There being in very truth no new thing under the sun, it would be

egotistical in the highest degree, and absurd, to assert positively that

the argument about to be advanced is at all novel, though it may

certainly appear strange. It is, however, original so far as I am

concerned, for I have not seen it hinted at before by anyone, much less

carried to a conclusion. Whether there be any warrant for it or no is a

point for others, who have a greater capacity for distinguishing reason

in probabilities than I can lay claim to, to determine for themselves.

It is admitted by all writers who have studied the subject of

bookbinding from its historical aspect, that, as the monks of the Middle

Ages were the sole producers of books, so also they were the only

binders, and that the record of their achievements dates from about 520

A.D., when Dagaeus, the Irish monk, practised his art, to the invention

of printing from movable types by Gutenberg and Fust nearly a thousand

years later. Not merely in England, but all over Europe, the monks were

practically the sole custodians of knowledge during the earlier part of

this period; they alone produced books, they alone bound them, they

alone could read them. There were, no doubt, laymen who could read and

write, but neither accomplishment was general in the outer world. King

Alfred (A.D. 870) was a scholar; William the Conqueror, two centuries

later, could neither read nor write.

The Stowe MS. No. 960 contains all that remains of the register of Hyde

Abbey, Winchester, from the time of King Canute, one of its earliest

benefactors, to the Dissolution. Among the many interesting articles in

this Stowe manuscript there is one which exceeds all the rest in

interest, for it bears the actual cross, sign or signature made by

William in testimony that he had granted 9 hides of land to the monks,

in exchange for the site of the cemetery in the city of Winchester. The

King has drawn with a quill a rude and most illiterate cross, if such a

thing can be imagined. The ink has not flown evenly from a pen

evidently held in a perpendicular position with tremulous and infirm

grip. Each line begins with a splutter, and at the point of

intersection there is what looks suspiciously like a blot. It is

obvious at the first glance that King William, though a man of many

accomplishments eminently useful in those days, was accustomed to wield

the battle-axe rather than the pen. And this was so general for

centuries after his day that, but for the monks, there would have been

no learning at all, and no books all that time.

It is unnecessary to refer to this phase of the matter further than to

say that all the ancient and medieval European manuscripts which still

exist were written by ecclesiastics, and doubtless bound by them as

well. Manuscripts of the ninth century, beautifully encased in ivory,

silver and gold, and sometimes encrusted with precious stones, are still

extant. These are undoubtedly monkish, and the question arises, What

has become of the vast bulk of which these are but a remnant? What has

become of the old English libraries that existed in hundreds at the time

of the Reformation? Were they, all but a very few, wantonly destroyed

by those who undertook the spoliation of the monasteries, or did many

escape them? and if so, where are they now? The suggestion that

innumerable volumes, particularly those which were handsomely and

expensively bound, would never be seen by the raiders at all is not so

improbable as it may at first sight appear, when we come to consider the

facts.

In November, 1534, an Act of Parliament declared that 'the King's

Highness was the supreme head of the Church of England, and had

authority to reform and redress all errors, heresies, and abuses in the

same.' This Act was speedily followed up, for in 1535 Cromwell, in his

capacity of Vicar-General, proceeded to make a visitation of the

monasteries, where he is said to have found such evidences of shameless

immorality that another Act was passed, transferring such of these

establishments to the Crown as were not of the annual value of L200.

The number of religious houses at this time dissolved, raided and sacked

amounted to 376. With diabolical minuteness the revenues of each and all

were estimated to the last penny. Bangor was worth L151 3s., and was

accordingly seized on the spot. St. David easily escaped for the time

being, for the revenue of that monastery proved to be L426 2s. 1d. St.

Asaph, being assessed at L202 10s., escaped an early wreck by L2 10s.

It was the same all over England and Wales. The revenue was estimated,

and if it fell below L200, the monastery was at once filled with armed

men, while Cromwell's experts stripped the walls of their arras, seized

the gold and silver vessels, tore up the books, scoured the

neighbourhood round about for game, tapped the vintage, and thoroughly

enjoyed themselves in their own peculiar way.

It is recorded that priceless books and manuscripts were wantonly

destroyed, tombs sacrilegiously broken to pieces for the sake of the

metal, often merely lead or brass, that extolled the virtues or the

lineage of those who slept below; silver and gold plate of exquisite

workmanship, and of a degree of antiquity rarely, if ever, seen now,

were melted down and sold by weight; buildings of an architectural

beauty unsurpassed anywhere were wantonly defaced, and in many cases

dismantled, for the sake of the materials, and in the midst of this

disgraceful scene of plunder and desecration, the destroyers fought with

one another as desperately as Roman gladiators of the days of Nero, for

the possession of some coveted jewel or ornament that all wanted and

only one could have.

Now here comes the crux of the argument. Only the smaller houses were

dissolved at this time, and unless human nature were totally different

in the days of Henry VIII. from what it is now, unless the Abbots of

Furness, Bolton, Fountains, and other large and extremely rich

monasteries, looked on unmoved while their humbler brethren were

stripped to the skin and flung destitute into the lanes and ditches to

die, then it is morally certain that they would take steps to protect

themselves, as far as lay in their power, from the fury of the storm

which they must have known would shortly burst over their heads. Unless

they were wholly infatuated, they would cautiously and gradually remove

their choicest possessions, their basins, images, censers, crucifixes

and chalices, and above all their precious volumes, with which the very

history and fortunes of the abbey were associated, and bury them deep

down, perhaps fifteen or twenty feet, under the walls.

The ruin brought at this time upon all that was priceless by reason of

its antiquity and associations is incalculable, and the only ray of

consolation let in upon these dark days' doings is that the Abbots of

the larger monasteries, taking warning from what they saw going on all

around, may have buried their choicest possessions, where, perhaps, they

will be found some of these days, when the plough shall furrow up the

dust of Furness or Denever.

Many of the inventories taken by the King's agents are extant. One of

them, that of Fountains, taken just before the Dissolution, will suffice

to show what is meant. The value of all the plate, gold and silver,

amounted to L708 5s. 9-3/4d.--a comparatively small sum, seeing that the

cattle, sheep and swine belonging to the abbey were of much greater

value. Not a single book of any kind is scheduled, and yet the library

of Fountains was at one time the most extensive and important in

Yorkshire. As the Knights Templars buried their gold under the high

altar in the church of the New Temple, yet standing within sound of the

roar of Fleet Street, in order to protect it against the rapacity of

Edward I., so it is suggested that the Abbots of Fountains and other

surviving houses buried their treasures in the most sacred place they

could think of, thereby handing them over, as it were, to God and the

right, rather than abandon them to the tender mercies of man.

Now, this is merely an argument based upon probability; it cannot, from

the very nature of the case, be supported by a scrap of evidence, and

yet it carries with it such a ring of truth in my ears that, were I the

happy owner of one of those fast-crumbling piles which still rear their

rugged fronts to the sky, I would, by all the enamels of Limoges, by the

ivory, gold and silver, and rubies which make up this glamour of

bindings unseen, put the argument to the test without hesitation and

regardless of cost.

Monastic bindings of English workmanship are not, as we may well

understand, distinguished as a rule for extreme beauty. The gorgeous

covers that protected illuminated manuscripts, themselves extremely

valuable, were in vogue at a very early period, long before the

invention of printing, and the vast majority were probably either hidden

away as suggested, or destroyed. In any case, however, they must have

been rare even a thousand years ago--as rare, indeed, as the

exceptionally fine missals and breviaries they protected, some of which

would take a monk his lifetime to produce. We find that by the

fourteenth century monastic bindings were usually serviceable and plain,

and that it was only occasionally that rich materials were employed, as,

for example, when a King's library was added to, or some important

monastery gave a special order by way of continuing the traditions of

the house, and showing that time had not in any way curtailed its

glories. The most interesting ancient bindings that yet survive to us

consist of a specimen of the work of the monk Dagaeus, which dates from

about 520 A.D., and a manuscript known as the 'Textus Sanctus

Cuthberti,' bound in velvet with a broad silver border, and inlaid with

gems, by the first English binder, one Bilfred, a monk of Durham, who

was living at the beginning of the eighth century. This is the holy

volume that was swallowed up by the sea, and, according to the old

legend, restored out of respect for the memory of the saint, or perhaps

that of the monk or both.

We have, therefore, two styles of monastic bindings--one resplendent in

gold, ivory, and precious stones, and the other of a more sober

character for ordinary and daily use. The latter were of wood covered

with embossed leather, or with plain shark skin, or even seal. They

were ponderous, massive folios of great weight and durability, protected

in vulnerable parts with brass or iron bosses and corner-plates. We

find them produced as a matter of course to about the time of the

Renaissance, when they gradually gave place to smaller books bound in

velvet or silk, and embroidered by abbesses and nuns, and so the custom

prevailed until the days of the first printers, when calf and morocco

were introduced from the East by the Venetians, and pigskin or thick

parchment became fashionable. Prior to this time oaken boards formed

the groundwork of every binding, and to this day the word 'boards' is in

general use, although the reason for its existence obtains no longer.

The Italians were the first to awaken to a sense of the propriety of

things, and the modern collector to whom bindings appeal with an

irresistible force instinctively turns to the first Italian era to

supply him with some of the rarest and choicest examples of the art.

The commoner monastic bindings have no beauty in his eyes, and those of

a superior order and more costly finish are practically interred within

the walls of great public institutions, from which they will, in the

nature of things, never emerge. For some reason or other the finest

binding loses its glamour, if not its interest, when exhibited in a

glass case. We must have these things for our own before we can

appreciate them to the full. What more melancholy mortal than a public

curator trying to work himself up into a state of enthusiasm as he

describes the objects committed to his care? They are mere pots and pans

and 'things,' but yet how different if he had them all at home!

But to return to our bindings. Let it be observed that with the

invention of printing, and the consequent production of books in a more

portable form, the modern style of binding was gradually introduced.

These were the days of deep-toned leathers, ornamented in gold and

variegated colours, and executed for wealthy and powerful Italian

families, who employed skilful artists to draw the designs, often

consisting of geometrical interfacings or foliage, such as Maioli and

Grolier rejoiced in.

This style of ornamenting leather came from the East, as did the

Saracenic rope ornament, which was perhaps the first design to take the

fancy of Italian workmen. The general appearance of this rope design

reminds one of the frontispiece to a certain 'Biography of Jack Ketch,'

which someone brought out a few years ago. The half-length portrait of

the hero is within a graceful border of ropes intertwined, there are

ropes tumbling from the clouds, and he holds a rope in his hand, as if

ready to begin. Behind, so far as my memory serves me, there is the

frowning portal of Newgate, festooned with fetters. A panel of

Saracenic rope-design set on end reminds one of this frontispiece, and

we listen instinctively for the tolling of the prison bell.

The celebrated printer Aldus Manutius seems to have been the first to

rebel against such sinister designs as these, and, moreover, he was the

friend of Jean Grolier and Thommaso Maioli, princes among book-lovers,

and artists by nature. Aldus often bound the books he printed in smooth,

rich morocco, tooled in gold to various patterns of elaborate design,

and to him we doubtless owe much of the improvement in binding which

became so marked at the beginning of the sixteenth century. His were,

indeed, publishers' bindings produced by rule of thumb, but they are not

on that account less worthy of interest, for the name of Aldus is one to

conjure with in all things bookish.

The Thommaso Maioli to whom reference has been made exercised a much

greater influence than Aldus ever did in the matter of bindings, for his

were the models on which were fashioned the designs of later collectors,

not merely of Italy, but of France and other European countries.

Maioli's designs are free and open, in a style suggestive of Eastern

influence, but reduced to earth and reality by perpendicular and

perfectly straight lines. His library was open to his friends, and most

of his books were lettered on the covers 'Tho. Maioli et amicorum,'

qualified sometimes by other words of different import, 'Ingratis

servire nephas.' Very likely Maioli was on occasion the victim of some

too ardent bibliophile, who would think nothing of borrowing, and

perhaps also of some Philistine, who left ruin in the trail of his dirty

or heavy fingers.

So, too, Jean Grolier, whom Dibdin ludicrously turns into a bookbinder,

but who was, in fact, the French contemporary and twin soul of Maioli,

chose to follow the traditions of all true book-lovers, and his covers

also bear the courteous invitation to friends, 'Io Grolierii et

amicorum,' though he too found occasion to alter it from time to time.

The bindings of Maioli and Grolier, worked out and finished most

probably at Venice for the most part, are highly valued by collectors

all over the world, and they are indeed worthy of all the attention they

receive.

The bindings of Maioli are more difficult to meet with than those of

Grolier, because the library of the latter numbered some 8,000 volumes,

and was eventually sold by auction and dispersed broadcast. Grolier's

descendants had no false sentiment in their composition; the 'amici'

were themselves, and they acted in their own interests, in strict

accordance with their interpretation of the family motto. Besides, in

those days, though the love of books raged furiously in isolated

breasts, in general it was cold, and no one could probably have been

found to take over the entire library, or even that considerable portion

of it which at the last lay among the dust and cobwebs of the Hotel de

Vic.

Rarer than any of this period, however, are the medallion bindings of

Demetrio Canevari, physician to Pope Urban VII., who was living in the

year 1600. In all probability Canevari merely inherited his books, for

their covers belong to an earlier period. Still, whatever the fact in

this respect, they are called after his name, and are very scarce,

notwithstanding that the whole library was intact at Genoa until 1823.

Libri thought that these delicate and elaborate bindings had never been

surpassed, and certainly they are very beautiful, with their cameos in

gold, silver, and colours enriched with classical portraits and

mythological scenes.

But to the lover of bindings it is Grolier, Grolier, Grolier; from the

haunting music of that name there is no escape, and, moreover, Grolier

even in death was great. The Emperor Charles V. did not disdain to

follow his taste, while Francis I. was completely carried away by it,

his bindings, as soon as he could shake off the early influence of

Etienne Roffet, being magnificently Grolieresque, blazing with gold and

the brightest colours. Then came Henri II. and the accomplished Diane de

Poictiers, whose emblems, the crescent moon, the bow, quiver and arrows

of the chase, are invariably found associated with the initial of the

King. Diane was the royal mistress, and seems to have had a passion for

blending the two linked D's with the regal H. This joint monogram was

on the walls and furniture of her Chateau of Anet, and still stares us

out of countenance occasionally from behind glass doors. Diane, however,

so long as she had it in her power--that is to say, until 1559, when the

King died--did everything she could to introduce a taste for magnificent

and sumptuous bindings into France; to eclipse once and for all time the

efforts of every book-lover who had preceded her. In a measure she

succeeded, and certainly no good books come to us, when they come at

all, which is but seldom, breathing more of romance than these volumes

which Diane treasured till her dying day, in spite of Court frowns and

persecution. Her library, which was a very extensive one, remained

intact at Anet until 1723, when it was sold.

It would be almost an endless task to name all the patrons of artistic

bindings who lived in France up to about the time of the Revolution.

There was the legitimate Queen of Henri II., Catherine de Medicis, a

descendant of the great Lorenzo, called the Magnificent, whose books are

often covered in white calf, powdered with golden flowers. This lady

was an enthusiastic book-lover, who, when she died, left a library of

some 4,000 volumes, most of which are still to be seen in the

Bibliotheque Nationale.

Then we must not forget her son, Francis II., who married the

unfortunate Mary, Queen of Scots. His bindings, whether stamped with

the golden dolphin or with a monogram in which his own and the Queen's

initials are interlaced, are extremely scarce, and worth much gold.

Francis was only seventeen when he died, and had, consequently, no time

to become thoroughly saturated with the intense longing for beautiful

decorations which probably did much to set Catherine de Medicis and the

fair Diane by the ears. His younger brother, afterwards Henri III., had

greater opportunities for indulging his tastes in this respect, and the

history of his bibliopegic life, so to speak, is full of strange

surprises.

Like all other bindings with a history, specimens from the library of

this gloomy and taciturn monarch are very rarely met with. They are

distinctly worth looking at, however, especially by those of a morbid

turn of mind. They are more suggestive than the Saracenic rope style,

and infinitely more eloquent of woe. Henri ought to have married the

Princess Conde, but she died, and the young King, then about twenty-four

years old, and apparently influenced by the example of his father and

mother, turned for consolation to his library, and the designing of

emblems congenial to his mood.

These consist, at least at this period, when his grief was young and

fresh, of skulls garnished with cross-bones, tears, and other emblems of

the grave. They are, in their way, absolutely unique, and much more

remarkable than the curled snake of Colbert or the three towers of

Madame de Pompadour. The bindings of Henri III., though uncongenial to

most tastes, are of excellent design and workmanship, for Nicholas and

Clovis Eve were living in his day, and better artists than they proved

themselves to be it would be hopeless to look for. It was one or other

of the brothers who introduced the fanfare style, which resolved itself

finally into a profusion of small flourished ornaments, so closely

worked together that a volume bound in this way looked as though picked

out ethereally with sprays, scrolls, and showers of golden rain. The

fanfare style was, so it is said, introduced to put an end to the

suicidal gloom that had overtaken the Court of Henri III.

That monarch, though a bad man, was probably the most original thinker

in the matter of bindings who ever lived, for De Thou's plan of

inventing a fresh design every time he got married resolved itself into

nothing more than a series of heraldic changes, and De Thou is generally

credited with a considerable amount of ingenuity, and regarded as a

person distinctly worth collecting on account of the variations in which

he is found, and for other reasons. Every book which touches, however

remotely, on the subject of bindings never fails to give the armorial

bearings of De Thou at different periods of his life; and we must pass

on to Marguerite de Valois; not the celebrated Queen of Navarre who

wrote the 'Heptameron' in her youth, but the daughter of Henri II.,

already mentioned as a great lover of bindings. Marguerite very

appropriately, having regard to the origin of her name, chose designs of

daisies, which she placed in oval compartments bearing the quarterings

of Valois, the whole being surrounded with leafy and branching

scroll-work. Clovis Eve was her binder, and the work he turned out at

this period is in his best style.

The history of bookbinding takes a curious turn at this epoch. Hitherto

we have heard more of the patron than of the artist, a state of things

which from this time forth exists no longer. I would not commit myself

to the assertion that Marguerite de Valois, who, by the way, died in

1615, was the last of the great collectors who eclipsed the reputation

of the binders they employed; but I know that about this period we begin

to hear more of the workman and less of the patron. When everybody of

the least importance begins to collect books, and to have them bound in

specially designed covers, the artist rises on the ashes of the amateur,

whose day is from that time forth over and gone, except in the limited

circle in which he moves. So it was at the epoch which immediately

followed the death of Marguerite de Valois. The Eves had forced their

way into notice in spite of the overwhelming presence of Henri II.,

Diane de Poictiers and Charles IX., Henri III. and IV., and other

less-exalted persons; and now Le Gascon made his presence felt still

more forcibly than they.

Le Gascon, who is identified with one Florimond Badier, introduced a

style of ornamentation known as _pointille_, consisting of graceful

geometrical designs worked out with innumerable minute gold dots,

usually on a ground of bright scarlet. The effect of a perfectly fresh

and bright binding by Le Gascon must have been brilliant in the extreme;

but, alas! the cost was something phenomenal, and the style, after being

parodied and imitated by mechanical process, finally died out in France

some thirty-five years after its introduction. Mazarin was the great

patron of Le Gascon, and many books which once belonged to the great

Cardinal are found with ornamentation, arms and motto--'His Fulta

Manebunt'--laboriously picked out in the beautiful _pointille_ style.

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