There is a proverb current among sportsmen, that to kill a woodcock is

to perform a day’s work, which doubtlessly originated in the

circumstance of a woodcock being seldom found until a large extent of

wood has been closely beaten. When, however, woodcocks are most

abundant, it would not be a difficult task, according to that standard

of labor, to do the work of a week in a day, in any noted cover; for

every cover frequented by cocks acquires a notoriety which it seldom

loses, since any wood well frequented with cocks one year, has generally

a fair supply the next. But whether the same cocks that frequent a wood

this year return the next, with their offspring, or whether an entirely

new set of occupants take possession, we leave the ornithologist to

decide. A certain description of woods are seldom known to fail of

woodcocks during the winter months; these woods or plantations are such

as are swampy, or have a stream of water running through them, or woods

abounding in springs—or where, from the nature of the ground, or want

of draining, the top water encourages the growth of moss. The woodcock

is rarely found in woods where moss is not abundant. During a frost,

cocks are found near fresh water springs; at other times they are most

commonly flushed in the open glades of the densest woods, or rather in

those parts of the woods not choked up at the bottom with fern, rushes,

or brambles, but where they can freely run about, and in those parts

where willows, oziers, hazel-trees, or crate-wood is plentiful. In such

places it will readily be ascertained whether there are cocks or not, by

the borings in the moss or dead leaves, and by the chalkings. A cock

will often be found near its feeding place, after a dark night.

A cock will seldom fly far until it has been fired at several times: it

should, therefore, when practicable, be marked down. By a judicious

system of marking, many successive shots may be obtained at the same

bird. It is seldom that the skilful shooter flushes a cock, which, with

the aid of markers, he does not eventually kill. The difficulty of

woodcock shooting arises, for the most part, from the birds being

flushed in the thickest part of woods, and contriving to wing their

flight through the trees in such a manner as to baffle the sportsman’s

aim. After being fired at in a wood, cocks will frequently alight

amongst hedge-rows on the outskirts, especially under a hedge running

close to and parallel with a water-course, when they are easily killed,

as they will not rise until the shooter is close upon them; and their

flight is not difficult to master when there are no trees to obstruct

the aim.

A shooter, who has not opportunities of grouse-shooting, deems

cock-shooting the perfection of his art; but he considers himself more

than repaid for his toil, if he bag a couple or two. Combined with

pheasant shooting, it is glorious sport.

As cocks are birds of passage, and their tarriance in our covers is of

uncertain duration, permission to shoot them is often given to persons

whose honour can be depended upon not to kill pheasants. To any but a

real sportsman this is a tantalizing employment; the pheasants rise

before him every fifty yards, and he may perhaps not meet with more than

a couple of cocks in a day.

Spaniels are the best dogs for this sport: they give tongue when close

upon game, and so allow the shooter notice, in a situation where he

could not see a pointer or setter.

Formerly any one who was an adept at bringing down a woodcock, was

certain of the enjoyment of a considerable local reputation as a shot,

and he deserved it. Place one of their long, heavy, single-barrelled

pieces, furnished with an ancient lock, flint of course, in the hands of

a modern shooter, let him charge with powder similar to that used in the

early days, and take his chance in a tangled brake, where the cock can

make play among the branches for its life, and he will readily believe

that killing a cock in those days was a real trial of skill. A short

light detonator is thrown upon the bird, the trigger is drawn, and the

shot reaches the mark in an instant; so speedy is the whole process,

that it is scarcely necessary to make any allowance for the motion of

the object, when attempting snap shots at short distances; but, with the

fowling-piece and ammunition of the period we are speaking of, it was

necessary to take aim half a yard above or before the object moving, for

a bird would fly that distance at least, after the trigger was drawn,

and before the shot reached it; or if it made a sudden turn, the shot

swept past it. Besides the less chance of killing with one of those long

heavy guns, the shooter would not fire half so often as with a light

one; so much more time being necessary to bring up the piece and

calculate the requisite allowance, the bird would generally be behind

the next tree before the gun would be at the shoulder. Such was the

slowness of ignition, that wild-fowl would take alarm at the flash from

the pan, and dive out of harm’s way ere the shot reached the water. In

all shooting, whether in the open or in cover, a deal depends upon where

the shooter places himself,—a knowledge of this part of his art will

enable him to obtain twice as many fair shots as his uninitiated

companion. When shooting in high covers, the sportsman should push on

hastily through those parts where, though very likely for game, he

cannot command a view of it should it rise; but whenever he comes to a

glade that commands a view in several directions, he should wait some

time while his dogs beat around him, and his companions, buried in

brambles and brushwood, pass him. It is often advisable to follow a

footpath in a wood, particularly where ground shots are expected.

In our next, we shall pursue this subject, and give some remarks upon

the lock, the percussion system, triggers, wadding, ammunition, etc.,

and shall then proceed with remarks upon Snipe Shooting, etc. We are

determined to make this department a perfect _vade mecum_ to the

sportsman.

* * * * *

REVIEW OF NEW BOOKS.[4]

[4] Owing to the temporary absence of Mr. Poe, the reviews in this

number are from another hand. That department is exclusively under the

control of Mr. Poe. C. J. Peterson, his coadjutor, has the charge of the

other departments of the work.

_The Life and Times of Red Jacket, or Sa-go-ye-wat-ha; being a

sequel to the History of the Six Nations. By_ William L. Stone.

_1 vol. Wiley and Putnam, New York and London, 1841._

The first settlers of this country found it tenanted by a people totally

different from the effeminate races of Hispaniola and Cuba. Bold,

patient and sagacious; sinewy in form and inured to fatigues; warlike in

character, wise in council, and hospitable to a proverb, the savages of

North America approached more nearly to an equality with the Anglo-Saxon

race, than any people whom the rage for discovery had then made known to

Europe. Nor was their progress in civilization to be despised. Their

wigwams, though not luxurious, were comfortable; their women cultivated

maize, tobacco, and numerous vegetables; pillows of wood were used in

common by them and by the English peasantry; and, in the comforts of

every day life, the savages of this continent fell little behind the

mass of the European population. Women were held in high respect; their

persons never violated in war, and their opinions consulted in cases of

difficulty. The form of government in use among the Indians was

singularly adapted to their condition. Like the ancient Germanic leader,

the Indian chief was usually chosen for his wisdom, strength, and

bravery—we say _usually_, because in nothing has more ignorance been

shown than in describing the Indian polity as everywhere the same. No

general rule can be laid down respecting it. In most of the tribes the

government was that of a democracy; in some that of an aristocracy; and,

in a few instances, that of a nearly absolute despotism. Sometimes there

was one chief in war and another in peace: now he was ruled by a council

of old men, and now he had delegated powers equal to those of a

dictator; but, on the whole, the usual polity appears to have been

democratic, each brave having a chance of attaining the leadership by

his eloquence, wisdom, or courage. Often these qualities preserved the

supreme power in a family for generations, the son succeeding the

father, unless a more worthy leader was chosen by the people. Where

there was both a war chief and a civil ruler, the latter office was the

more likely to be hereditary. In short, what Tacitus said of the ancient

Germans, may be pronounced of the Indians: “_Reges ex nobilitate, duces

ex virtute sumunt: nec regibus infinita, nec libera potestas; et duces

exemplo potius quam imperio præsunt_.” “They took their kings on account

of nobility, and their generals on account of valor: nor was the power

of their kings absolute and unlimited; and their generals commanded by

the authority which their example rather than their power gave them.”

And, in another place, “_de minoribus principes; de majoribus

omnes_”—“the principal men consulted and decided about the least, the

whole body of the people about the greatest affairs.” Nor did the

resemblance stop here. The same forest life, the same habit of

recounting their deeds in chaunts, the same warlike character, the same

wild and yet spiritual religion, and the same haughtiness of spirit,

arising from the consciousness of independence, characterised alike our

Teuton ancestors, whose freedom we inherit, and our predecessors on this

continent, whose liberty we have destroyed. And to this day, if we may

credit Catlin, the Western Indian remains the same proud being. The

Sioux, glittering in his showy costume, and careering along the prairie

with his spear and steed, reminds us of the ancient Pole, flashing with

jewels, galloping to the diet at Warsaw, and seeming to justify the

haughty boast of his order, “that if the sky were to fall they would

support it on the points of their lances.”

At the period of its settlement by the whites, the two most powerful

nations of what now forms the Northeastern section of the United States,

were the Lenni-Lenape and Mengwe—the former occupying the shores of the

Delaware river, and extending into Connecticut—and the latter living

chiefly in the Valley of the Mohawk and its vicinity. Neither of these

people were the original occupiers of the land; but who their

predecessors were, or whence they came, no man can tell. Their language,

customs and laws are as unknown to us as those of the Antediluvian

world. They have passed away and left no sign. Now and then the

traveller, through some primeval forest, will come across the ruins of

their forts—rude, vague and vast—but he can gather nothing from these

silent mounds, except the single fact, that a race once peopled this

continent superior in civilization to the Indians. The Alligewi gave

name to our mountains,[5] and that is all we know.

Betwixt the Lenni-Lenape and Mengwe there raged continual wars, in which

the former nation generally came off victorious. At length, however, the

several tribes of the Mengwe united into a confederacy known as that of

the Five Nations; and, being supplied with fire-arms by the Dutch,

succeeded in subduing the Delawares, and forcing them to assume the

character of WOMEN. This singular ceremony was performed at Albany, in

the presence of the Dutch, in 1617. From that time the Iroquois have

been the dominant nation. A work recording their history, explaining

their governmental polity, and discussing their manners and customs

would throw great light on the whole Indian race, and prove invaluable

to the student; and it is as one of a series, intended to carry out such

an idea, that the present volume has been published. The author has

divided his subject into four periods: the first of which will contain

the history of the Six Nations, up to the arrival of Sir William

Johnson—the second will be occupied by the life and times of that

remarkable individual—the third carries on the history through the life

of Brandt—and the fourth, the present work, brings the subject up to

the sale of the last Seneca lands in 1838. Only the last two eras of

this history have as yet seen the light.

The life of Red Jacket is the least important portion of this subject,

affording little more than a narrative of treaties for the sale of

lands, with an occasional glimpse at the polity of the Six Nations, and

the Senecas in particular. The period is not one calculated to display

the powers which the early history and origin of the Six Nations might

call forth. Industry and research are nearly all that is required. Both

of these qualities Colonel Stone has evinced. There is little that is

positively new in the book, but many doubtful questions have been

settled, and a clearer insight given into the Indian character and

customs than we had been led to expect. As an instance of the latter, we

notice the fact mentioned of the women and war-chiefs in the Canandaigua

council, who took the business of the treaty out of the sachems’ hands,

asserting that the latter had no right to refuse the sale of lands,

against the opinion of the women and braves. We are also made more fully

acquainted, in this volume, with the subjection, in general, of the

military to the civil power among the Indians. Perhaps the style is

objectionable in one or two particulars, and there are too many speeches

given “in extenso;” while events of little importance sometimes occupy

as much space as those of greater moment, and tend to give an occasional

prolixity to the work, which would be well worth the author’s revision

when a second edition comes to be demanded. The anecdotes which

intersperse the volume are highly characteristic. On the whole, in

collecting and arranging so many undigested facts, and in preserving

from oblivion the oral traditions of the actors in the scenes he

relates, Colonel Stone has shown a commendable industry. But his work is

only begun. The mere record of a chieftain’s life, however celebrated

the individual may be, is secondary to the history of a mighty people

and the inquiry into its origin. We care little, comparatively, when or

how Red Jacket spoke, but we do care whence his people came. Our object

is to learn the polity and customs of his nation, to analyze its

language—in short, thoroughly to understand its history and character.

To do this is what constitutes Colonel Stone’s design, but as yet he has

only incidentally carried out his plan. Neither the life of Brandt nor

that of Red Jacket does more than skim over the great question our

author has proposed to discuss. Biography is not history: the narrative

of a few land treaties is not the account of a nation’s glory. As the

greatest people of the Indian race, and as the conquerors of the

Alligewi, we feel an interest in dissipating the obscurity which attends

the origin of the Six Nations. It is in vain to say such an attempt

would be fruitless. Has it ever been methodically, analytically,

perseveringly tried? Why does Colonel Stone avoid this portion of his

subject—the portion which should naturally claim his attention first?

We tell him frankly that he would gain ten times more reputation, and

prove himself possessed of ten times more talent, if he would come up to

this matter gallantly, and not scour around and around it, like a

frightened hound.

Red Jacket was a sachem or civil chief among the Senecas. He seems to

have been of no family, and to have won his way to the first place in

the councils of his people, by his tact, his patriotism, and, more than

all his eloquence. Few men have ever lived who surpassed him in oratory,

if we may judge his proficiency in that art by the effect he produced on

his hearers. All that has been related of Demosthenes and Cicero among

the ancients, or of Bolingbroke and Chatham among the moderns, may be

applied with equal truth to this great orator of the Senecas. When he

rose to speak not a word was heard—when he took his seat his enthusiasm

infected all. He was even able to carry his point when superstition, in

its darkest guise, was arrayed against him. Some specimens, at least, of

such wonderful powers of eloquence may naturally be expected to have

come down to us; yet, with but one or two exceptions, his printed

speeches are tame to mediocrity. Much of this, no doubt, is to be

attributed to incompetent translations: indeed, our author lays the

whole fault at this door. But there is another and simpler reason, to

which Colonel Stone has not alluded.

Every nation has its distinctive spirit, or, to speak more plainly, its

peculiar mode of thought. To this the orator must accommodate himself.

The same style of eloquence which affects an Englishman, falls cold on

the ear of an Italian. Even the Philippics of Demosthenes, or the

orations of Cicero, were unrivalled, only so far forth as they were

adapted to the peculiarities of an Athenian or Roman audience; and, had

the situation of either of these orators been changed, there is great

chance that, unless they altered their style, they would have been

hooted from the forum, or at least listened to in silence. So with the

oriental orators, whose most celebrated passages seem turgid to us. We

take it, then, that one of the great secrets of this apparent tameness

in Red Jacket’s orations, arises, as much from our different

appreciation of his style, as from the inadequacy of the translations.

We admit that there exists no perfect transcript of a harangue by him,

but could one of his speeches be handed down to us, word for word, we

predict that it would seem to us little better than turgid bombast or

inflated allegory. Yet that Red Jacket was a great _Seneca_ orator, we

have the concurrent testimony of more than fifty years—to say nothing

of the evidence, in the book before us, of his vigorous intellect and

grace of manner, the two most important requisites for oral eloquence.

The character of this celebrated chieftain was an odd mixture of “dirt

and divinity.” He was great as a whole, but mean in the detail. He ruled

over warriors, and was an arrant coward. He professed to be frank, and

lived on intrigue. His constant struggle was to retain the lands of his

people, and yet more than once he would have sold them for his personal

emolument. He was a hypocrite, a drunkard, and devoured by vanity; but

he was also an orator, a statesman, and devoted to his country. He

sometimes was capable of the loftiest generosity, and at other times he

would stoop to cheat the government out of a coat. But in one thing his

character is above reproach—he never ceased asserting the rights of his

country; and from the treaty at Canandaigua, down to the latest hour of

his life, he opposed manfully every alienation of the Seneca soil. He

was often unsuccessful, and always misrepresented; but he did not relax

his efforts. On the size of their domain, he said, depended the

importance of his people; and that people it was his ambition to

preserve an entire nation. For this he would have built up a wall of

separation betwixt them and the whites—for this he excluded

missionaries—for this he opposed schools—for this he denounced

intermarriages—for this he lived and died a pagan. Yet he survived to

see all his efforts in vain. He survived to behold the Senecas dwindled

to half their numbers, to see their forests cut down, and to witness

their lands slip piecemeal from their hands. How melancholy to

contemplate the poor old chief, when, returning to hunt in the beautiful

valley of the Gennesee, he found the ravages which the white men had

made in the forest so great, that he sat down and wept.

We have said that Red Jacket was intemperate; and the vice grew on him

as he grew older. When a council was to be held, however, he abstained

from indulgence until the deliberations were past, but then his excesses

were often frightful. An anecdote is related by Colonel Stone, which

shows the old chiefs propensity in rather a ludicrous light. Colonel

Snelling was a great favorite with him. When that officer was given the

command of Governor’s Island, Red Jacket bade him farewell in the

following words:

“Brother:—I hear you are going to a place called Governor’s

Island. I hope you will be a governor yourself. I understand

that you white people think children a blessing. I hope you may

have a thousand. _And above all, I hope, wherever you go, you

may never find whiskey above two shillings a quart._”

Red Jacket died in 1830, and with him perished the glory of the once

powerful Six Nations. Their subsequent history is well known. Their last

rood of land in New York has now passed into the hands of the white man;

the places which knew them shall know them no more, and in a few years

the Iroquois will be numbered with the dead.

The short sketches of the lives of Cornplanter, Farmer’s Brother, and

Harry O’Bail, in the conclusion of the work, are unusually interesting.

The volume is printed well, on paper of the finest quality, but

disfigured, here and there, with typographical mistakes.

-----

[5] Alleghany.

* * * * *

_The Ancient Régime: A Novel. By_ G. P. R. James, Esq. _2 vols.

Harper and Brothers._

“Stale, flat, and unprofitable” are the novels of Mr. James, and of all

his novels the Ancient Régime is the most flat. We have just flung down

the book, wondering how any man could, “_sanâ mente_,” in a sane mind,

publish two volumes so very common-place. Yet Mr. James has done it,

once and again, and yet again, and—God help us—seems determined to do

it, so long as he can find a publisher.

We do not say that the novels of James are unreadable, paradoxical as it

may seem, after what we have written. They are, on the contrary,

pleasant, often instructive. In some respects they are even well

written: if they were not so written, we should pass them in silence;

but when a man of talent persists in writing such common-place affairs

as Corse de Leon and the Ancient Régime, we feel bound to caution the

public against reading them.

In reviewing the last novel of this author, we took occasion to comment

on his repetition of himself; and had not but a bare six months elapsed

since the publication of that article, we should have thought, that he

had commenced this work with our criticism before him; for the whole

conception of the Ancient Régime—according to the preface—is

essentially different from that of Mr. James’ former romances. To do him

justice, he seems to have set out intending to write something really

new. But a dog that has once tasted blood is forever killing sheep,—and

our novelist, after the first few chapters of the work, runs into all

his old habits. Indeed, had he not told us in set phrases that his

object was to show the gradual changes of a female mind from infancy to

womanhood, and that too while she was in the peculiar position of a ward

of a man to whom she bore no relationship: had he not told us this—we

say—and added that he had in the Ancient Régime attempted a new and

more gentle style, we should have divined neither the one fact nor the

other.

There is too much _clap-trap_ in the work before us. Most novelists are

contented if their hero saves the life of his mistress once in the space

of two orthodox volumes. But James thinks this entirely too little. His

heroine seems put up like a ten-pin, only to be bowled at; for her life

is preserved once from a wolf—once from a robber—and once from an

assassin—and beside this, her honour is kept in jeopardy, as a kind of

running commentary, through the whole book. We are tempted to say with

Titmouse, “’Pon honour—most uncommon luck.” Then, too, everything

happens, not as it would in life, but just as it ought to happen. Such a

chain of fortuitous circumstances, following each other link by link, we

venture to say, author never imagined, since the old romances of

chivalry gave up the ghost. The deserted babe passes into the very hands

to which it _should_ go—the supposed father gets a place in the police,

_the very thing for all hands_—the young lady when grown up falls in

love with the son of the _only man living who knows her parentage_—the

king is frustrated in meeting Annette, until after Du Barry has given

him _a new object of pursuit_—the Baron de Cajore is arrested at the

_very instant_ he is arresting the hero—Ernest de Nogent is rescued in

the park at Maupay _just as_ he is about to be stabbed from behind—and

last of all, the assassin de Cajore is killed off at the end, _in the

very nick of time_, and when all the actors are conveniently assembled

to look on, at a nice little tea-party in the forest. Nothing, indeed,

is done naturally: everything is brought about by luck.

Graham's Magazine, Vol. XIX, No. 4, October 1841 · 第 9 / 10 段