The history of Zen dates with the coming of Bodhi-Dharma
(Bodai-Daruma)[4.19] from the west, 520 A.D. He came to China with a
special message which is summed up in the following lines:
“A special transmission outside the scriptures;
No dependence upon words and letters;
Direct pointing at the soul of man;
Seeing into one’s nature and the attainment of Buddhahood.”
These four lines as describing the principles of Zen teaching as
distinguished from other schools of Buddhism already in existence
in China were formulated later and not by Dharma himself. We cannot
exactly tell who was the real author, as we have no definite
information on this subject. One historian, Tsung-chien,[4.20] who
compiled from the T‘ien-tai point of view a Buddhist history entitled
_The Rightful Lineage of the Śākya Doctrine_ in 1237, ascribes it
to Nansen Fu-gwan[4.21]; probably the formula originated in those
days when Baso (Ma-tsu), Hyakjo (Pai-chang), Obaku (Huang-po), Sekito
(Shih-tou) and Yakusan (Yüeh-shan)[4.22] were flourishing in the “West
of the River” and in the “South of the Lake.” Since then they have been
regarded as characteristically Zen, and it was Dharma that breathed
this spirit into the minds of the Chinese Buddhists. The latter had
more or less been given up, on the one hand, to philosophising, and, on
the other hand, to practising contemplation. They were not acquainted
with the direct method of Zen which was to see straightway into the
truth of Enlightenment and attain Buddhahood without going through so
many stages of preparation prescribed by the scholars.
* * * * *
Our knowledge of the life of Bodhi-Dharma comes from two sources, the
one which the earliest record we have of him is by Tao-hsüan[4.23]
in his _Biographies of the High Priests_ which was compiled early in
the T‘ang dynasty, A.D. 645. The author was the founder of a Vinaya
sect in China and a learned scholar, who however was living before the
movement of the new school to be known as Zen came into maturity
under Hui-nêng, the sixth patriarch, who was nine years old when
Tao-hsüan wrote his _Biographies_. The other source is the _Records of
the Transmission of the Lamp_, A.D. 1004, compiled by Tao-yüan[4.24]
early in the Sung dynasty. This was written by a Zen monk after Zen had
received full recognition as a special branch of Buddhism, and contains
sayings and doings of its masters. The author often refers to some
earlier Zen histories as his authorities which are however lost now
being known by the titles only.
It is quite natural that these two accounts of the life of Bodhi-Dharma
should vary at several points. The first was written when Zen was
not yet fully established as a school, and the second by one of the
Zen masters. In the first, Dharma, the founder of Zen, is treated as
one of the many other Buddhist priests eminent in various fields as
translators, commentators, scholars, Vinaya-followers, masters of
meditation, possessors of miraculous virtues, etc., and Dharma could
not naturally occupy in such a history any very prominent position
distinguishing himself from the other “high priests.” He is described
merely as one of those “masters of meditation” whose conception of
dhyana did not differ from the old traditional one as was practised by
the Hinayana followers. Tao-hsüan did not understand the message of
Dharma in its full signification, though he could read in it something
not quite of the so-called “practice of meditation.” And therefore
it is sometimes argued by scholars that there is not much of Zen in
Tao-hsüan’s account of Dharma worthy of its first Chinese promulgator
and that therefore Dharma could not be so regarded as is claimed by the
followers of the Zen school of Buddhism. But this is not doing justice
to Zen, nor to Tao-hsüan who never thought of writing a Zen history
before Zen came to be known as such. Tao-hsüan could not be a prophetic
historian. While the biographical history of Tao-yüan contains much
that is to be discredited as regards the life of Bodhi-Dharma,
especially as regards that part of his life before he came to China,
we have reason to believe that the greater part of Tao-yüan’s account
of Dharma’s doings after his arrival in China is historical. In
this latter respect, Tao-hsüan must be taken as complementing Tao-yüan.
It is not quite in accord with the spirit of fair critical judgment to
be partial to one authority at the expense of the other without duly
weighing all the historically known circumstances that contributed to
the making of these histories.
According to Tao-hsüan, Bodhi-Dharma left many writings or sayings
which were apparently still in circulation at the time of the author
of the _Biographies of the High Priests_, but the only authentic
writing of the Zen founder’s at present in our possession is a very
short one which is preserved in Tao-hsüan’s _Biographies_ as well
as in Tao-yüan’s Records. There are some other essays ascribed to
Dharma,[f80] but most of which, though deeply imbibing the spirit
of Zen, are spurious except one which I am inclined to think to be
genuinely his. It is entitled “On the Pacification of the Soul.”[4.26]
Together with the first one which is generally known under the title,
“Meditation on Four Acts,”[4.27] we have just two pieces of writings
handed down as Dharma’s. Though I do not think that “The Meditation
on Four Acts” could be the best possible specimen of writing to be
bequeathed by the founder of Zen, which will admit us straightway into
the very essence of Zen, I will give here an English translation of it
as the most reliable essay of Bodhi-Dharma, the first patriarch of Zen
in China.
There are two versions as I said before of this writing, the one in the
_Biographies_ and the other in the _Records_, and they do not quite
agree with each other in some points. The main drift is the same, but
in detail they vary. The question now is, which is the more original
one? Chronologically, the _Biographies_ were compiled earlier than
the _Records_, but the latter presupposes some earlier writings which
were utilised for its compilation. We have no means to ascertain the
reliability of the documents thus made use of, and then the authority
of the _Biographies_ is not absolute. Therefore, the only profitable
method of judging the respective merit of the two versions is to
compare them from the literary point of view and see what light such
comparison will shed on the nature of each. The result I have reached
is that the author of the _Biographies_ used the one preserved in the
_Records_, which is more faithful to the original if there were any
such besides this very version. The reason for this conclusion is that
Dharma’s writing appears much improved after the editing of Tao-hsüan,
the author of the _Biographies_; for he had to edit it for his own
purposes. Thus edited,[f81][4.28] Dharma’s writing is now in a better
style, that is, more concise, more to the point, and more refined. For
this reason the following translation[4.29] is made from Tao-yüan’s
_Records_ in which the author had every reason to reproduce the
original as it stood.
“[Bodhi-Dharma], the Teacher of the Law, was the third son of a great
Brahman king in South India, of the Western Lands. He was a man
of wonderful intelligence, bright and far-reaching; he thoroughly
understood everything that he ever learned. As his ambition was to
master the doctrine of the Mahayana, he abandoned the white dress of a
layman and put on the black robe of monkhood, wishing to cultivate the
seeds of holiness. He practised contemplation and tranquillisation, he
knew well what was the true significance of worldly affairs. Inside and
outside, he was transpicuous; his virtues were more than a model to
the world. He was grieved very much over the decline of the orthodox
teaching of the Buddha in the remoter parts of the earth. He finally
made up his mind to cross over land and sea and come to China and
preach his doctrine in the kingdom of Wei. Those that were spiritually
inclined gathered about him full of devotion, while those that could
not rise above their own one-sided views talked about him slanderingly.
“At the time there were only two monks called Tao-yih and Hui-k‘ê,
who while yet young had a strong will and desire to learn higher
things. Thinking it a great opportunity of their lives to have such a
teacher of the Law in their own land, they put themselves under his
instruction for several years. Most reverently they followed
him, asked questions to be enlightened, and observed his directions
well. The Teacher of the Law was moved by their spirit of sincerity
and disciplined them in the true path, telling them, ‘This is the
way to obtain peace of mind,’ and ‘This is the way to behave in the
world,’ ‘This is the way to live harmoniously with your surroundings,’
and ‘This is the upāya (means).’ These being the Mahayana ways to
keep the mind tranquil, one has to be on guard against their wrongful
applications. By this mental pacification _Pi-kuan_[f82] is meant;
by this behaviour, the Four Acts; by this harmony with things, the
protection from slander and ill-disposition; and by this Upāya,
detachment.
“Thus I[f83] have briefly stated the story of what follows.
“There are many ways to enter the Path, but briefly speaking they
are of two sorts only. The one is ‘Entrance by Reason’ and the other
‘Entrance by Conduct.’ By ‘Entrance by Reason’ we mean the realisation
of the spirit of Buddhism by the aid of the scriptural teaching. We
then come to have a deep faith in the True Nature which is one and the
same in all sentient beings. The reason why it does not manifest itself
is due to the overwrapping of external objects and false thoughts. When
one, abandoning the false and embracing the true, and in simpleness
of thought abides in _Pi-kuan_ 壁觀, one finds that there is neither
selfhood nor otherness, that the masses and the worthies are of one
essence, and firmly holds on to this belief and never moves away
therefrom. He will not then be guided by any literary instructions,
for he is in silent communion with the principle itself, free from
conceptual discrimination, for he is serene and not-acting. This
is called ‘Entrance by Reason.’
“By ‘Entrance by Conduct’ is meant the Four Acts in which all other
acts are included. What are the four? 1. How to requite hatred; 2. To
be obedient to karma; 3. Not to seek after anything; and 4. To be in
accord with the Dharma.
“1. What is meant by ‘How to requite hatred’? Those who discipline
themselves in the Path should think thus when they have to struggle
with adverse conditions: During the innumerable past ages I have
wandered through multiplicity of existences, all the while giving
myself to unimportant details of life at the expense of essentials, and
thus creating infinite occasions for hate, ill-will, and wrong-doing.
While no violations have been committed in this life, the fruits of
evil deeds in the past are to be gathered now. Neither gods nor men
can foretell what is coming upon me. I will submit myself willingly
and patiently to all the ills that befall me, and I will never bemoan
or complain. In the Sutra it is said not to worry over ills that may
happen to you. Why? Because through intelligence one can survey [the
whole chain of causation]. When this thought arises, one is in concord
with the principle because he makes the best use of hatred and turns it
into the service in his advance towards the Path. This is called the
‘way to requite hatred.’
“2. By ‘being obedient to karma’ is meant this: There is no self
(_ātman_) in whatever beings that are produced by the interplay of
karmaic conditions; pain and pleasure we suffer are also the results of
our previous action. If I am rewarded with fortune, honour, etc., this
is the outcome of my past deeds which by reason of causation affect
my present life. When the force of karma is exhausted, the result I
am enjoying now will disappear; what is then the use of being joyful
over it? Gain or loss, let us accept karma as it brings us the one or
the other, the spirit itself knows neither increase nor decrease. The
wind of gladness does not move it as it is silently in harmony with the
Path. Therefore this is called ‘being obedient to karma.’
“3. By ‘not seeking after anything’ is meant this: Men of the
world, in eternal confusion, are attached everywhere to one thing or
another, which is called seeking. The wise however understand the
truth and are not like the vulgar. Their minds abide serenely in the
uncreated while the body turns about in accordance with the laws of
causation. All things are empty and there is nothing desirable and
to be sought after. Wherever there is the merit of brightness there
follows the demerit of darkness. This triple world where one stays
too long is like a house on fire; all that has a body suffers, and
who would ever know what is rest? Because the wise are thoroughly
acquainted with this truth, they get never attached to anything that
becomes, their thoughts are quieted, they never seek. Says the Sutra:
Wherever there is seeking, there you have sufferings; when seeking
ceases, you are blessed. Thus we know that not to seek is verily
the way to the truth. Therefore I preach to you not ‘to seek after
anything.’
“4. By ‘being in accord with the Dharma’ is meant that the reason in
its essence is pure which we call the Dharma, and that this reason is
the principle of emptiness in all that is manifested, as it is above
defilements and attachments, and as there is no Self or Other in it.
Says the Sutra: In the Dharma there are no sentient beings, because
it is free from the stains of being; in the Dharma there is no Self
because it is free from the stain of selfhood. When the wise understand
this truth and believe in it, their conduct will be ‘in accordance with
the Dharma.’
“As the Dharma in essence has no desire to possess, the wise are ever
ready to practise charity with their body, life, property, and they
never begrudge, they never know what an ill grace means. As they have
a perfect understanding of the threefold nature of emptiness, they are
above partiality and attachment. Only because of their will to cleanse
all beings of their stains, they come among them as of them, but they
are not attached to the form. This is known as the inner aspect of
their life. They however know also how to benefit others, and again how
to glorify the path of enlightenment. As with the virtue of charity,
so with the other five virtues [in the Prajñāpāramitā]. That the
wise practise the six virtues of perfection is to get rid of confused
thoughts, and yet they are not conscious of their doings. This is
called ‘being in accord with the Dharma.’”
* * * * *
The doctrine of the Two Entrances is evidently taken from the
_Vajrasamādhi-sūtra_[f84]; and that of the Four Acts is an
amplification of the second form of Entrance as is expounded in the
Sutra. A comparison with the passage[4.29a] from it will make this
point clear at once:
“Said the Buddha: The two entrances are ‘Entrance by Reason’ and
‘Entrance by Conduct.’ ‘Entrance by Reason’ means to have a deep faith
in that all sentient beings are identical in essence with the true
nature which is neither unity nor multiplicity; only it is beclouded
by external objects. The nature in itself neither departs nor comes.
When a man in singleness of thought abides in _chüeh-kuan_ 覺觀, he will
clearly see into the Buddha-nature, of which we cannot say whether
it exists or exists not, and in which there is neither selfhood nor
otherness. He will also find that the nature is the same both in
the masses and in the worthies. He thus firmly holds the ground of
the diamond-heart and never moves away therefrom; he is serene and
not-doing, and free from conceptual discrimination. This is called
‘Entrance by Reason.’
“‘Entrance by Conduct’ means not to be unsteady and reclining in mind
and not to be in its shadows changing like a stream. Wherever you
are, let your thought be serene and not to be seeking after anything.
Let it be like unto the great earth unmoved even in a raging storm.
Giving up all thoughts of egoism in your heart, save all beings and
let them cross over to the other shore. There are no births, no signs,
no clinging, no abandoning; in the mind of a Bodhisattva, there is no
going-out, no coming-in. When this mind which neither goes out nor
comes in enters into that which is never entered into, it is called
entering. This is the way the Bodhisattva enters into the Dharma. The
Dharma is not empty in form, and the Dharma of non-emptiness
is not to be put aside as non-entity. Why? The Dharma that is not
non-entity is filled with virtues. It is neither mind nor shadows, it
is pure in its suchness.”
In comparing these two texts the reader will be impressed with the
most important and most striking change Bodhi-Dharma made in his
quotation, which is the substituting of _pi-kuan_ for _chüeh-kuan_.
_Pi_ ordinarily means “wall” or “precipice,” and is often found in
combination with _li_, “standing,” in such phrases as _pi li wan jên_
壁立萬仞, to describe an unscalable wall, or figuratively to represent
the attitude, for instance, of Acala-Vidyārāja standing straight up.
What was the reason of Dharma’s changing _chüeh_, “to awaken,” or “to
be enlightened” into a word which apparently has no organic relation
to the following _kuan_, “to perceive,” or “to contemplate”? The
novel combination is a very important one, for it alters the sense of
the whole context in which it occurs. Tao-hsüan, the author of the
_Biographies_, refers to Dharma’s _tai ch‘êng pi kuan_, Mahayanistic
wall-contemplation, in his commentary notes to Zen, as the most
meritorious work Dharma achieved in China.[f85] For this reason he is
often spoken of as the _pi-kuan_ Brahman, that is, wall-contemplating
Brahman, and in Japan the monks belonging to the Soto school of Zen
are supposed to follow the example of the founder of their religion
when they keep up the practice of sitting facing the wall while
meditating. But this is evidently a superficial interpretation of the
phrase _pi-kuan_; for how could mere wall-gazing start a revolutionary
movement in the Buddhist world as is implied in Tao-hsüan’s life of
Dharma?[f86] How could such an innocent practise provoke a terrible
opposition among scholars of those days? To my view, _pi-kuan_ has
a far deeper meaning, and must be understood in the light of the
following passage in the _Records_, which is quoted from a work
known as the _Pieh Chi_[4.30] meaning some special document of prior
existence:
“The master first stayed in the Shōrinji (Shao-lin-szŭ) monastery for
nine years, and when he taught the second patriarch, it was only in the
following way: ‘Externally keep yourself away from all relationships,
and, internally, have no pantings (or hankerings, 喘 _ch‘uan_) in your
heart;[f87] when your mind is like unto a straight-standing wall you
may enter into the Path.’ Hui-k‘ê tried variously to explain [or to
discourse on] the reason of mind, but failed to realise the truth
itself. The master simply said, ‘No! No!’ and never proposed to explain
to his disciple what was the mind-essence in its thought-less state,
[that is, in its pure being]. [Later] said Hui-k‘ê, ‘I know now how
to keep myself away from all relationships.’ ‘You make it a total
annihilation, do you not?’ queried the master. ‘No, master,’ replied
Hui-k‘ê, ‘I do not make it a total annihilation.’ ‘How do you testify
your statement?’ ‘For I know it always in a most intelligible manner,
but to express it in words—that is impossible.’ Thereupon, said the
master, ‘That is the mind-essence itself transmitted by all the
Buddhas. Harbour no doubts about it.’”
In fact, this passage sums up the special message contained in
Dharma’s teaching, and in it we may get an adequate answer as to the
exact meaning of _pi-kuan_. The term must have been a novel one in
his day, and the originality of his views really lay in the creative
sense of the one word “_pi_” It was so concrete, so graphic, and
there was nothing abstract and conceptual about it. Hence Tao-hsüan’s
special reference to Dharma’s teaching as the _Tai-chêng pi-kuan_.
(Mahayanistic wall-contemplation). While there was nothing
specifically Zen in his doctrine of “Two Entrances and Four Acts,” the
teaching of _Pi-kuan_, wall-contemplation, was what made Bodhi-Dharma
the first patriarch of Zen Buddhism in China.
The author of the _Rightful Transmission of the Śākya Doctrine_
interprets _pi-kwan_ as meaning the state of mind where “no external
dusts get in.”[4.31] This may be all right, but we are not told
where he finds the authority for this way of understanding. Had
he in mind Dharma’s remark to Hui-k‘ê as recorded in the document
known as _Pieh-chi_? In any event the underlying meaning of the
“wall-contemplation” must be found in the subjective condition of a Zen
master, which is highly concentrated and rigidly exclusive of all ideas
and sensuous images. To understand the phrase, “_pi-kwan_” as simply
meaning “wall-gazing” will be sheer absurdity. If the specific message
of Dharma as the founder of Zen in China is to be sought anywhere in
the writings of his, which are still in existence, it must be in this
“Mahayanistic wall-contemplation.”
Besides this writing which is the only one left by Dharma in
our possession at present, we have the _Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra_,
_Vajrasamādhi-sūtra_, and _Vajracchedikā-sūtra_, through which we can
also have a glimpse into the central teaching of Bodhi-Dharma. Zen,
unlike other schools of Buddhism, has no particular Sutras to be called
the “foundation canon” on which its followers would base the principal
tenets of their school; but Dharma recommended the _Laṅkāvatāra_ to
his first disciple Hui-k‘ê (Yeka), as containing the teaching most
intimately related to Zen, and after him this scriptural writing came
to be studied chiefly by Zen scholars.[f88] As to the importance of
the _Vajrasamādhi_ as expounding the philosophy of Zen, we can easily
understand it from Dharma’s own reference to the Sutra in his writing
as was already pointed out. With regard to the _Vajracchedikā-sūtra_,
most people think of it as having nothing to do with Zen prior to the
fifth patriarch, Hung-jên (Gunin); for it was he who for the first
time introduced it among his own disciples, while Dharma himself
made no allusion whatever to this, one of the most popular
Buddhist texts in China. But according to Hui-nêng’s Preface to the
_Vajracchedikā_, which is still preserved, “ever since the coming-west
of Dharma he wanted to propagate the meaning of this Sutra and lead
people to understand the Reason and to see into the Nature.” If this
were actually the case, Dharma, to say the least, must have had some
knowledge of this Sutra from the very beginning of his career in China,
and the connection in a way between this and Zen must have been more
fundamental than that between the _Laṅkāvatāra_ and Zen. The prevalent
notion then that the _Vajracchedikā_ came only in vogue after Hung-jên
and Hui-nêng must be revised. Whatever this may be, the _Laṅkāvatāra_
is too difficult a material for popular consumption, and it was natural
that this Sutra came to be gradually superseded by the _Vajracchedikā_
as Zen gained more and more in power and influence. As one of the
Sutras belonging to the Prajñāpāramitā class of Buddhist literature,
the teaching of the _Vajracchedikā_ was comparatively simple and had
something much akin to the Laotzŭan ideas of emptiness and non-doing.
It was not hard for the average Chinese to follow its philosophy of
Śūnyatā, in fact this agreed well with a certain aspect of Chinese
thought.[f89]
However, with Zen followers all literature was like a finger pointing
at the moon, and there was not much in itself that will actually lead
one to the seeing of one’s own inner nature; for this seeing was a
realisation which must be attained by one’s own personal efforts apart
from the mere understanding of letters. All Buddhist Sutras including
the _Laṅkāvatāra_, _Vajrasamādhi_, and _Vajracchedikā_ could not
be of much help to the real earnest seekers of the truth, so long as
his idea is to grasp the naked facts with his own ungloved hands. This
was possible only when his own inner consciousness opened by itself,
from within, through his whole-souled efforts. Literature is helpful
only when it indicates the way, it is not the thing itself.
The earlier part of Bodhi-Dharma’s life while in India as is narrated
in the _Records_ may be discredited as containing a large dose of
fiction, but the latter part of it cannot so easily be disposed of.
This is where it supplements the story in Tao-hsüan’s _Biographies_,
which was written by a good historian but by one who did not know
anything about the future development of Zen. According to the
_Records_ then, the first great personage Dharma had an interview with
when he came to China was the king of Liang, the greatest Buddhist
patron of the time. And the interview took place in the following
manner:
The Emperor Wu of Liang asked Dharma:
“Ever since the beginning of my reign I have built so many temples,
copied so many sacred books, and supported so many monks; what do you
think my merit might be?”
“No merit whatever, sire!” Dharma bluntly replied.
“Why?” demanded the Emperor astonished.
“All these are inferior deeds,” thus began Dharma’s significant reply,
“which would cause their author to be born in the heavens or on this
earth again. They still show the traces of worldliness, they are like
shadows following objects. Though they appear actually existing, they
are no more than mere non-entities. As to a true meritorious deed, it
is full of pure wisdom and is perfect and mysterious, and its real
nature is beyond the grasp of human intelligence. Such as this is not
to be sought after by any worldly achievement.”
The Emperor Wu thereupon asked Bodhi-Dharma again,[4.32] “What is the
first principle of the holy doctrine?”
“Vast emptiness, and there is nothing in it to be called holy, sire!”
answered Dharma.
“Who is then that is now confronting me?”
“I know not, sire!”
The answer was simple enough, and clear enough too, but the pious
and learned Buddhist Emperor failed to grasp the spirit pervading the
whole attitude of Dharma.
Seeing that there was no further help to be given to the Emperor,
Dharma left his dominion and retired into a monastery in the state of
Wei, where he sat quietly practising the “wall-contemplation,” it is
said, for nine long years, until he came to be known as the _Pi-kuan_
Brahman.[f90]
One day a monk Shên-kuang[4.33] visited him and most earnestly
implored him to be enlightened in the truth of Zen, but Dharma paid
no attention. Shên-kuang was not to be disappointed, for he knew that
all the great spiritual leaders of the past had gone through with many
a heart-rending trial in order to attain the final object of their
aspiration. One evening he stood in the midst of the snow waiting for
Dharma to notice him when at last the fast-falling snow buried him
almost as deep as his knees.
Finally, the master turned back and said, “What do you wish me to
do for you?” Said Kuang, “I am come to receive your invaluable
instructions; pray open your gate of mercy, and extend your hand of
salvation to this poor suffering mortal.” “The incomparable doctrine of
Buddhism,” replied Dharma, “can be comprehended only after a long hard
discipline and by enduring what is most difficult to endure, and by
practising what is most difficult to practise. Men of inferior virtue
and wisdom are not allowed to understand anything about it. All the
labours of such ones will come to naught.”
Kuang at last cut off his left arm with the sword[f91] he was carrying,
and presented it before the teacher as a token of his sincerity in
the desire to be instructed in the doctrine of all the Buddhas. Said
Dharma, “This is not to be sought through another.”
“My soul is not yet pacified. Pray, master, pacify it.”
“Bring your soul here, and I will have it pacified.”
Kuang hesitated for a moment but finally said, “I have sought it
these many years and am still unable to get hold of it!”
“There! it is pacified once for all.” This was Dharma’s sentence.[f92]
Dharma then told him to change his name into Hui-k‘ê.
Nine years passed,[4.34] and Dharma wished to return to his native
country. He called in all his disciples before him, and said, “The time
is come for me to depart, and I want to see what your attainments are.”
“According to my view,” said Tao-fu, “the truth is above both
affirmation and negation, for this is the way it moveth.”
Dharma said, “You have got my skin.”
Next came in the nun, Tsung-ch‘ih, and said, “As I understand it, it is
like Ānanda’s viewing the Buddha-land of Akshobhya: it is seen once and
never again.”
Dharma said, “You have got my flesh.”
Tao-yü was another disciple who presented his view, saying, “Empty are
the four elements and non-existent the five skandhas. According to my
view, there is not a thing to be grasped as real.”
Dharma said, “You have got my bone.”
Finally, Hui-k‘ê, that is, Shên-kuang, reverently bowing to the master,
kept standing in his seat and said nothing.