REMARKS IN THE SENATE, ON RESOLUTIONS AGAINST FRENCH INTERFERENCE IN
MEXICO, FEBRUARY 3, 1863.
In the Senate, January 19th, Mr. McDougall, a Democratic
Senator from California, introduced the following resolutions,
setting forth the duty of the United States to take steps
against French interference in Mexico.
“_Resolved by the Senate_ (_the House of Representatives
concurring_), That the present attempt by the Government of
France to subject the Republic of Mexico to her authority
by armed force is a violation of the established and known
rules of International Law, and that it is, moreover, a
violation of the faith of France, pledged by the treaty
made at London on the 31st day of October, 1861, between
the allied Governments of Spain, France, and England,
communicated to this Government over the signatures of the
representatives of the allies, by letter of the 30th day of
November, 1861, and particularly and repeatedly assured to
this Government through its minister resident at the Court
of France.
“_Resolved further_, That the attempt to subject the
Republic of Mexico to French authority is an act not merely
unfriendly to this Republic, but to free institutions
everywhere; and that it is regarded by this Republic as not
only unfriendly, but as hostile.
“_Resolved further_, That it is the duty of this Republic
to require of the Government of France that her armed
forces be withdrawn from the territories of Mexico.
“_Resolved further_, That it is the duty and proper office
of this Republic, now and at all times, to lend such aid to
the Republic of Mexico as is or may be required to prevent
the forcible interposition of any of the States of Europe
in the political affairs of that Republic.
“_Resolved further_, That the President of the United
States be requested to cause to be communicated to the
Government of Mexico the views now expressed by the two
Houses of Congress, and be further requested to cause to
be negotiated such treaty or treaties between the two
Republics as will best tend to make these views effective.”
February 3d, Mr. McDougall moved to take them up for
consideration. His motion was opposed by Mr. Sumner, who said,
among other things:--
But, Sir, if the Senate had abundant time, like a mere debating
society, and were free to select at will a topic for discussion, I
surely should object at this moment to a debate which must be not only
useless, but worse than useless. I forbear from details at present. I
wish to avoid them, unless rendered necessary. I content myself with
saying that the resolutions either mean something or they mean nothing.
If they mean nothing, surely the Senate will not enter upon their
discussion. If they mean anything, if they are not mere words, they
mean war, and this no common war, but war with a great and adventurous
nation, powerful in fleets and armies, bound to us by treaties and
manifold traditions, and still constant in professions of amity and
good-will. Sir, have we not war enough already on our hands, without
needlessly and wantonly provoking another? For myself, I give all that
I have of intellectual action, and will, and heart, to the suppression
of this Rebellion; and never, by my consent, shall the Senate enter
upon a discussion the first effect of which will be aid and comfort to
the Rebellion itself.
Mr. McDougall, in reply, said: “I trust the Senate will dare to
look the grave question of our foreign relations with France
and Mexico fairly, boldly, and openly in the face. I hope the
Senate will not take counsel of its fears.” Mr. Sumner followed.
MR. PRESIDENT,--I, too, hope that the Senate will dare do everything
that is right; but I hope that it will not dare to embarrass the
Government at this moment, and give aid and comfort to the Rebellion.
I do not say that the Senator means to give such aid and comfort, but
I do say that the very speech which has just fallen from him, to the
extent of its influence, will give aid and comfort. Can any Senator
doubt that all who sympathize with the Rebellion will rejoice to see
this Senate discussing the question of peace and war with a great
European power? Can any one doubt that the Rebels over the way will
rejoice and clap their hands, when they hear the tidings? Sir, I will
not give them any such encouragement. They shall not have it, if vote
or voice of mine can prevent. I, too, Sir, am for the freest latitude
of debate, but I am for the suppression of the Rebellion above and
before everything else; and the desires of the Senate must all yield
at this moment to the patriotic requirements of the country. There is
a time for all things. There is a time to weep, and there is a time
to laugh. I do not know, that, in the chapter of national calamities,
there may not be a time for further war; but I do say that the duty
of statesmanship here in this Chamber is to set the foot down at
once against any such proposition, which, just to the extent of its
recognition, must add to present embarrassments.
The resolutions were taken up for consideration by a vote of 29
yeas to 16 nays, when Mr. McDougall made an elaborate speech.
Mr. Sumner followed.
MR. PRESIDENT,--At the present moment there is one touchstone to which
I am disposed to bring every question, especially in our foreign
relations; and this touchstone is its influence on the suppression of
the Rebellion. A measure may in itself be just or expedient; but if it
would be a present burden, if it would add to our embarrassments and
troubles, and especially if it would aggravate our military condition,
then, whatever may be its merits, I am against it. To the suppression
of the Rebellion the country offers life and treasure without stint,
and it expects that these energies shall not be sacrificed or impaired
by the assumption of any added responsibilities.
If I bring these resolutions to this touchstone, they fail. They may
be right or wrong in fact and principle, but their influence at this
moment, if adopted, must be most prejudicial to the cause of the Union.
Assuming the tone of friendship to Mexico, they practically give to
the Rebellion a most powerful ally, for they openly challenge war with
France. There is madness in the proposition. I do not question the
motives of the Senator, but it would be difficult to conceive anything
more calculated to aid and comfort the Rebellion, just in proportion to
its adoption. Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof. The present
war is surely enough, without adding war with France.
I content myself with this protest, without following the Senator in a
discussion which must be unprofitable, if not pernicious.
I say nothing of France, whose power cannot be doubted, and whose
friendship I would carefully cultivate.
I say nothing of Mexico, our unhappy neighbor Republic, torn, as we now
are, except to declare sympathy and cordial good-will.
It is sufficient that the policy of the Senator from California,
without any certainty of good to Mexico, must excite the hostility of
France, and give to the Rebellion armies and fleets, not to mention
that recognition and foreign intervention which we deprecate.
Let us all unite to put down the Rebellion. This is enough for the
present.
If Senators are sensitive, when they see European monarchies again
setting foot on this hemisphere,--entering Mexico with their armies,
entering New Grenada with their influence, and occupying the ancient
San Domingo,--let them consider that there is but one way in which
this return of empire can be arrested. It is by the suppression of the
Rebellion. Let the Rebellion be overcome, and this whole continent
will fall naturally, peacefully, and tranquilly under the irresistible
influence of American institutions. Resolutions cannot do this, nor
speeches. I therefore move that the resolutions lie on the table.
The Senate went into Executive Session without a vote. The
resolutions came up again the next day, when, on motion of Mr.
Sumner, they were laid on the table, by a vote of yeas 34, nays
10.