The disorganized condition of parties in the United States at the
present time affords a favorable opportunity for a review of the
political situation and for comment on the issues which are likely to
come up for settlement in the Presidential election in 1872. As I happen
to be the most prominent representative of the only unrepresented class
in the republic, and perhaps the most practical exponent of the
principles of equality, I request the favor of being permitted to
address the public through the medium of the _Herald_. While others of
my sex devoted themselves to a crusade against the laws that shackle the
women of the country, I asserted my individual independence; while
others prayed for the good time coming, I worked for it; while others
argued the equality of woman with man, I proved it by successfully
engaging in business; while others sought to show that there was no
valid reason why women should be treated, socially and politically, as
being inferior to man, I boldly entered the arena of politics and
business and exercised the rights I already possessed. I therefore claim
the right to speak for the unenfranchised women of the country, and
believing as I do that the prejudices which still exist in the popular
mind against women in public life will soon disappear, I now announce
myself as candidate for the Presidency.
I am quite well aware that in assuming this position I shall evoke more
ridicule than enthusiasm at the outset But this is an epoch of sudden
changes and startling surprises. What may appear absurd to-day will
assume a serious aspect to-morrow. I am content to wait until my claim
for recognition as a candidate shall receive the calm consideration of
the press and the public. The blacks were cattle in 1860; a negro now
sits in Jeff Davis’ seat in the United States Senate. The sentiment of
the country was, even in 1863, against negro suffrage; now the negro’s
right to vote is acknowledged by the constitution of the United States.
Let those, therefore, who ridiculed the negro’s claim to exercise the
right to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,” and who lived to
see him vote and hold high public office, ridicule the aspirations of
the women of the country for complete political equality as much as they
please. They cannot roll back the rising tide of reform. The world
moves.
That great Governmental changes were to follow the enfranchisement of
the negro I have long foreseen. While the curse of slavery covered the
land progress was enchained, but when it was swept away in the torrent
of war, the voice of justice was heard, and it became evident that the
last weak barrier against complete political and social equality must
soon give way. All that has been said and written hitherto, in support
of equality for women has had its proper effect on the public mind, just
as the anti-slavery speeches before secession were effective; but a
candidate and a policy are required to prove it. Lincoln’s election
showed the strength of the feeling against the peculiar institution; my
candidacy for the Presidency will, I confidently expect, develop the
fact that the principles of equal rights for all have taken deep root.
The advocates of political equality for women have, besides a
respectable known strength, a great undercurrent of unexpressed power,
which is only awaiting a fit opportunity to show itself. By the general
and decided test I propose, we shall be able to understand the woman
question aright, or at least have done much toward presenting the issue
involved in proper shape. I claim to possess the strength and courage to
be the subject of that test, and look forward confidently, to a
triumphant issue of the canvass.
The present position of political parties is anomalous. They are not
inspired by any great principles of policy or economy. Political
preachers paw the air; there is no live issue up for discussion. The
only seemingly distinctive feature upon which a complete and
well-defined diversion exists, is on the dead issue of negro equality,
and this is to the political leaders a harp of a thousand strings.
The minor questions of the hour do not affect parties as such, and no
well-defined division of sentiment exists. A great national question is
wanted, to prevent a descent into pure sectionalism. That question
exists in the issue, whether woman shall remain sunk below the right
granted to the negro, or be elevated to all the political rights enjoyed
by man. The simple issue whether woman should not have this complete
political equality with the negro is the only one to be tried, and none
more important is likely to arise before the Presidential election. But
besides the question of equality others of great magnitude are
necessarily included. The platform that is to succeed in the coming
election must enunciate the _general_ principles of enlightened justice
and economy.
A complete reform in our system of prison discipline, having specially
in view the welfare of the families of criminals, whose labor should not
be lost to them; the rearrangement of the system and control of internal
improvements; the adoption of some better means for caring for the
helpless and indigent; the establishment of strictly mutual and
reciprocal relations with all foreign Powers who will unite to better
the condition of the productive class, and the adoption of such
principles as shall recognize this class as the true wealth of the
country, and give it a just position beside capital, thus introducing a
practical plan for universal government upon the most enlightened basis,
for the actual, not the imaginary benefit of mankind.
These important changes can only be expected to follow a complete
departure from the beaten tracks of political parties and their
machinery; and this, I believe my canvass of 1872 will effect.
That the people are sick of the present administration and the
principles it professes to sustain, is a proposition, I think, that does
not require to be argued; but as I have now taken a decided stand
against its continuance for another term of four years, and offered
myself as a candidate for the Presidential succession, a few preliminary
observations on the general management of our home and foreign policy
will not be out of place. The present administration has been a failure
from the beginning; weak, vacillating and deficient in moral courage, it
commands neither the respect nor admiration of foreign Powers nor
receives the active support of its party. The general management of our
foreign and domestic affairs does not seem to have risen to the dignity
of a policy; though it be allowed to have been consistent in its various
parts, it has been destitute of that decision and firmness which
characterized the victorious soldier who is now President.
A decided Cuban policy would not only have settled at once the
inevitable destiny of that island, but would also have given republican
sentiment in Spain an impetus, strengthened the South American republics
and exercised a healthy influence in Mexico and Canada. But instead of
this we have to submit to the consequences of a policy of cowardice.
American citizens abroad are murdered by Spanish cut-throats, our
consuls are insulted, and our flag is disgraced. This is unworthy of the
American nation, and the people will hold Grant accountable. A giant who
never shows his strength is neither feared nor respected. On the
important questions of taxation, the tariff and the public debt, the
administration seems to have no settled policy. Taxation, whether for
the support of the Government or the payment of the debt, should in all
cases be general and never special. No special interest, nor several
special interests, should be singled out to sustain an extra proportion
of taxation. And in regard to the tariff the same principle should be
enforced. Whether the public debt be a blessing or a curse, it exists.
Created to save the republic, it must be paid strictly according to both
the spirit and the letter of the law. But there is no immediate
necessity for paying it off. By a proper policy its payment might be
made to extend through a hundred years, for even beyond that time will
the benefits its creation produced be felt and appreciated. In older
countries the pressure of national debt becomes a heavier charge and a
mightier burden every succeeding year, but with us this is reversed. The
development of our magnificent resources will render the gradual payment
of our indebtedness easier of accomplishment with each decade of time.
All other questions, whether of a foreign or domestic nature, stand
illustrated by the Cuban policy of the administration. A bold, firm and,
withal, consistent national policy, if not at all times strictly within
the conservative limits of international law, will always command the
respect and support of the people.
With the view of spreading to the people ideas which hitherto have not
been placed before them, and which they may, by reflection, carefully
amplify for their own benefit, I have written several papers on
Governmental questions of importance and will submit them in due order.
For the present the foregoing must suffice. I anticipate criticism; but
however unfavorable the comment this letter may evoke I trust that my
sincerity will not be called in question. I have deliberately and of my
own accord placed myself before the people as a candidate for the
Presidency of the United States, and having the means, courage, energy
and strength necessary for the race, intend to contest it to the close.