CHAPTER VI.

EMANCIPATION SAFE IN EVERY INSTANCE

"Right _never_ comes wrong."

--_Old Maxim._

Whenever immediate emancipation is urged, the "horrors of St. Domingo"

are always brought forward to prove it dangerous. This is one of

numerous misstatements originating in prejudice, and afterward taken for

granted by those who have not examined the subject. The first troubles

between the white and black races in St. Domingo were the result of

oppressive and unlawful treatment of the free colored population, who

were numerous, and many of them wealthy proprietors. The whites were

determined to wrest from them certain rights which the French government

had secured to them. The next troubles were occasioned by an attempt to

_restore slavery_, after it had been for some years abolished. It was

never the _granting_ of rights to the colored people that produced

bloodshed or disturbance. All the disasters to the whites came in

consequence of _withholding_ those rights, in the first instance, and

afterward from a forcible attempt to _take them away_, after they had

long been peacefully and prosperously enjoyed under the protection of

French laws.

In 1793, the National Assembly proclaimed liberty to all slaves under

the dominion of France; more than 600,000 in number; and history shows

that the measure proved safe. _In St. Domingo emancipation was both

peaceful and prosperous in its results._ Col. Malenfant, a slave-holder

resident in the island at the time, published "A Historical and

Political Memoir of the Colonies," in which he says: "After this public

act of emancipation the negroes remained quiet, both in the south and

west. There were estates which had neither owners nor managers upon

them; yet upon those estates, though abandoned, the negroes continued

their labors, where there were any of the inferior agents left to guide

them; and where there was no white man, in any capacity, to take

direction of affairs, they betook themselves to planting provisions.

Several of my neighbors, proprietors or managers, were in prison; and

the negroes on their plantations were in the habit of coming to me to

direct them in their work. If you will take care not to talk to them of

the restoration of slavery, but to talk to them of freedom, you may with

that word chain them to their labor. In the plain of the Cul de Sac, on

the plantation Gouraud, I managed four hundred and fifty laborers for

more than eight months after liberty had been granted them. Not one of

them refused to work. Yet that plantation was reputed to have been under

the worst discipline, and the slaves the most idle of any in the plain.

I inspired the same activity into three other plantations, of which I

had the management. Ninety-nine out of a hundred blacks are perfectly

well aware that labor is the process by which they can obtain means to

gratify their wants and their tastes; and therefore they are desirous to

work." In describing the latter part of 1796, Col. Malenfant says: "The

Colony is flourishing. The whites live peacefully and happily upon their

estates, and the negroes continue to work for them." Gen. Lecroix, who

published "Memoirs for a History of St. Domingo," speaks of wonderful

progress in agriculture in 1797. He says: "The Colony marched, as by

enchantment, toward its ancient splendor; cultivation prospered, and

every day furnished perceptible proofs of progress."

SUCH WAS THE EFFECT OF EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO!

In 1801, Gen. Vincent, a proprietor of estates in St. Domingo, went to

France to lay before the government the plan of a new Constitution for

the island. He found Napoleon Bonaparte, then First Consul, preparing to

send out an armament to restore slavery in St. Domingo. General Vincent

earnestly remonstrated against the expedition. He assured the Consul

that the negroes were orderly and industrious, and that every thing was

going on peacefully and prosperously for all parties; that it was

unnecessary, and therefore cruel, to attempt to reverse this happy

state of things. But there was a class of old despotic planters who

clamored for the restoration of the arbitrary power, which they had most

cruelly abused. Unfortunately, Bonaparte considered it good policy to

conciliate that class; and he persisted in his purpose. He tried to

_restore slavery_, by military force, and the consequence was that the

French were driven out of the island, with great bloodshed.

In Guadaloupe, where liberty was proclaimed at the same time as in St.

Domingo, the sudden transition took place with perfect safety. The

reports from the Governors, for successive years, bear testimony that

the emancipated laborers were universally industrious and submissive to

the laws.

Gen. Lafayette, the consistent friend of human freedom, made a practical

experiment of emancipation, as early as 1785. In the French Colony of

Cayenne, most of the soil belonged to the crown, and he was able to

obtain it on easy terms. He expended $30,000 in purchasing land and

slaves. He employed an amiable and judicious gentleman to take the

management. The first thing the agent did, when he arrived in Cayenne,

was to call the slaves together, and in their presence burn all the

whips and other instruments of punishment. He informed them that their

owner, Gen. Lafayette had bought them for the purpose of enabling them

to obtain their freedom. He then stated to them the laws and regulations

by which the estate would be governed, and the pecuniary advantages that

would be granted, according to degrees of industry. This stimulus

operated like a charm. The energy of the laborers redoubled, and they

were obedient to the wishes of their manager. He died from the effects

of the climate. But when the slaves in all the French Colonies were

emancipated in 1793, the laborers on this estate in Cayenne waited upon

the new agent, and said if the land still belonged to Gen. Lafayette

they wished to resume their labor for him on the old terms, giving as a

reason that they were "desirous to promote the interests of one who had

treated them like men, and cheered their toil by making it a certain

means of freedom."

In 1811 the British authorities emancipated all the slaves in Java. This

also proved a complete success; as any one can ascertain by examining

the account given by Sir Stamford Raffles, who was Governor of the

island.

At successive periods, between 1816 and 1828, the South American

Republics, Buenos Ayres, Chili, Bolivia, Peru, Colombia and Guatemala

emancipated all their slaves. In some of those States means were taken

for the instruction of young slaves, who were enfranchised on arriving

at a certain age. In other States, slaves of all ages were emancipated

after a certain date, fixed by law. In no one instance were these

changes productive of any injury to life or property.

In 1828 the British government emancipated all the slaves in Cape

Colony. 30,000 Hottentot Helots were admitted by law to all the rights

and privileges of the white inhabitants. The slave-holders in the Colony

remonstrated vehemently against this measure. They declared that the

Hottentots were stupid, sensual, brutal, vicious, and totally incapable

of taking care of themselves. They predicted awful outrages, as the

consequence of emancipating a horde of such degraded wretches. But the

event proved quite otherwise. The poor creatures were grateful for their

freedom, and tried to behave as well as they knew how. All went on as

peaceably as before, as concerned the white inhabitants, and much _more_

peaceably, as concerned the blacks, who had previously suffered shocking

barbarities at the hands of their masters. In the sunlight of freedom

even the Hottentots have been gradually emerging out of barbarism. Year

by year they pay more for British manufactures, because they wear calico

and woollen cloth, instead of sheepskin mantles. They have horses and

wagons, and flocks of their own, and their small weekly contributions to

the Missionary Societies at the Cape amount to many hundreds of dollars.

From the time that Mexico became independent of Spain, in 1821, there

was an increasing conviction in the public mind, that the existence of

slavery was inconsistent with their professed principles as a Republic.

This feeling soon manifested itself in laws. The prices of slaves were

fixed by magistrates, and they were required to work, at stipulated

wages, till they had paid for themselves. Protective laws were passed,

enabling the servants to work for others, if they were not justly and

humanely treated by their masters. Transfers of service might also take

place to accommodate the masters; but never without consent of the

servants. Mr. Ward, the British Minister to Mexico, in his work on that

country, speaks very highly of the beneficial effects produced by these

regulations. He says they gave a powerful stimulus to industry, and

rapidly increased agricultural prosperity. A Mississippi slave-holder,

who went to reside in Matamoras, was also so much pleased with the

results of this experiment, that he wrote of it with enthusiasm, as an

example highly important to the United States. He declared that the

value of plantations was soon increased by the introduction of free

labor. He says: "No one was made poor by it. It gave property to the

servant, and increased the riches of the master." Free labor commended

itself so much in this process, that on September 15th, 1829, President

Guerrero published the following decree: "Being desirous to signalize

the Anniversary of Mexican Independence by an act of national justice

and beneficence, we hereby declare slavery forever abolished in this

Republic. Consequently, all those individuals who, until this day, have

been considered slaves, are free!" No interruption of public peace or

prosperity followed this just decree.

In 1831, 3,000 prize negroes received freedom in South Africa; 400 in

one day. No difficulty or disorder occurred. All gained homes; and at

night scarcely an idler was to be seen.

In 1848, the French government, after careful examination into the state

of things in the British West Indies, decreed immediate emancipation to

all the slaves in their Colonies. M. Arago, formerly member of the

Provisional Government, wrote thus, in 1851: "Much has been said of the

ruin which the Act of Emancipation has scattered over our Colonies. But

it should be remembered that _they were in a deplorable condition for a

long time previous. The Chamber of Deputies resounded daily with their

lamentations._ Extreme and utterly inadmissible measures for their

_relief_ were continually proposed. The Act of Emancipation cut

peacefully one of the most complicated questions our social state

afforded. Free labor has taken the place of slave labor without much

resistance. So far, it has been attended with results sufficiently

favorable, and these cannot fail to grow better." O. Lafayette, grandson

of General Lafayette, member of the Chamber of Deputies, wrote thus, in

1851: "In one day, as by the stroke of a wand, 150,000 human beings were

snatched from the degradation, in which they had been held by former

legislation, and resumed their rank in the great human family. And this

great event occurred without any of those disorders and struggles, which

had been threatened, in order to perplex the consciences of the friends

of abolition."

In 1841, the Bey of Tunis prohibited the exportation or importation of

slaves, and declared all children free that should be born in his

dominions after December 8th, 1842. In 1846, he proclaimed that slavery

was abolished entirely, "for the honor of God, and to distinguish man

from the brute creation." To these measures he was greatly influenced by

the British Minister, Sir Thomas Reade.

Not far from the same date, Sweden proclaimed emancipation in the Island

of St. Bartholomew, the only place under her dominion where slavery

existed.

Christian VIII. of Denmark, and his Queen, Caroline, were so openly in

favor of emancipation, that the price of slaves in their dominions

became greatly reduced. The kind-hearted Queen obtained a promise from

the King that he would celebrate the anniversary of their Silver Wedding

by a decree of universal emancipation. Accordingly, on the 28th of July

1847, it was proclaimed that all children born on or after that day

should be free; and that all the slaves in the Danish possessions, about

30,000 in number, should receive their freedom in 1859. This was

intended to give time to prepare for the change; but it worked badly. It

made the negroes restless to hear of freedom without obtaining it; and

this feeling was increased by intercourse with the neighboring French

islands, where all had been proclaimed unconditionally free. The masters

were opposed to emancipation, and not at all disposed to conciliate

their laborers. In July, 1848, local insurrections broke out. A good

deal of property was destroyed, but few lives lost, except those of

slaves who were executed. The panic produced caused a proclamation of

immediate emancipation; since which there have been no insurrections,

nor any fear of them. Fifty dollars for each slave was awarded to the

masters, who have never ceased to grumble against the government and

against the negroes. Such a transition, of course, could not take place

without temporary evils and inconveniences. The effects of a system so

bad as slavery cannot be suddenly outgrown, either by masters or

servants. But improvement is more and more perceptible as years pass on.

A gentleman writing from St. Thomas to the _N. Y. Tribune_, September,

1854, says: "The former owners are constantly complaining of the

ignorance, faithlessness, and degradation of the negroes, without

seeming to have any consciousness of the fact that they themselves have

brought them to this very character and condition. Whether their state

is _at once_ bettered is not the decisive question, but whether they are

in a condition where there is a chance for improvement. And for my own

part, the respectability attained by many persons of color in this town,

and the industry and capacity manifested by large numbers, in various

employments, as artisans, clerks, bookkeepers, and public officials,

give me a hope I never before entertained, of the certain advancement of

the African race, wherever they shall become disembarrassed of the

shackles of slavery, and of an unjust social prejudice."

A Boston gentleman, who visited Santa Cruz in the spring of 1859, writes

thus: "You would be delighted with the effects of emancipation, as we

see them all round us, with abundant opportunities to examine them. The

pay which the Danish government has settled for voluntary labor sounds

very low [five dollars a month]. But the artificial wants of the

laborers are so few, and the necessaries of life are so easily supplied

in this perpetual summer, that the thrifty and industrious have already

succeeded in laying up enough to build comfortable little homes, and

bring up their children to trades. The vice which had always been

encouraged among them, for their masters' gain, carries its poison among

them yet; but they are gradually acquiring a pride of matrimony. A noble

young Episcopal minister is laboring unweariedly for their moral and

intellectual elevation, almost unaided by the white population, who look

coldly upon his labors. The progress made in two years has been

surprising indeed."

In 1857, the Dutch abolished slavery in their West India Colonies. The

government paid a certain sum to the masters, and took the entire

control of the slaves, who were to work till they repaid the sum

advanced for their freedom. Children under five years were free at once,

and moderate prices were fixed by law for all the slave population,

graduated according to their ages. As soon as the stipulated price was

offered by any slave, he became a freeman. Wages were also fixed by law;

and in case any planters refused to submit to the prescribed

regulations, rural settlements were formed where the colored people

could find employment, under the superintendence of managers appointed

by government, aided by colleagues who were elected by the laborers. Of

course, the success of this experiment will greatly depend on the

good-temper and good judgment of the men who manage it. I have no means

of ascertaining the degree of financial prosperity in the Dutch West

India Colonies since emancipation began to take effect; but I know that

_before the abolition of slavery, they were complaining of "ruin" and

begging for "relief."_ The Colony of Surinam, _under slavery_, made this

statement. "Out of nine hundred and seventeen, plantations, six hundred

and thirty-six have been totally abandoned. Of the remainder, sixty-five

grow nothing but wood and provisions." The small balance of estates not

included in this description, were declared to be on the road to

destruction. Whether free labor works better results, time will show.

But one thing is already certain; the transition was made with perfect

safety. In 1859, the Dutch abolished slavery in all their East India

possessions; where it had existed under a comparatively mild form. There

was one very remarkable and beautiful feature in this transaction. The

government offered an assessed compensation to the masters; but _many of

them refused to take it, while others took it and gave it to the

emancipated slaves, who had worked so many years without wages_.

History proves that emancipation has _always_ been safe. It is an

undeniable fact, that not one white person has ever been killed, or

wounded, or had life or property endangered by any violence attendant

upon immediate emancipation, in any of the many cases where the

experiment has been tried. On the contrary, it has always produced a

feeling of security in the public mind.

The Right Way the Safe Way Proved by Emancipation in the British West Indies, and Elsewhere · 第 6 / 7 章