THE RECONNAISSANCE FROM MASTUJ
While at Mastuj we heard from Jones the story of the disaster at
Koragh--which I will give.
Ross, with Jones and about ninety-three Sikhs, left Mastuj on the 7th
March, with the intention of helping Edwardes and Fowler, who were
believed to be in danger at Reshun, and marched to Buni; leaving a
detachment there of thirty-three sepoys under a native officer, he
marched with Jones and sixty men for Reshun, hoping to arrive there that
day.
After leaving Buni, the road runs for some distance along flat ground
until the junction of the Turikho and Yarkhun rivers is reached. At this
point the road leads up along the face of a cliff and then down on to a
small plain, where are a few houses and some patches of cultivation.
This is known as the village of Koragh, and immediately after, the river
runs between the cliffs, which draw together and make the mouth of the
defile. The path which follows the left bank crosses the débris fallen
from the cliffs above and then runs along the edge of the river at the
foot of another and smaller cliff, or in summer, when the river is full,
the path runs over this smaller cliff. Ross's party took the lower road.
After the second cliff the paths lead on to a small plain about two
hundred yards wide at its greatest width, and perhaps half a mile long,
and then runs up and across the face of a third cliff which drops sheer
down into the river. This cliff forms the end of the trap. It would be
hard to find a better place for an ambuscade.
Ross's advance guard was on this plain, approaching the spur which
closes the trap, when they were fired on. Ross went forward to
reconnoitre the ground, and at once saw the impossibility of driving the
enemy out with his small force, and therefore ordered Jones to go back
and hold the entrance of the defile to enable them to escape. On the
first shot being fired, the coolies had chucked their loads and bolted,
as likely as not helping to man the sangars enclosing the party. Jones,
taking ten men, made an attempt to reach the mouth of the defile, but
found it already occupied by the enemy, who had run up stone sangars,
and by the time he had got within a hundred yards of it, eight of his
ten men were wounded. He therefore fell back on the main party, who had
taken refuge in some caves at the foot of the cliff.
The caves, now half full of water, owing to the rising of the river, can
be seen in the photograph. The party remained in these caves till 9
P.M., when they made another attempt to cut their way out, but were
driven back by avalanches of stones. They then had to scale the
mountainside, but were stopped by an impossible cliff, and one sepoy,
falling over, was killed, so they came back to the caves dead tired.
Here they remained the whole of the next day, the enemy trying an
occasional shot from across the river, where they had erected sangars;
but the Sikhs had, in their turn, built sangars across the mouth of
their cave, which sheltered them.
Then the enemy tried rolling stones over the top of the cliff, but this
only had the effect of strengthening the sangars, so they shut that up.
During that day, Ross and Jones came to the conclusion that there was
nothing to be done but cut their way out; everyone must take his chance,
the rush to be made about 2 A.M. On the morning of the 10th,
accordingly, at the time fixed, they made their sortie.
A heavy fire was at once opened on them from both sides of the river,
while avalanches of stones were sent hurtling down the cliffs. A number
of sepoys were killed or knocked senseless by stones, but the remainder
reached the sangars, and cleared out the defenders at the point of the
bayonet. Here poor Ross was killed by a bullet through the head, after
having, so the natives say, pistolled some four of the enemy. The
latter, after being driven out of the sangars, bolted up the hillside,
and again opened fire from among the rocks. By the time the small band
reached the maidan, there were only some seventeen men, headed by Jones:
of these, Jones and nine others were wounded.
Here the little party formed up, and tried to help any more of their
friends who might be struggling through, by heavy volley-firing into the
sangars on both sides of the river. After some ten minutes of thus
waiting, during which they twice drove off attacks of the enemy's
swordsmen, who tried to close with them, and losing three more men,
Jones, noticing an attempt of the enemy to cut the line of retreat, and
despairing of any more of the detachment escaping, gave the order to
retire. This was carried out slowly and leisurely till they reached
Buni, at about 6 A.M., when they joined the detachment they had left
behind. Jones and his party remained in Buni till the 17th, the enemy
not daring to attack them, and they were unable to move, having no
transport for their wounded.
After Ross had left Mastuj, Moberly remained in command of the fort, and
on the 10th March was joined by Captain Bretherton of the Commissariat
who came in with two sepoys from Ghizr.
Moberly heard that Ross had left a small party at Buni, and though he
sent messengers to this party, he never received any reply, the
messengers probably being captured.
On the 13th, hearing that the enemy were occupying the Nisa Gol, a
position some six miles from Mastuj, he reconnoitred up to it, and found
some sangars, which he destroyed, but no enemy.
A reinforcement of sixty sepoys came in that day from Ghizr. The next
two days were spent in trying to collect coolies for transport, and on
the 16th, in spite of the non-arrival of any coolies, he set out to Buni
with a hundred and fifty sepoys, each man carrying a sheepskin coat, two
blankets, a hundred and twenty rounds of ammunition, and three days'
cooked rations.
He halted that night at Sanoghar, where he collected some fifty coolies,
and learned by signal from Mastuj that Bretherton was sending some fifty
Yarkhun coolies the next day--fifty Punyal Levies also joined him that
evening. Starting the next morning, he reached Buni by 5 P.M., when he
found Jones and the remains of the Sikhs. The return journey was begun
two hours later, at 7 P.M., and carried on steadily all night, a small
body of the enemy following, but not daring to attack. Mastuj was
reached between 10 and 11 A.M. the next day, 18th March.
By the 22nd March the enemy had surrounded the fort, and the siege
began. Nothing of any event happened, the enemy contenting themselves
with long-range firing, only one man being slightly wounded and two
ponies killed. On the 9th of April "up we came with our little lot," and
the siege was raised.
Early the next morning we were up and going through the state of the
supplies and available amount of transport.
Transport and supplies were an everlasting source of worry, as it
generally is with every army, great or small.
We soon got a return of the supplies in Mastuj. I forget how many days
it was, but none too much for our force and the Mastuj garrison.
Bretherton was sent back to bring up supplies from the rear, and
messengers were sent to order in the villagers. We wanted their grain to
eat, and men to carry it. The villagers began to come in after a bit,
and brought a small amount of grain with them.
Stewart was hard at work getting ponies for his guns in place of the
mules left behind; the gun wheel and carriage saddles were sent for, and
shortly arrived.
The Levies were billeted in the houses which had lately been occupied by
the enemy, and we soon had pickets out round the fort. In showing the
Levies the houses they were to occupy, I examined the enemy's system of
loopholes and sangars, and found they were very well made indeed. In the
house which had lately been occupied by Mahomed Issar, their
commander-in-chief we found the trunk of a tree which the enemy were
converting into a cannon. It didn't require cannon to bring the walls of
Mastuj down,--a good strong kick would have been quite sufficient.
Shortly after we had reached Chitral, Moberly reported that part of the
wall had fallen on a sleeping sepoy, who was luckily saved by some beams
catching and protecting him from being crushed by the débris. There was
no apparent cause for the collapse, but the man is supposed to have
sneezed.
The next day a fatigue party was sent out to Chokalwat to destroy the
enemy's sangars, and bury any dead bodies that might be lying about.
This party would also act as a covering party to Peterson, who was
expected to arrive that day. With Peterson came Bethune and Luard, all
very sick at having missed a fight. This detachment brought the strength
of the Pioneers up to four hundred rifles.
The Hunza and fifty Punyal Levies were sent to reconnoitre towards Nisa
Gol that day, and fifty more Punyals up the Yarkhun valley to forage.
The rest of the day was spent in writing reports, making out official
returns, and other necessary nuisances.
Colonel Kelly and I were writing in a tent pitched on the roof, and I
had pretty well got through my work by 5 P.M.; and then Colonel Kelly
had out the maps and returns of supplies, etc., and, Borradaile being
called, there was a small council of war.
As I have before said, Colonel Kelly had practically settled at Pingal
to advance by Killa Drasan, but the question was, when should we be in a
position to do so? Here came in that everlasting transport and supply
question. We could now, of course, cut down our baggage by leaving
behind warm clothes and poshteens, as the weather would be getting
hotter every day as we descended to lower latitudes; but this only meant
that the men would have to carry less themselves, and, try as we would,
it seemed as if we could only raise enough transport for seven days'
supplies, five on coolies and two days in the men's haversacks. It was
seven days' march to Chitral by the direct route, and though our
intelligence pointed to the fact that supplies in the Chitral fort were
probably plentiful, it was yet only summer. Then, again, we might, or we
might not, get supplies on the road. We worried the question up and down
and inside out, but we couldn't increase the transport by one coolie.
Borradaile was for going on. I said, "The first man in Chitral gets a
C.B."
Just then Raja Akbar Khan and Humayun came back, so we went out to hear
their report. Old Akbar smiled a fat smile all over his face, and
Humayun twirled his long moustache,--he has a fine black beard and
moustache and a deep bass voice. Akbar Khan curls his beard like an
Assyrian king, and smiles good-naturedly at everything.
They reported that they had seen the enemy building sangars, and that
there were many men, also cavalry. Their report was clear enough, and
from their description I could pretty well place the position of the
different sangars, as I had been over the ground with Harley on my
previous visit to Chitral. To make matters certain, I suggested that I
should reconnoitre the position next day. This was agreed to, and it was
also determined to attack the enemy on the 13th April, as it was no use
giving them time to entrench themselves more than we could help.
I started off about 9 A.M. on the morning of the 12th April, mounted on
a transport pony. I had about fifty Hunza and Punyal Levies, under
Humayun and Akbar Khan, with me; these two also had ponies, Akbar Khan
having managed to get two over the pass with great difficulty. It was a
lovely morning, and we were all very cheerful except Gammer Sing, who
wanted to come along with me; but as he had to get my kit sorted and put
right for the next day's march, I left him behind, but took his rifle
and ammunition.
We dropped over the bluff and forded the Laspur stream, which was
hardly over the men's knees, and then kept along the bed of the river,
with a few scouts well up the hills on our left, the Mastuj or Yarkhun
river protecting our right. After about two miles we came to a small
homestead and Humayun told me there was a wounded man inside; so in I
went, and found the poor beggar with his right leg smashed by a bullet
just above the knee. There were a lot of women and children and two men
in the house, his brothers, so I gave them a note to Luard, and told
them to carry the man into Mastuj, which they did. Luard set his leg,
and by this time he is no doubt well and happy.
Shortly after that, we climbed up from the bed of the river on to a
narrow ledge which ran along the foot of the hills about two hundred
feet above the river. Here we left our horses, and went scrambling along
among the fallen débris for about half a mile, when we came to the foot
of a stone slope, and I noticed our advanced guard had halted on the
top, and on asking the reason, Humayun said that the enemy were
occupying the next spurs. So up we went, and found the fact true enough,
but the next spur was some thousand yards away; so on we went across
that slope, and on to the next, eventually reaching a very nice little
place some eight hundred yards from the spur occupied by the enemy.
From here I could see pretty well the whole of the position occupied by
the enemy, except the end of the Nisa Gol nullah where it debouches on
to the river. I tried going up the hill, but that only made matters
worse, so I determined to sketch what I could see from here, and then
try across the river. In order not to be interrupted, I sent five men
well up the hill on to a spur, from whence they could see any man who
tried to sneak up for a shot, and spread out the rest in skirmishing
order to my front. Humayun and Akbar got behind a rock and went to
sleep, and I got out my telescope and set to work.
The enemy seemed rather interested in our proceedings--we could see
their heads bobbing up and down behind the sangars; but after we had
settled down, they gradually took courage, and, coming outside, sat down
to watch us. This was very nice of them, for very soon I had a complete
list of the garrison of each sangar, and from where I was could see the
sort of gun they were armed with,--a few rifles among the lower sangars,
and nearly all matchlocks among the higher and more inaccessible ones.
It was a calm, peaceful scene: the enemy sitting outside their sangars
sunning themselves; and my men lying down, a few watching, the rest
sleeping, one or two enjoying a friendly pipe.
Shortly after, we saw two gallant young sparks come riding along the
plain on the opposite side of the river, evidently having been sent by
the general to report on our proceedings. They pulled up opposite us and
watched us for a short time, and then one slipped off his horse, which
was led by the other behind a big boulder. Thinking they would merely
watch us, I shouted to my men to keep an eye on them, and went on
sketching. Presently there was a bang, and ping came a bullet over our
heads. The beggar was potting at us at about a thousand yards,
unpardonable waste of ammunition! I put a rock between us, and went on
sketching, everyone else did ditto, and presently our friend shut up,
but after a time, finding things slow, I suppose, he began again. This
seemed to annoy Humayun, who asked for the loan of my rifle, and he and
Akbar went dodging down the hill. They disappeared behind a dip in the
ground, and presently I saw them come out lower down among some bushes,
and gradually they worked their way down to the edge of the river about
eight hundred yards from our friend, who was calmly sitting in the open,
having occasional pot shots at us, while his friend had come out and was
evidently criticising the performance.
Presently there was a bang from our side of the river, and a spurt of
dust on the opposite maidan where the bullet struck. Humayun had
over-judged the distance. By the time he was ready for another shot,
our two friends were legging it across the plain as fast as their ponies
could gallop. He got in a couple of shots more, but they did not hurt
anybody.
As soon as Humayun commenced firing, the sangars in our front began
humming like a beehive and presently shot after shot came dropping among
us; the enemy evidently had plenty of ammunition, and for some minutes
things were quite lively; but, finding we made no response, they calmed
down gradually, and peace once more reigned supreme.
I chaffed old Humayun, when he came back, on his shooting powers, and he
grinned in response.
I now noticed rather a commotion among the garrison of the sangars
across the Nisa Gol nullah; the men began turning out, and one or two
ran towards the higher sangars, evidently passing on some news.
Presently I saw a crowd of men, mostly mounted, with others on foot
carrying flags. Then came a fat man in white, with a standard-bearer all
to himself. All the garrisons of the sangars turned out, and I counted
them--there were over a hundred in each.
The commander-in-chief rode up the whole length of the nullah, and then
walked up the spur on which are shown sangars Nos. 16 and 17 in the
sketch. Here he sat down, and, I have no doubt, calculated the odds on
his winning when the action came off. After a time he came down the
hill, and the procession moved down along the nullah and out of sight.
When I had finished my sketch, I shut up my telescope and said--
"Now we'll go across the river."
"Why do you want to cross the river?" said Humayun.
"I want to see the end of the nullah," said I.
"Their cavalry will get you," said he.
"What cavalry?" said I.
"You've just seen two of them," said he.
"Get out!" said I; "you're pulling my leg."
"Don't go," said he.
"I'm going," said I.
"Where the Sahib goes, I follow," said he.
"Come on, Ruth," said I. "'Whither thou goest, I will go!' I've heard
that remark before."
These hillmen have an extraordinarily exaggerated idea of cavalry. Any
young buck on a long-tailed screw is a Chevalier Bayard to them. Why,
you've only to move ten yards to your right or left in any part of the
country, and no cavalry could reach you, while you could sit and chuck
stones at them.
Down we dropped again into the river bed, leaving a few men to signal
any movement of the enemy while we were crossing. We had our ponies
brought up and rode across the stream, the men fording, then we
scrambled up the high slope of the opposite bank and shouted for the
remainder to follow.
A short distance up the hill, and I could see the end of the nullah,
with a large sangar covering the road. This was what I wished to know,
so, after a careful look, having seen all I wanted, we started homewards
by the opposite bank to that by which we had come, crossing the river
again by a bridge which Oldham had been employed the day before in
mending, and reached Mastuj by 1 P.M.
I gave in my report to Colonel Kelly, and then got out orders for the
next day's march.
I also suggested that some light scaling ladders should be made, as I
expected we should find them very useful in crossing the Nisa Gol.
Accordingly, Oldham set his Sappers to work, and by evening had ten
light scaling ladders ready, each about ten feet long, and light enough
to be carried by one man.
A certain amount of supplies and some coolies had been collected. The
guns had been mounted on ponies, and could now march along faster than
when carried by coolies.
Everything was ready for an early advance the next morning, so as a
little diversion we were photographed by Moberly. Moberly was coming out
the next day in command of a company of Kashmir troops; after the
expected fight, he would return to Mastuj to resume command, and the
Kashmir troops would be put under my charge.
The orders for next day were to march at 7 A.M., baggage to remain in
Mastuj till sent for, and then to come out under escort of part of the
garrison, who would escort back any wounded we might have, Luard coming
out in charge of the field hospital and returning with the wounded to
form a base hospital at Mastuj.
I managed to get a bottle of whiskey out of Moberly. It belonged, I
believe, to Fowler, but as he was either a prisoner or dead, he wouldn't
require the whiskey. I also replenished my store of chocolate.