CHAPTER I.

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_Phineas Redux_ was published first in serial form in the

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in 1874.

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PHINEAS REDUX

by

ANTHONY TROLLOPE

CONTENTS

VOLUME I

I. TEMPTATION

II. HARRINGTON HALL

III. GERARD MAULE

IV. TANKERVILLE

V. MR. DAUBENY'S GREAT MOVE

VI. PHINEAS AND HIS OLD FRIENDS

VII. COMING HOME FROM HUNTING

VIII. THE ADDRESS

IX. THE DEBATE

X. THE DESERTED HUSBAND

XI. THE TRUANT WIFE

XII. KÖNIGSTEIN

XIII. "I HAVE GOT THE SEAT"

XIV. TRUMPETON WOOD

XV. "HOW WELL YOU KNEW!"

XVI. COPPERHOUSE CROSS AND BROUGHTON SPINNIES

XVII. MADAME GOESLER'S STORY

XVIII. SPOONER OF SPOON HALL

XIX. SOMETHING OUT OF THE WAY

XX. PHINEAS AGAIN IN LONDON

XXI. MR. MAULE, SENIOR

XXII. "PURITY OF MORALS, FINN"

XXIII. MACPHERSON'S HOTEL

XXIV. MADAME GOESLER IS SENT FOR

XXV. "I WOULD DO IT NOW"

XXVI. THE DUKE'S WILL

XXVII. AN EDITOR'S WRATH

XXVIII. THE FIRST THUNDERBOLT

XXIX. THE SPOONER CORRESPONDENCE

XXX. REGRETS

XXXI. THE DUKE AND DUCHESS IN TOWN

XXXII. THE WORLD BECOMES COLD

XXXIII. THE TWO GLADIATORS

XXXIV. THE UNIVERSE

XXXV. POLITICAL VENOM

XXXVI. SEVENTY-TWO

XXXVII. THE CONSPIRACY

XXXVIII. ONCE AGAIN IN PORTMAN SQUARE

XXXIX. CAGLIOSTRO

XL. THE PRIME MINISTER IS HARD PRESSED

VOLUME II

XLI. "I HOPE I'M NOT DISTRUSTED"

XLII. BOULOGNE

XLIII. THE SECOND THUNDERBOLT

XLIV. THE BROWBOROUGH TRIAL

XLV. SOME PASSAGES IN THE LIFE OF MR. EMILIUS

XLVI. THE QUARREL

XLVII. WHAT CAME OF THE QUARREL

XLVIII. MR. MAULE'S ATTEMPT

XLIX. SHOWING WHAT MRS. BUNCE SAID TO THE POLICEMAN

L. WHAT THE LORDS AND COMMONS SAID ABOUT THE MURDER

LI. "YOU THINK IT SHAMEFUL"

LII. MR. KENNEDY'S WILL

LIII. NONE BUT THE BRAVE DESERVE THE FAIR

LIV. THE DUCHESS TAKES COUNSEL

LV. PHINEAS IN PRISON

LVI. THE MEAGER FAMILY

LVII. THE BEGINNING OF THE SEARCH FOR THE KEY AND THE COAT

LVIII. THE TWO DUKES

LIX. MRS. BONTEEN

LX. TWO DAYS BEFORE THE TRIAL

LXI. THE BEGINNING OF THE TRIAL

LXII. LORD FAWN'S EVIDENCE

LXIII. MR. CHAFFANBRASS FOR THE DEFENCE

LXIV. CONFUSION IN THE COURT

LXV. "I HATE HER!"

LXVI. THE FOREIGN BLUDGEON

LXVII. THE VERDICT

LXVIII. PHINEAS AFTER THE TRIAL

LXIX. THE DUKE'S FIRST COUSIN

LXX. "I WILL NOT GO TO LOUGHLINTER"

LXXI. PHINEAS FINN IS RE-ELECTED

LXXII. THE END OF THE STORY OF MR. EMILIUS AND LADY EUSTACE

LXXIII. PHINEAS FINN RETURNS TO HIS DUTIES

LXXIV. AT MATCHING

LXXV. THE TRUMPETON FEUD IS SETTLED

LXXVI. MADAME GOESLER'S LEGACY

LXXVII. PHINEAS FINN'S SUCCESS

LXXVIII. THE LAST VISIT TO SAULSBY

LXXIX. AT LAST--AT LAST

LXXX. CONCLUSION

ILLUSTRATIONS

LADY CHILTERN AND HER BABY. CHAPTER II.

"WELL, THEN, I WON'T MENTION HER NAME AGAIN." CHAPTER VI.

ADELAIDE PALLISER. CHAPTER VII.

THE LAIRD OF LOUGHLINTER. CHAPTER X.

"I SUPPOSE I SHALL SHAKE IT OFF." CHAPTER XV.

"YOU KNOW IT'S THE KEEPERS DO IT ALL." CHAPTER XVIII.

HE SAT DOWN FOR A MOMENT TO THINK OF IT ALL. CHAPTER XIX.

"THEN, SIR, YOU SHALL ABIDE MY WRATH." CHAPTER XXIII.

"I WOULD; I WOULD." CHAPTER XXV.

"LADY GLEN WILL TELL YOU THAT I CAN BE CHAPTER XXX.

VERY OBSTINATE WHEN I PLEASE."

"I SHOULD HAVE HAD SOME ENJOYMENT, CHAPTER XXXI.

I SUPPOSE."

"I MUST HAVE ONE WORD WITH YOU." CHAPTER XXXVIII.

"THEY SEEM TO THINK THAT MR. BONTEEN MUST CHAPTER XLV.

BE PRIME MINISTER."

"WHAT IS THE USE OF STICKING TO A MAN WHO CHAPTER XLVIII.

DOES NOT WANT YOU?"

"HE HAS BEEN MURDERED," SAID MR. LOW. CHAPTER XLIX.

"HE MAY SOFTEN HER HEART." CHAPTER LII.

OF COURSE IT WAS LADY LAURA. CHAPTER LV.

LIZZIE EUSTACE. CHAPTER LIX.

"VIOLET, THEY WILL MURDER HIM." CHAPTER LXI.

THE BOY WHO FOUND THE BLUDGEON. CHAPTER LXVI.

AND SHE SAT WEEPING ALONE IN HER CHAPTER LXVIII.

FATHER'S HOUSE.

LADY LAURA AT THE GLASS. CHAPTER LXX.

"YES, THERE SHE IS." CHAPTER LXXIV.

THEN SHE SUDDENLY TURNED UPON HIM, CHAPTER LXXIX.

THROWING HER ARMS ROUND HIS NECK.

VOLUME I.

CHAPTER I.

TEMPTATION.

The circumstances of the general election of 18-- will be well

remembered by all those who take an interest in the political

matters of the country. There had been a coming in and a going out

of Ministers previous to that,--somewhat rapid, very exciting, and,

upon the whole, useful as showing the real feeling of the country

upon sundry questions of public interest. Mr. Gresham had been Prime

Minister of England, as representative of the Liberal party in

politics. There had come to be a split among those who should have

been his followers on the terribly vexed question of the Ballot. Then

Mr. Daubeny for twelve months had sat upon the throne distributing

the good things of the Crown amidst Conservative birdlings, with

beaks wide open and craving maws, who certainly for some years

previous had not received their share of State honours or State

emoluments. And Mr. Daubeny was still so sitting, to the infinite

dismay of the Liberals, every man of whom felt that his party

was entitled by numerical strength to keep the management of the

Government within its own hands.

Let a man be of what side he may in politics,--unless he be

much more of a partisan than a patriot,--he will think it well

that there should be some equity of division in the bestowal

of crumbs of comfort. Can even any old Whig wish that every Lord

Lieutenant of a county should be an old Whig? Can it be good for the

administration of the law that none but Liberal lawyers should become

Attorney-Generals, and from thence Chief Justices or Lords of Appeal?

Should no Conservative Peer ever represent the majesty of England

in India, in Canada, or at St. Petersburgh? So arguing, moderate

Liberals had been glad to give Mr. Daubeny and his merry men a

chance. Mr. Daubeny and his merry men had not neglected the chance

given them. Fortune favoured them, and they made their hay while the

sun shone with an energy that had never been surpassed, improving

upon Fortune, till their natural enemies waxed impatient. There had

been as yet but one year of it, and the natural enemies, who had at

first expressed themselves as glad that the turn had come, might

have endured the period of spoliation with more equanimity. For to

them, the Liberals, this cutting up of the Whitehall cake by the

Conservatives was spoliation when the privilege of cutting was found

to have so much exceeded what had been expected. Were not they, the

Liberals, the real representatives of the people, and, therefore, did

not the cake in truth appertain to them? Had not they given up the

cake for a while, partly, indeed, through idleness and mismanagement,

and quarrelling among themselves; but mainly with a feeling that

a moderate slicing on the other side would, upon the whole, be

advantageous? But when the cake came to be mauled like that--oh,

heavens! So the men who had quarrelled agreed to quarrel no more,

and it was decided that there should be an end of mismanagement and

idleness, and that this horrid sight of the weak pretending to be

strong, or the weak receiving the reward of strength, should be

brought to an end. Then came a great fight, in the last agonies of

which the cake was sliced manfully. All the world knew how the fight

would go; but in the meantime lord-lieutenancies were arranged; very

ancient judges retired upon pensions; vice-royal Governors were sent

out in the last gasp of the failing battle; great places were filled

by tens, and little places by twenties; private secretaries were

established here and there; and the hay was still made even after the

sun had gone down.

In consequence of all this the circumstances of the election of 18--

were peculiar. Mr. Daubeny had dissolved the House, not probably

with any idea that he could thus retrieve his fortunes, but feeling

that in doing so he was occupying the last normal position of a

properly-fought Constitutional battle. His enemies were resolved,

more firmly than they were resolved before, to knock him altogether

on the head at the general election which he had himself called

into existence. He had been disgracefully out-voted in the House of

Commons on various subjects. On the last occasion he had gone into

his lobby with a minority of 37, upon a motion brought forward by Mr.

Palliser, the late Liberal Chancellor of the Exchequer, respecting

decimal coinage. No politician, not even Mr. Palliser himself, had

expected that he would carry his Bill in the present session. It

was brought forward as a trial of strength; and for such a purpose

decimal coinage was as good a subject as any other. It was Mr.

Palliser's hobby, and he was gratified at having this further

opportunity of ventilating it. When in power, he had not succeeded

in carrying his measure, awed, and at last absolutely beaten, by the

infinite difficulty encountered in arranging its details. But his

mind was still set upon it, and it was allowed by the whole party

to be as good as anything else for the purpose then required. The

Conservative Government was beaten for the third or fourth time, and

Mr. Daubeny dissolved the House.

The whole world said that he might as well have resigned at once. It

was already the end of July, and there must be an autumn Session with

the new members. It was known to be impossible that he should find

himself supported by a majority after a fresh election. He had been

treated with manifest forbearance; the cake had been left in his

hands for twelve months; the House was barely two years old; he

had no "cry" with which to meet the country; the dissolution was

factious, dishonest, and unconstitutional. So said all the Liberals,

and it was deduced also that the Conservatives were in their hearts

as angry as were their opponents. What was to be gained but the poor

interval of three months? There were clever men who suggested that

Mr. Daubeny had a scheme in his head--some sharp trick of political

conjuring, some "hocus-pocus presto" sleight of hand, by which he

might be able to retain power, let the elections go as they would.

But, if so, he certainly did not make his scheme known to his own

party.

He had no cry with which to meet the country, nor, indeed, had

the leaders of the Opposition. Retrenchment, army reform, navy

excellence, Mr. Palliser's decimal coinage, and general good

government gave to all the old-Whig moderate Liberals plenty of

matter for speeches to their future constituents. Those who were more

advanced could promise the Ballot, and suggest the disestablishment

of the Church. But the Government of the day was to be turned out

on the score of general incompetence. They were to be made to go,

because they could not command majorities. But there ought to have

been no dissolution, and Mr. Daubeny was regarded by his opponents,

and indeed by very many of his followers also, with an enmity that

was almost ferocious. A seat in Parliament, if it be for five or six

years, is a blessing; but the blessing becomes very questionable if

it have to be sought afresh every other Session.

One thing was manifest to thoughtful, working, eager political

Liberals. They must have not only a majority in the next Parliament,

but a majority of good men--of men good and true. There must be no

more mismanagement; no more quarrelling; no more idleness. Was it to

be borne that an unprincipled so-called Conservative Prime Minister

should go on slicing the cake after such a fashion as that lately

adopted? Old bishops had even talked of resigning, and Knights of the

Garter had seemed to die on purpose. So there was a great stir at the

Liberal political clubs, and every good and true man was summoned to

the battle.

Now no Liberal soldier, as a young soldier, had been known to be more

good and true than Mr. Finn, the Irishman, who had held office two

years ago to the satisfaction of all his friends, and who had retired

from office because he had found himself compelled to support a

measure which had since been carried by those very men from whom he

had been obliged on this account to divide himself. It had always

been felt by his old friends that he had been, if not ill-used, at

least very unfortunate. He had been twelve months in advance of his

party, and had consequently been driven out into the cold. So when

the names of good men and true were mustered, and weighed, and

discussed, and scrutinised by some active members of the Liberal

party in a certain very private room not far removed from our

great seat of parliamentary warfare; and when the capabilities,

and expediencies, and possibilities were tossed to and fro among

these active members, it came to pass that the name of Mr. Finn

was mentioned more than once. Mr. Phineas Finn was the gentleman's

name--which statement may be necessary to explain the term of

endearment which was occasionally used in speaking of him.

"He has got some permanent place," said Mr. Ratler, who was living

on the well-founded hope of being a Treasury Secretary under the new

dispensation; "and of course he won't leave it."

It must be acknowledged that Mr. Ratler, than whom no judge in such

matters possessed more experience, had always been afraid of Phineas

Finn.

"He'll lave it fast enough, if you'll make it worth his while," said

the Honourable Laurence Fitzgibbon, who also had his expectations.

"But he married when he went away, and he can't afford it," said Mr.

Bonteen, another keen expectant.

"Devil a bit," said the Honourable Laurence; "or, anyways, the poor

thing died of her first baby before it was born. Phinny hasn't an

impidiment, no more than I have."

"He's the best Irishman we ever got hold of," said Barrington

Erle--"present company always excepted, Laurence."

"Bedad, you needn't except me, Barrington. I know what a man's made

of, and what a man can do. And I know what he can't do. I'm not bad

at the outside skirmishing. I'm worth me salt. I say that with a just

reliance on me own powers. But Phinny is a different sort of man.

Phinny can stick to a desk from twelve to seven, and wish to come

back again after dinner. He's had money left him, too, and 'd like to

spend some of it on an English borough."

"You never can quite trust him," said Bonteen. Now Mr. Bonteen had

never loved Mr. Finn.

"At any rate we'll try him again," said Barrington Erle, making a

little note to that effect. And they did try him again.

Phineas Finn, when last seen by the public, was departing from

parliamentary life in London to the enjoyment of a modest place

under Government in his own country, with something of a shattered

ambition. After various turmoils he had achieved a competency, and

had married the girl of his heart. But now his wife was dead, and he

was again alone in the world. One of his friends had declared that

money had been left to him. That was true, but the money had not been

much. Phineas Finn had lost his father as well as his wife, and had

inherited about four thousand pounds. He was not at this time much

over thirty; and it must be acknowledged in regard to him that, since

the day on which he had accepted place and retired from London, his

very soul had sighed for the lost glories of Westminster and Downing

Street.

There are certain modes of life which, if once adopted, make

contentment in any other circumstances almost an impossibility. In

old age a man may retire without repining, though it is often beyond

the power even of the old man to do so; but in youth, with all the

faculties still perfect, with the body still strong, with the hopes

still buoyant, such a change as that which had been made by Phineas

Finn was more than he, or than most men, could bear with equanimity.

He had revelled in the gas-light, and could not lie quiet on a sunny

bank. To the palate accustomed to high cookery, bread and milk is

almost painfully insipid. When Phineas Finn found himself discharging

in Dublin the routine duties of his office,--as to which there was

no public comment, no feeling that such duties were done in the face

of the country,--he became sick at heart and discontented. Like

the warhorse out at grass he remembered the sound of the battle

and the noise of trumpets. After five years spent in the heat and

full excitement of London society, life in Ireland was tame to

him, and cold, and dull. He did not analyse the difference between

metropolitan and quasi-metropolitan manners; but he found that men

and women in Dublin were different from those to whom he had been

accustomed in London. He had lived among lords, and the sons and

daughters of lords; and though the official secretaries and assistant

commissioners among whom his lot now threw him were for the most part

clever fellows, fond of society, and perhaps more than his equals in

the kind of conversation which he found to be prevalent, still they

were not the same as the men he had left behind him,--men alive with

the excitement of parliamentary life in London. When in London he had

often told himself that he was sick of it, and that he would better

love some country quiet life. Now Dublin was his Tibur, and the

fickle one found that he could not be happy unless he were back again

at Rome. When, therefore, he received the following letter from

his friend, Barrington Erle, he neighed like the old warhorse, and

already found himself shouting "Ha, ha," among the trumpets.

---- Street, 9th July, 18--.

MY DEAR FINN,

Although you are not now immediately concerned in such

trifling matters you have no doubt heard that we are

all to be sent back at once to our constituents, and

that there will be a general election about the end of

September. We are sure that we shall have such a majority

as we never had before; but we are determined to make it

as strong as possible, and to get in all the good men that

are to be had. Have you a mind to try again? After all,

there is nothing like it.

Perhaps you may have some Irish seat in your eye for

which you would be safe. To tell the truth we know very

little of the Irish seats--not so much as, I think,

we ought to do. But if you are not so lucky I would

suggest Tankerville in Durham. Of course there would

be a contest, and a little money will be wanted; but the

money would not be much. Browborough has sat for the place

now for three Parliaments, and seems to think it all his

own. I am told that nothing could be easier than to turn

him out. You will remember the man--a great, hulking,

heavy, speechless fellow, who always used to sit just over

Lord Macaw's shoulder. I have made inquiry, and I am told

that he must walk if anybody would go down who could talk

to the colliers every night for a week or so. It would

just be the work for you. Of course, you should have all

the assistance we could give you, and Molescroft would put

you into the hands of an agent who wouldn't spend money

for you. £500 would do it all.

I am very sorry to hear of your great loss, as also was

Lady Laura, who, as you are aware, is still abroad with

her father. We have all thought that the loneliness of

your present life might perhaps make you willing to come

back among us. I write instead of Ratler, because I

am helping him in the Northern Counties. But you will

understand all about that.

Yours, ever faithfully,

BARRINGTON ERLE.

Of course Tankerville has been dirty. Browborough has

spent a fortune there. But I do not think that that need

dishearten you. You will go there with clean hands. It

must be understood that there shall not be as much as a

glass of beer. I am told that the fellows won't vote for

Browborough unless he spends money, and I fancy he will be

afraid to do it heavily after all that has come and gone.

If he does you'll have him out on a petition. Let us have

an answer as soon as possible.

He at once resolved that he would go over and see; but, before he

replied to Erle's letter, he walked half-a-dozen times the length

of the pier at Kingston meditating on his answer. He had no one

belonging to him. He had been deprived of his young bride, and left

desolate. He could ruin no one but himself. Where could there be a

man in all the world who had a more perfect right to play a trick

with his own prospects? If he threw up his place and spent all his

money, who could blame him? Nevertheless, he did tell himself that,

when he should have thrown up his place and spent all his money,

there would remain to him his own self to be disposed of in a manner

that might be very awkward to him. A man owes it to his country, to

his friends, even to his acquaintance, that he shall not be known to

be going about wanting a dinner, with never a coin in his pocket. It

is very well for a man to boast that he is lord of himself, and that

having no ties he may do as he pleases with that possession. But it

is a possession of which, unfortunately, he cannot rid himself when

he finds that there is nothing advantageous to be done with it.

Doubtless there is a way of riddance. There is the bare bodkin. Or a

man may fall overboard between Holyhead and Kingston in the dark, and

may do it in such a cunning fashion that his friends shall think that

it was an accident. But against these modes of riddance there is a

canon set, which some men still fear to disobey.

The thing that he was asked to do was perilous. Standing in his

present niche of vantage he was at least safe. And added to his

safety there were material comforts. He had more than enough for his

wants. His work was light; he lived among men and women with whom he

was popular. The very fact of his past parliamentary life had caused

him to be regarded as a man of some note among the notables of the

Irish capital. Lord Lieutenants were gracious to him, and the wives

of judges smiled upon him at their tables. He was encouraged to talk

of those wars of the gods at which he had been present, and was so

treated as to make him feel that he was somebody in the world of

Dublin. Now he was invited to give all this up; and for what?

He answered that question to himself with enthusiastic eloquence.

The reward offered to him was the thing which in all the world he

liked best. It was suggested to him that he should again have within

his reach that parliamentary renown which had once been the very

breath of his nostrils. We all know those arguments and quotations,

antagonistic to prudence, with which a man fortifies himself in

rashness. "None but the brave deserve the fair." "Where there's a

will there's a way." "Nothing venture nothing have." "The sword is

to him who can use it." "Fortune favours the bold." But on the other

side there is just as much to be said. "A bird in the hand is worth

two in the bush." "Look before you leap." "Thrust not out your hand

further than you can draw it back again." All which maxims of life

Phineas Finn revolved within his own heart, if not carefully, at

least frequently, as he walked up and down the long pier of Kingston

Harbour.

But what matter such revolvings? A man placed as was our Phineas

always does that which most pleases him at the moment, being but poor

at argument if he cannot carry the weight to that side which best

satisfies his own feelings. Had not his success been very great when

he before made the attempt? Was he not well aware at every moment

of his life that, after having so thoroughly learned his lesson in

London, he was throwing away his hours amidst his present pursuits

in Dublin? Did he not owe himself to his country? And then, again,

what might not London do for him? Men who had begun as he begun had

lived to rule over Cabinets, and to sway the Empire. He had been

happy for a short twelvemonth with his young bride,--for a short

twelvemonth,--and then she had been taken from him. Had she been

spared to him he would never have longed for more than Fate had given

him. He would never have sighed again for the glories of Westminster

had his Mary not gone from him. Now he was alone in the world; and,

though he could look forward to possible and not improbable events

which would make that future disposition of himself a most difficult

question for him, still he would dare to try.

As the first result of Erle's letter Phineas was over in London early

in August. If he went on with this matter, he must, of course, resign

the office for holding which he was now paid a thousand a year. He

could retain that as long as he chose to earn the money, but the

earning of it would not be compatible with a seat in Parliament. He

had a few thousand pounds with which he could pay for the contest at

Tankerville, for the consequent petition which had been so generously

suggested to him, and maintain himself in London for a session or two

should he be so fortunate as to carry his election. Then he would be

penniless, with the world before him as a closed oyster to be again

opened, and he knew,--no one better,--that this oyster becomes harder

and harder in the opening as the man who has to open it becomes

older. It is an oyster that will close to again with a snap, after

you have got your knife well into it, if you withdraw your point but

for a moment. He had had a rough tussle with the oyster already, and

had reached the fish within the shell. Nevertheless, the oyster which

he had got was not the oyster which he wanted. So he told himself

now, and here had come to him the chance of trying again.

Early in August he went over to England, saw Mr. Molescroft, and

made his first visit to Tankerville. He did not like the look of

Tankerville; but nevertheless he resigned his place before the

month was over. That was the one great step, or rather the leap in

the dark,--and that he took. Things had been so arranged that the

election at Tankerville was to take place on the 20th of October.

When the dissolution had been notified to all the world by Mr.

Daubeny an earlier day was suggested; but Mr. Daubeny saw reasons for

postponing it for a fortnight. Mr. Daubeny's enemies were again very

ferocious. It was all a trick. Mr. Daubeny had no right to continue

Prime Minister a day after the decided expression of opinion as to

unfitness which had been pronounced by the House of Commons. Men

were waxing very wrath. Nevertheless, so much power remained in Mr.

Daubeny's hand, and the election was delayed. That for Tankerville

would not be held till the 20th of October. The whole House could not

be chosen till the end of the month,--hardly by that time--and yet

there was to be an autumn Session. The Ratlers and Bonteens were at

any rate clear about the autumn Session. It was absolutely impossible

that Mr. Daubeny should be allowed to remain in power over Christmas,

and up to February.

Mr. Molescroft, whom Phineas saw in London, was not a comfortable

counsellor. "So you are going down to Tankerville?" he said.

"They seem to think I might as well try."

"Quite right;--quite right. Somebody ought to try it, no doubt. It

would be a disgrace to the whole party if Browborough were allowed

to walk over. There isn't a borough in England more sure to return a

Liberal than Tankerville if left to itself. And yet that lump of a

legislator has sat there as a Tory for the last dozen years by dint

of money and brass."

"You think we can unseat him?"

"I don't say that. He hasn't come to the end of his money, and as to

his brass that is positively without end."

"But surely he'll have some fear of consequences after what has been

done?"

"None in the least. What has been done? Can you name a single

Parliamentary aspirant who has been made to suffer?"

"They have suffered in character," said Phineas. "I should not like

to have the things said of me that have been said of them."

"I don't know a man of them who stands in a worse position among his

own friends than he occupied before. And men of that sort don't want

a good position among their enemies. They know they're safe. When the

seat is in dispute everybody is savage enough; but when it is merely

a question of punishing a man, what is the use of being savage? Who

knows whose turn it may be next?"

"He'll play the old game, then?"

"Of course he'll play the old game," said Mr. Molescroft. "He doesn't

know any other game. All the purists in England wouldn't teach him to

think that a poor man ought not to sell his vote, and that a rich man

oughtn't to buy it. You mean to go in for purity?"

"Certainly I do."

"Browborough will think just as badly of you as you will of him.

He'll hate you because he'll think you are trying to rob him of what

he has honestly bought; but he'll hate you quite as much because

you try to rob the borough. He'd tell you if you asked him that he

doesn't want his seat for nothing, any more than he wants his house

or his carriage-horses for nothing. To him you'll be a mean, low

interloper. But you won't care about that."

"Not in the least, if I can get the seat."

"But I'm afraid you won't. He will be elected. You'll petition. He'll

lose his seat. There will be a commission. And then the borough will

be disfranchised. It's a fine career, but expensive; and then there

is no reward beyond the self-satisfaction arising from a good action.

However, Ruddles will do the best he can for you, and it certainly

is possible that you may creep through." This was very disheartening,

but Barrington Erle assured our hero that such was Mr. Molescroft's

usual way with candidates, and that it really meant little or

nothing. At any rate, Phineas Finn was pledged to stand.

Phineas Redux · 第 1 / 80 章