to simply assert that this or that is thus or so. To
do so carries no conviction nor prophetic knowledge of what must be
next, as a necessary sequence. But if a retrospective glance be taken of
the causes that produced it, it is thus demonstrated why it is thus. If
the demonstration is placed with the fact, and their tendencies are
examined, it may be fair to conclude that what they may next lead to,
may be in a measure predicated. The chief value, then, of an intimate
knowledge of the past is, that from it the future may be foreseen, and
that the lesson it teaches may assist in the formation of aids to the
natural order of things.
If a tree or plant is desired in a certain place, for a certain purpose,
its growth is promoted by all the means which experience has
demonstrated will assist. All other growths that draw from the same
source for supplies, and thereby diminish its fountain of supplies, are
destroyed; the weeds are uprooted, and if the natural supplies which the
earth and air furnish are not sufficient for its demands, that which is
lacking is supplied. The same line of action should govern in the
various departments of nature, and especially in the higher departments
of mind.
There is another consideration that should never be lost sight of when a
survey of the situation is to be attempted; and this is, that while the
facts which are to be passed upon bear special relations to their
immediate predecessors and surroundings, that these with them bear
certain definite, general relations to the facts of all past time, and
to those that will be in all future time. The present is a part of the
common order of the universe, extending infinitely backward and
forward—a part of the line of evolvement, neither end of which can be
compassed by human mind; and if we would learn well, we must learn all
there is to learn regarding what we learn.
It is a definite and unanswerable proposition, then, that every nation
of which we have historic record, was a result of pre-existing causes,
and led to further effects, and that each filled and performed a part,
especially its own, which was a natural and necessary result of the time
and place it existed in. By a careful study of the rise and fall of each
of the great nations that have existed and an analytic comparison of the
elements of strength and decay that were prominent therein, and of their
relations to each other, just deductions as to what the present will
lead to, may be arrived at. If the present is the result of the past,
the future must be the result of the present, and like it be the
experiences of creation in the process of evolution from the infinite to
the infinite.
Government, standing forth prominently as the grandest of all human
conceptions and realizations, has in all times been the representative
of civilization, and the principal means of its diffusion. Bearing this
impress of importance, it may be well to examine the real significance
of the term, or to find the relations it sustains to society. One fact
meets us wherever we may search in the past—the fact of government
Though it is one of the universal necessities and accompaniments of
existence, it is extremely doubtful if its composition is realized to
any considerable extent. Government means control—implies power. No
people can create government because they cannot create power. An
existing power may be organized into form by a people, and this becomes
their government. This power is not in the individuals who exercise it,
they are simply its servants. It is not the people who organize or
consent to it; they are simply represented by it. It is above
individuals, and is independent of peoples, though its channels of
operation may be modified by individuals and peoples. Thus come all
governments, while revolutions are the results of the outworking of
principles, through peoples, who are their representatives. When
analyzed, it thus appears that governments are independent of peoples,
and always exist in some form while peoples come and pass away.
It is problematically true, that China was the first nation that arrived
at a system of government at all removed from brute, individual force,
and historically so, that there always was a westward tendency to
empire. After China, India; then Assyria, Egypt, Persia, Greece, Rome,
general Europe and America. Each one of these nations, to Rome, was the
result of the course of events, begun in China, to the course of which
each succeeding one added its experiences. The progress of this course
of events has encircled the world. It can go no further westward without
crossing the Pacific and beginning again in China. What is the
significance of this fact, or has it no special indications? It is
evident that the old order of nature has completed a cycle, and that a
new order will be commenced, and that, the new order is to spring from
this country, and consequently, that we are its representatives. This is
made doubly plain, when we refer to the fact that Asiatic tendencies are
now eastward, and that John Chinaman is the new competition our laboring
classes have to encounter.
It cannot be expected that the new order of events, we, as a country are
inaugurating, will be characterized by the element of the old, just
completed. It had its mission to perform. It accomplished it, and has
passed away. Its fruit is our Government and the civilization of the
present. A new mission begins. Are there any sources from which its
character may be predicated? Though the creation has completed another
cycle of progressive development, the common course of nature never
stops. Therefore the same common order prevails now, that did when the
planes of Iran poured forth its people westward.
One of the principal features of natural events has been a tendency on
the part of all great nations to acquire universal dominion. Each in
turn attempted it and failed, because of the imperfectly developed form
of the government they sought to control by. What are the evidences that
all future forms may not fail from similar causes, or specially, that
the form we represent will not fail?
The first and most important evidence is, that in its organic principles
the Brotherhood of the Human Race is recognized. All men are born free
and equal, does not mean that all men born in the United States are free
and equal, but that all men everywhere are. This, then, is the basis
idea upon which our Government is built; whether the structure is yet
perfect or not the foundation is, and can never be overturned. There can
be no higher proposition upon which to build; therefore additions,
tending to perfectability, must be made upon this foundation.
Another evidence is, that the world is becoming Americanized: that is,
the world is assimilating to the American idea of freedom and equality.
How and why? The vast populations other countries have transplanted to
our soil are in constant communication with friends they left behind,
who thus catch the spirit of equality and freedom, and become imbued
with the spirit of our institutions, and thus involuntarily become like
us, while still subjects of other powers.
All nations contribute to our strength, and by so doing render us not
only peculiarly American in character, but cosmopolitan to the world. We
are not only American, but European, Asiatic and African; while each of
these are becoming American. We are, therefore, the centre of attraction
for the world, and the world involuntarily recognizes our superior
strength by giving up its population to increase it; while we repay it,
not in physical strength, but with progressive and comprehensive ideas.
In accordance with these facts, patent to every one, it is asserted,
that The World is becoming Americanized, and that this is an evidence
that the form of government by which we tend to universal control is
founded on those general principles which give it that permanency, which
insures its continuance until it shall become universal.
If the order of civilization is observed the same deduction will be
arrived at The material universe has had its geologic periods The social
has had and will have its periods to correspond. Nature maintains a
regular and consistent order everywhere. It is the degree that this
order is understood, by the general mind, that constitutes the
sociologic periods of the world. The first era of civilization was
inaugurated by the Assyrian and Egyptian empires, more especially the
latter, more than 2000 years B. C.
This civilization began to spread in the barbaric world immediately
after the famous conquests of Sesostris, and continued during the time
of the Persian, Grecian and Roman empires, culminating with the downfall
of the latter, and thus completing the order of civilization made
possible by Egypt. Egypt conquered and levied tribute upon the
barbarian. Rome conquered, and the barbarian became the Roman citizen.
The present configuration of Europe rose from the ruins of Rome, and
assumed the form through which a greater variety of power could operate
than in the previous era.
No part of the world but has felt the mighty modifying influence of the
civilizing power of modern Europe. It has permeated the entire temperate
zone, penetrated the frozen latitudes north and south, and attacked the
Hottentot of Central Africa and the Bushman of Australia. It organized
legislation, perfected and maintained administration and made it
possible for all minds to attain individuality, and for individuals, as
such, to rise by personal merit, even from the lowest strata of society.
By its procreative power a new continent, full of native purity and
vitality, conceived, and a higher degree of life than it represented
burst upon the startled world.
In the first era, it was one controlling mind operating for personal
ends and aggrandizement; in the second, it was several, operating for
the same end; in the third, it will be all minds merged in one channel,
to operate for the good of the whole. The first was personal
civilization thrust upon the barbarism of the world compelling it into
servility; the second was sectional civilization exerting its influence,
first upon its immediate subjects, and through them upon others less
advanced; the third shall be general civilization, in which the utmost
parts of the earth can join in one grand and common effort for mutual
advancement, its peoples having risen to the recognition of the greatest
of all human facts—the common brotherhood of mankind.
From these general observations the tendencies in the order of the
universe must be inferred, and if there is any inference possible to be
drawn, which will coincide with the present aspect of affairs, it is,
that upon this country devolves the duty, no less than the privilege, of
presenting the world with a form of administrative government that shall
be possessed of the elements of perfection and duration; and this brings
us down to the consideration, whether this general indication of the
centuries does coincide with the condition in which the world is to-day.
Europe contains but four positive determining powers: Russia, Prussia,
France and England, while the remainder of the Eastern Continent is
unrepresented. The Western Continent contains the United States. France
and Prussia have been the contending parties for simple European
supremacy: the former probably also entertaining an ulterior design upon
Africa. The policy of England and Russia is more comprehensive, and
undoubtedly includes the possibility of a consolidated Continent.
Consistent with this view, England is performing in India what Cæsar did
in Gaul; and Russia, in Western Asia, what Rome did in “The East.” They
comprehend that every nation is an object upon which change is indelibly
stamped, and that it will remain so until some one of them shall arrive
at a perfect system of government, which shall be the pattern for all
government, or which shall absorb all government. These countries labor
under one insurmountable difficulty. All the effort they expend to carry
their policies abroad detracts just so much from their actual home
strength, and they have no fountain, furnishing supplies to make good
their expenditure, and they thus expand at the expense of vitality.
Notwithstanding this great difficulty, Russian supremacy might be a
consistent conclusion, could the fact of the rapid diffusion of
principles antagonistic to monarchy be left out of the consideration;
but considered, as it necessarily must be, the legitimate conclusion is
entirely different. It is too well known what sentiments lie suppressed
in various parts of continental Europe—in Poland, Hungary, Italy,
France, Germany, Spain and England—to ever make it possible that the
common order of advancement should so change as to compel the general
mind from general freedom toward absolute monarchy, as represented by
Russia, or to any monarchy represented by any of the nations of Europe.
The common course of events will not so change, but it will continue in
the direction of general freedom, not only in Europe but over the entire
continent. Considering the progress this sentiment has already made in
connection with events which are transpiring in Europe, it is not
presuming very much to say that it will ultimately convert Western and
Central Europe into great republics, represented by the Latin and the
Teuton.
So much for the special situation of Europe proper, as connected with
its local policies. England and Russia have further reaching
pretensions, and, by so having, their policies become intermingled with
American policies.
The processes of civilization are soon to receive accelerating powers in
Asia. England, by virtue of her great commercial influence, has already
exerted very considerable modifying effect upon the vast population of
India. China, by its fickle action regarding foreigners resident there,
is claiming the attention of all interested countries, in such manner as
will undoubtedly force these countries to use some other than moral
suasion to compel its people to the common usages of the civilized
world. Thus barbarism invites the elements which ultimately transform it
into general worldly utility.
With China, the United States has more intimate connection, by reason of
recent scientific progress, and, with England, will divide the honor of
civilizing Eastern Asia. American influence, however, will be the
preponderant influence, for the Chinese are attracted to this country,
and the genius of our institutions cannot fail to react through such as
come here upon China itself. While this process of evolution is going on
in Eastern Asia, Russia will be effecting the same purposes in Western
Asia, and thus these three nations will in due course of time reclaim
the most densely populated part of the world and add it to the sum total
of civilization.
There is a very important and highly suggestive inference to be drawn
from the tendency the peoples of Europe have been exhibiting during the
past few years. Italian unity has been accomplished, and German unity is
about to be accomplished. It is not to be supposed that this process
will stop short of further consolidations. Continental Europe is Latin
and Teuton, and Slav, and this process cannot well cease until these are
united under their respective governments. When this shall have been
accomplished, thrones and crowns will have done their work, and the
peoples will be ready to erect the Latinic, the Teutonic, and the
Slavonic Republics, three mighty nations which could in peace and quiet
pursue their respective appointments in the path of progress, until a
necessity should arise for a still wider and more comprehensive unity,
in which, under one head, the three should be united. They who have
studied the general tendencies of governmental evolution cannot doubt
but such a consummation awaits Continental Europe, nor that Asia is
destined to be regenerated as above shadowed forth.
If such be the course events must take, what is the lesson to be
gathered by that part of the world’s people who speak the English
language? The location of the countries they inhabit does not so readily
point to unity, but all their interests will compel it. The nations of
the world instinctively seek equality of power, or rather, they seek to
keep pace with each other in acquiring power. In view of the prospective
union of the three dominant races in Continental Europe, where shall
England look for her compensating power, except it be in a unity of all
peoples speaking the English Language?
It is true that in this Western Continent there is a new race being
built up, in whose composition all other races are destined to become
blended, and which will inevitably be the dominant and the absorbing
future race of the world. However, in the mean time, England’s only hope
for the retention of an existence, or at least of any general power,
will be to unite its peculiar national characteristics to the younger
and more rapidly changing peoples of America. There might be reasons
without number adduced in support of the suggested course, while valid
ones against it cannot be found. The power such a nation would represent
would be one that neither nor all of the prospective Continental
European countries could hinder from pursuing its predestined work in
Asia and Africa, to which latter division enterprise is just being
attracted by the discovery of immense diamond countries, which are first
offered as the necessary temptation to draw people to it, who shall
afterward find other riches than precious stones within its virgin soil,
as other than golden wealth has been found in California.
Thus, in as comprehensive a manner as possible, is presented the present
general situation and its evident tendencies, which bring us to the
special consideration of the present condition of the country, which, of
all countries, is destined to play the most prominent part in the third
order of civilization—the United States of America.
We have just arisen mightier than ever from a civil war which was
intended by the world’s conservatism to destroy us, and with a
population of forty millions we step at once into the front ranks of,
and into the lead in, the grand march of progress. Our Government is a
nearer approach to a popular form, and more nearly allied to true
freedom and justice than any other in existence. We have, however, only
to review the causes which led to the civil war to see how far we still
are from a perfect form.
This war was either a necessary result of existing causes or else it was
a great national blunder. Many who recognize no order or law in the
progress of civilization, deny both these propositions, and affirm that
the war was produced solely by the personal ambition of party leaders,
representing the _pro_ and _con._ of the institution of slavery. If the
matter is viewed from the standpoint of the science of society, each one
of these propositions is relatively true, but neither is absolutely so.
The war was the necessary result of the growth of the principles of
freedom within the general mind, in antagonism to special, local
interests, which evidences that it did arise naturally, out of the
existing conditions, while the individuals who were prominent upon
either side may be considered as responsible for precipitating it. Those
who stood by, constituting much the larger proportion of the
representative men of the nation, and observed the growth of the
conflict between the two extremes, without stepping in to control the
situation, place it altogether in the light of a great national blunder
or crime. Had the circumstances been controlled by this large third
party, the first proposition would have been true, and yet the war have
been prevented.
We are obliged to speak relatively of relative things, and to consider
facts, isolated from the general sum of all facts, and in a special
sense, and in this sense the war was an enormous national blunder, and
should have been averted by a bold grasping and control of the
circumstances on the part of the Government and those whose _duty_ it
was to have known what the result would be. These servants of the
people, to whom was intrusted the welfare of the country, were utterly
false and faithless, and allowed us to be precipitated, entirely
unprepared, into a fratricidal war which cost the common country
millions of lives and billions of treasure.
How much better would it have been had the situation been understood and
controlled; had the Government shown itself competent to meet it; had it
raised armies and occupied the disaffected country and then abolished
slavery, which it was finally obliged to do, but which could have been
done previously without the sacrifice of life and wealth. Such action
would have exhibited the highest order of statesmanship and would have
been the admiration of ages.
This examination of the causes which led to the war is made to show,
that in our system of government as now administered, there is no
responsibility anywhere, and if we drift into danger and destruction no
one is accountable; and also, that it is the habitual practice, to evade
issues which press for solution, by dodging along with small expedients,
hoping the issues themselves will die out or pass away. This has been
true of us as a government since corruption first began to find its
emissaries among our legislators, and since, it has continually grown
more and more decidedly a feature of its administration, until to-day we
stand a gigantic nation without giving any indication that we realize
our power or that we have any national policy other than to be quite
certain that we do not interfere with any of the nice arrangements of
other nations, or that we do not lend struggling freedom a sympathetic
helping hand, such as we first acquired life by.
By whom are our legislative halls filled? Do we find any Jeffersons,
Jacksons, Hamiltons, Bentons, Websters or Clays among them? No! As a
rule, to which, however, there a few most honorable exceptions, there
are all small men with ideas no more comprehensive than the districts or
States they represent, and who make the purposes of personal gain the
mainspring of all their actions. What can such men thus employed, know
of a great nation’s power; or what her policy should be?
There have been two great political divisions of the people called
Republican and Democratic, the issue between which, grew entirely out of
the slavery question and its sequel, War and Reconstruction. These
issues are all settled. Slavery can never more be made a party issue.
All efforts that have been made to galvanize it into life have proved
futile. The Democratic party leaders have pretty nearly given up the
issue as utterly dead, though many of the rank and file still mouth “the
nigger.” The Republican party has absolutely nothing to make it hold
together except possession of place and power, which in these times of
levying official taxation is no inconsiderable advantage. As for issues
and policies, both parties absolutely lack them. The Democratic and
Republican parties exist to-day in opposition to each other, simply and
solely because they were opposed to each other upon the issues now dead.
No live issues divide them. All of these which are before the people
find advocates and opposers in both ranks, so that in reality there are
no political parties in existence which represent any question to be
solved or settled. Nothing could be more appropriate in the political
musterings and parades of either party than that upon their banners
should be inscribed—