ST. JUST, LOUIS ANTOINE DE SAINT JUST.

Born August 25, 1767; guillotined, July 28 (10th Thermidor),

1794, in Paris.

His father, a retired army captain, died in 1777, and St. Just was

placed in the Oratorian school of Soissons, where he remained for seven

years. On leaving school he studied law for a short time at Rheims, but

finally decided to embrace a literary career. Having written a volume

of poems, he proceeded to Paris, to arrange about their publication,

towards the close of the year 1789, and he there became an enthusiastic

revolutionary, giving up literature for politics. His youthful ardour

and natural eloquence were assisted by an extraordinary beauty of

form and feature, grave and serious manners, and a haughty and

resolute demeanour. His private life was that of an ascetic until the

termination of his short but chequered career.

The inhabitants of his native town, Decize (Minervais) elected him

lieutenant-colonel of their newly formed National Guard, and he

conducted a detachment of that regiment to Paris in 1790 to join in

the Feast of Federation. His youth prevented his election to the

Legislative Assembly until September 1792, when he attained the age of

twenty-five.

From that time he took a most active part in the Government, and became

the intimate (perhaps the only intimate) friend of Robespierre.

On November 12, when the question of the King’s trial came before the

Convention, St. Just’s diatribe was by far the most violent of the many

violent and fanatical speeches made on that occasion. On December 16 he

proposed the exile of all the Bourbons. At the trial of Louis XVI. he

voted for the immediate execution of the King.

In the meantime the Republic was attacked on all sides, from both

without and within, for, of the eighty-four Departments, sixty-five

were known to be secretly hostile to the Revolution, and to desire the

restoration of the _ancien régime_. On April 24, 1793, St. Just

presented to the Convention the following scheme:

The Republic, one and indivisible, was to be represented by

a Legislative Assembly, elected every two years by universal

suffrage and by a Council elected every three years by the

electors of the second degree. This Council, composed of a

member for each Department, could only act by the authority of

the Assembly, and the Ministers whom it was to appoint were

to have _no personal or individual power_. Any conflict

between the Council and the Assembly should be settled by an

appeal to the people.

This impossible and impracticable project gives an excellent example

of the exaggerated humanitarianism which at that time pervaded the

opinions of the young legislator. The Girondins were, in the opinion

of St. Just, a danger to the Republic. Their dreams of a federation by

which France would be governed in the same way as the United States,

and Paris cease to be the head and centre of government, filled him

with apprehension. When the Girondins fell St. Just took an important

part in their impeachment; his report on the matter was received with

applause, and in July he became one of the leading members of the

Committee of Public Safety.

From this moment a coalition was formed between Robespierre, Couthon,

Le Bas, and St. Just, which continued until they all perished twelve

months later. They banded themselves together with a settled purpose,

and pitilessly destroyed any and every individual who opposed their

views. St. Just was the principal instrument of Robespierre; he read,

on October 10, the report upon the organisation of a revolutionary

government until a general peace should be declared. “In the present

circumstances,” he said, “no Constitution can be established; for it

would be an attack upon liberty; with a Constitution the Government

could not use sufficient violence against the enemies of the Republic.”

He then proposed a decree, which was unanimously adopted by which the

Ministers, the Generals, the Admirals, the Executive Council, and all

constitutional bodies were to be placed under the immediate supervision

of the Committee of Public Safety.

On October 16, the very day of the execution of the Queen, St. Just

presented a report by which all foreigners residing in Paris, and

particularly the English, were to be arrested. He referred to the

death of Marie Antoinette in these words: “Your Committee has punished

Austria by bringing a scaffold and the infamy of a public execution

into the reigning family of that country.”

A few days later St. Just was despatched to Alsace as a superintendent

of military operations; le Bas accompanied him. Arrived at Strasburg,

they immediately established a commission to punish summarily “crimes,

disorders, and abuses.” No legal forms were observed: a colonel

accused of having spoken against the Republic was shot upon the spot;

an officer accused of striking one of his men was degraded to the

ranks; General Eisenberg, who had been defeated by the Austrians, was

executed without a trial. The soldiers were in want of boots. St. Just

wrote to the Strasburg municipality: “Ten thousand men in the army are

bare-footed; strip the boots and shoes from the feet of the aristocrats

of Strasburg. To-morrow, before 10 o’clock, 10,000 pairs of boots must

be on their way to the military headquarters.” An immense number of

persons were arrested and imprisoned, and innumerable executions took

place. The commissioners left Strasburg and joined the army beyond the

Rhine, where the generals were treated in the same high-handed manner.

On the 12th Frimaire (November 9) St. Just wrote to General Hoche:

“Thou hast taken at Kaiserslautern (where he had won a great battle) a

further engagement; for instead of one victory, we require TWO.”

After remaining two months with the army St. Just returned to Paris in

January 1794. He only remained a couple of weeks in the metropolis,

departing for Flanders to supervise the conduct of those military

chiefs who commanded in the north. In a few days he had inspected

the various posts on the frontier, and, after carrying out his usual

policy, he gave the supreme command to Pichegru, and returned to Paris.

On February 19 St. Just was elected President of the Convention.

In March the fall of Hébert was followed by that of Danton. The

impeachment of the latter was carried out by St. Just, his speech being

composed from notes made by Robespierre. He accused Danton of having

served the “Tyrant,” of being the _protégé_ of Mirabeau, the

friend of Lameth, the accomplice of Dumouriez, and of having defended

the Girondins.

Danton’s execution, and those of his immediate allies, delivered

Robespierre and St. Just from the enemies they feared, and they

flattered themselves they could now carry out their plans without

interruption.

On April 29 St. Just returned to the army, Robespierre remaining

the head and centre of all government in Paris. This was the most

sanguinary period of the Terror.

St. Just remained with the army in Flanders until June 27, when,

Charleroi having fallen and the army of the Republic being everywhere

victorious in Belgium, he returned in triumph to Paris. The conspiracy

which was to break out on July 27 (9th Thermidor) was already in

process of formation, but St. Just suspected nothing, and continued

to attend the meetings of the Committee of Public Safety and to make

many violent speeches. He attacked Fouché, Tallien, and other members

without mercy, and on the very morning of 9th Thermidor was speaking

in the Tribune, when he was interrupted by Tallien, and the well-known

violent scenes which resulted in the arrest of Robespierre and his

immediate friends took place.

St. Just, unlike Couthon, le Bas, and Robespierre, did not attempt

suicide; he followed the mutilated bodies of his friends on foot,

with his hands bound behind him, from the Hôtel de Ville to the

Conciergerie. The next day he mounted the scaffold and died silently

and courageously. He was not quite twenty-seven years of age.

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