I do not understand that our clergy throughout the United States are
rich. In some of the larger towns they may be comparatively so, but
in the country such is not the case. Goldsmith’s village preacher,
“passing rich with forty pounds a year,”--that is, about two hundred
dollars,--was not unlike large numbers of the clergy among us. Now,
Sir, to compel persons living on such a small allowance to pay two
hundred and fifty dollars for a substitute is really asking too much. I
think it unreasonable; and I think my colleague, who is pressing this
bill with so much energy, would adapt himself better to the sentiment
of the country and of civilization, if he admitted this natural and
humane exemption into his list.
The amendment was lost.
PROTEST AGAINST FOREIGN INTERVENTION, AND DECLARATION OF NATIONAL
PURPOSE.
CONCURRENT RESOLUTIONS OF CONGRESS, REPORTED IN THE SENATE FEBRUARY 28,
1863.
From the beginning of the Rebellion there had been constant
anxiety lest foreign powers, especially England and France,
should intervene in some way, by diplomacy, if not by arms. As
early as July, 1861, Russia made an offer of its good offices
between the contending parties, with warm expressions for the
integrity of the Union; but these were promptly declined.[148]
In October, 1862, the French Emperor instructed his ambassadors
at London and St. Petersburg to propose the coöperation of
the three Cabinets in obtaining a suspension of arms for six
months, and, if required, to be prolonged further, during which
every act of war, direct or indirect, should provisionally
cease, on sea and land. The Cabinets of England and St.
Petersburg both declined the proposition.[149] The French
Emperor then proceeded alone. By a despatch of M. Drouyn de
Lhuys, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to M. Mercier, the
Minister at Washington, dated January 9, 1863, his good offices
were tendered to the United States, in the view of facilitating
negotiations between the contending parties; but these were
declined by Mr. Seward, in a despatch to Mr. Dayton at Paris,
February 6, 1863.[150]
Meanwhile there were suggestions in the English press, and
also in Parliament, of intervention in some form. Sometimes
it was proposed that the independence of the Rebels should be
acknowledged.
The proposition from the French Emperor and the reply of Mr.
Seward, being communicated to the Senate, were, on motion of
Mr. Sumner, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and
February 28th he reported the following resolutions.
CONCURRENT RESOLUTIONS OF CONGRESS CONCERNING FOREIGN
INTERVENTION IN THE EXISTING REBELLION.
Whereas it appears from the diplomatic correspondence submitted to
Congress, that a proposition, friendly in form, looking to pacification
through foreign mediation, has been made to the United States by the
Emperor of the French, and promptly declined by the President; _and
whereas_ the idea of mediation or intervention in some shape may be
regarded by foreign governments as practicable, and such governments,
through this misunderstanding, may be led to proceedings tending to
embarrass the friendly relations which now exist between them and
the United States; _and whereas_, in order to remove for the future
all chance of misunderstanding on this subject, and to secure for
the United States the full enjoyment of that freedom from foreign
interference which is one of the highest rights of independent states,
it seems fit that Congress should manifest its convictions thereon:
_Therefore_--
_Resolved_ (_the House of Representatives concurring_), That,
while in times past the United States have sought and accepted the
friendly mediation or arbitration of foreign powers for the pacific
adjustment of _international_ questions, where the United States
were party of the one part and some other sovereign power party of
the other part; and while they are not disposed to misconstrue the
natural and humane desire of foreign powers to aid in arresting
_domestic_ troubles, which, widening in influence, have afflicted
other countries, especially in view of the circumstance, deeply
regretted by the American people, that the Rebel blow aimed at the
national life has fallen heavily upon the laboring population of
Europe; yet, notwithstanding these things, Congress cannot hesitate to
regard every proposition of foreign interference so far unreasonable
and inadmissible, that its only explanation can be found in a
misunderstanding of the true state of the question, and of the real
character of the war in which the Republic is engaged.
_Resolved_, That the United States are grappling with an unprovoked and
wicked Rebellion, which is seeking the destruction of the Republic,
that it may build a new power, whose corner-stone, according to the
confession of its chiefs, shall be Slavery; that for the suppression
of this Rebellion, thus saving the Republic and preventing the
establishment of such a power, the National Government is employing
armies and fleets, in full faith that the purposes of conspirators and
rebels will be crushed; that, while engaged in this struggle, on which
so much depends, any proposition from a foreign power, whatever form
it take, having for object the arrest of these efforts, is, just in
proportion to its influence, an encouragement to the Rebellion, and to
its declared pretensions, and on this account is calculated to prolong
and embitter the conflict, to cause increased expenditure of blood
and treasure, and to postpone the much desired day of peace; that,
with these convictions, and not doubting that every such proposition,
although made with good intent, is injurious to the national interests,
Congress will be obliged to look upon any further attempt in the same
direction as an unfriendly act, which it earnestly deprecates, to the
end that nothing may occur abroad to strengthen the Rebellion, or to
weaken those relations of good-will with foreign powers which the
United States are happy to cultivate.
_Resolved_, That the Rebellion, from its beginning, and far back even
in the conspiracy which preceded its outbreak, was encouraged by hope
of support from foreign powers; that its chiefs constantly represented
the people of Europe as so far dependent upon regular supplies of the
great Southern staple, that, sooner or later, their governments would
be constrained to take side with the Rebellion in some effective form,
even to the extent of forcible intervention, if the milder form did not
prevail; that the Rebellion is now sustained by this hope, which every
proposition of foreign interference quickens anew, and that without
this life-giving support it must soon yield to the just and paternal
authority of the National Government; that, considering these things,
which are aggravated by the motive of the resistance thus encouraged,
the United States regret that foreign powers have not frankly told the
chiefs of the Rebellion that the work in which they are engaged is
hateful, and that a new government, such as they seek to found, with
Slavery as its acknowledged corner-stone, and with no other declared
object of separate existence, is so far shocking to civilization
and the moral sense of mankind that it must not expect welcome or
recognition in the Commonwealth of Nations.
_Resolved_, That the United States, confident in the justice of their
cause, which is the cause of good government and of human rights
everywhere among men, anxious for the speedy restoration of peace,
which shall establish tranquillity at home and remove all occasion
of complaint abroad, and awaiting with well-assured trust the final
suppression of the Rebellion, through which all these things, rescued
from present peril, will be secured forever, and the Republic, one and
indivisible, triumphant over its enemies, will continue an example to
mankind, HEREBY ANNOUNCE, as their unalterable purpose, that the war
will be vigorously prosecuted, according to the humane principles of
Christian nations, until the Rebellion is overcome; and they reverently
invoke upon their cause the blessing of Almighty God.
_Resolved_, That the President be requested to transmit a copy of these
resolutions, through the Secretary of State, to the ministers of the
United States in foreign countries, that the protest and declaration
herein set forth may be communicated by them to the governments near
which they reside.
March 3d, on motion of Mr. Sumner, the Senate proceeded
to consider the resolutions. In reply to Mr. Powell, of
Kentucky, he remarked: “The resolutions speak for themselves,
and I content myself by simply asking for a vote.” Then,
in reply to Mr. Carlile, of West Virginia, he said: “These
resolutions proceed from the spontaneous deliberations of the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, without a suggestion
or hint from the Secretary of State or from any member of
the Administration; but I am able to state, that, since the
resolutions have been reported, they have the entire and
cordial approval of the Secretary of State, who has authorized
me to say that he takes a special interest in their adoption by
Congress.”
The resolutions passed the Senate by a vote of 31 yeas
to 5 nays. On the same day they passed the House of
Representatives,--Yeas 103, Nays 28.
Being concurrent resolutions of the two Houses, and not a joint
resolution, they were never submitted to the President for
approval; but, according to the request in the last resolution,
they were communicated by the Secretary of State in an official
note to our ministers abroad.
* * * * *
The reception of these resolutions at the time will appear by
an extract from the _Evening Post_ of New York.
“Mr. Sumner’s resolutions, which have so triumphantly
passed the National Legislature, and which receive at the
same time the cordial approval of the President and the
Cabinet, will deepen and justify the feeling in our favor.
They define our position with a distinctness that has not
always been attained in our official acts. They describe
boldly and vividly the nature of the Rebellion which has
destroyed our peace, tracing it wholly to the ambition
and selfishness of the Slaveholders, and warning foreign
nations of the awful crime they commit in lending their
aid to such an infamous assault upon all the principles of
orderly government, all the rights of humanity, and all the
best interests of Christian civilization. Every reflective
mind in Europe will know, after reading them, that whatever
encourages the Rebellion will encourage the most odious
tyranny that human cupidity ever devised.”
The speech on Foreign Relations, at New York, September 10,
1863,[151] was a vindication of these resolutions.