THE BERLIN CONGRESS AND AFTER
The feelings of consternation and bitter resentment evoked by the
publication of the Treaty of San Stefano soon found expression in
the Roumanian Chamber, where the action of the Russian Government
was criticised in scathing terms, and in the Press, whose comments
on the situation were little calculated to restrain the popular
indignation. The Minister of the Exterior telegraphed to the various
Roumanian diplomatic agents abroad that the Government felt itself
compelled to protest against a treaty, every article of which was
either directly or indirectly opposed to the interests of Roumania.
Prince Charles, on the other hand, was convinced of the futility of
all protests, and the impossibility of retaining Bessarabia, and was
therefore chiefly concerned in checking the growing hostility of the
Roumanian nation towards their all-powerful neighbour. At the same
time no effort was spared to secure the representation of Roumania
at the impending European Congress, and M. Bratianu, the President
of the Ministry, was despatched for this purpose to Vienna and
Berlin with letters from the Prince himself.
Though the general disposition towards Roumania on the part of
the Great Powers was that of lukewarm platonic sympathy, a ray of
hope was at one time afforded by the warlike attitude of England,
who would only agree to a Congress empowered to consider the whole
of the Treaty of San Stefano. General Ignatieff traversed Europe
in order to effect an understanding between the several Cabinets.
Prince Charles Anthony, however, warned his son that "the loss of
the Bessarabian region must now be regarded as inevitable, and the
only consolation is that the sympathy of public opinion generally is
accorded to you and to your country."
During the absence of Bratianu, Prince Gortchakoff transmitted to
the Roumanian Agent in St. Petersburg a threat which had fallen from
the mouth of the Czar himself: that if Roumania protested against
Article VIII. of the Treaty (which defined the route of the Russian
troops through Roumania), he, the Czar, would disarm the Roumanian
army. Prince Charles at once caused the following reply to be
forwarded: "The Roumanian army, which fought so gallantly before
Plevna under the eyes of the Czar, may be annihilated, but will
never be disarmed!"
The situation was critical, since the Russian army practically
occupied the Principality, and the flimsiest pretexts were employed
to increase the number of troops in and round Bucharest. The
threats of Prince Gortchakoff were discussed throughout Europe,
even in the English Parliament. At length Prince Charles was
forced to prepare for the worst, and to make arrangements to
remove his troops and Government to Little Wallachia. The tension
between Russia and Roumania was still further increased at this
period by a remarkable incident. On the conclusion of the peace,
Prince Charles had forwarded a congratulatory letter to the Czar
through the Consul-General at Bucharest, and was therefore greatly
surprised to learn from Prince Alexander of Battenberg that the
Czar was complaining at not having received his congratulations.
It was then discovered that the Imperial aide-de-camp, to whom the
letter had been entrusted, had been seriously ill at Vienna, and
the unfortunate delay of six weeks was thus accounted for. The Czar
telegraphed as follows immediately the letter reached his hands
(April 8, 1878):
"Your kind letter of the 21st February did not reach me until
to-day. I thank you sincerely for it, and offer the same prayers
as yourself that the peace may become firm and lasting. My
feelings and my friendship for you and Princess Elisabeth will
remain unaltered; but I cannot but regret the attitude of those
who are at the head of your Government, and who have brought
about a situation which is entirely antagonistic to the real
interests of Roumania."
A letter expressed the Czar's views still more forcibly:
"... The painful relations created by the measures of your
Ministers cannot alter my affectionate interest and friendship
for you. I regret having been obliged to indicate the measures
which their course of action may eventually force me to adopt.
You cannot doubt how pleased I should be to be able to avoid
this, for it is not in such a light that I should care to see
our traditionally amicable relations placed, cemented as they
are by our brotherhood in arms; and I am certain that you
yourself share my sentiments. I understand the desire of your
Government to regulate by a special arrangement the relations
which an extension of the stay of my army on the Danube will
necessitate. But the peace is not yet finally concluded, and
our conventions have therefore not ceased to hold good. You
certainly understand, moreover, that it is impossible for me to
allow the least uncertainty to hover over the communications
and supplies of my troops. A friendly arrangement between our
two Governments might easily regulate matters in view of the
new situation, which would follow a definite peace. I am quite
willing to lend myself to this measure, and I have therefore
ordered a special official to proceed to Bucharest, who will
be instructed to discuss the same with your Ministers. I shall
be delighted to see an _entente_ established, and I believe
that this will be more in the interests of Roumania than the
existing tension of our relations. I hope that you will bring
your support to bear upon the issue, and you may rest assured of
mine....
"ALEXANDER."
Prince Charles thus describes the situation in a letter to his
father:
"The East is confronted by a new crisis from which, thanks to
its energetic attitude, my country will not emerge the loser.
The Treaty of San Stefano is the work of Ignatieff.... I rejoice
at the resolute attitude of England.... I asked several Russian
Generals, who paid their respects to me to-day, what was the
meaning of the movements of the troops in the country, and they
told me that several Divisions were preparing to return to
Russia: the army was longing for peace, and was thoroughly tired
of the war."...
Nevertheless, the disquiet caused by the movements of the Russian
troops did not disappear, although they were declared to be only
directed against Austria.
As Prince Charles had foreseen, Roumania had little active support
to expect from the Great Powers. Prince Bismarck informed M.
Bratianu, who had been received with assurances of friendship
both at Vienna and Berlin, that Bessarabia was the _sine quâ
non_ for Russia, and he therefore advised Roumania to come to an
understanding with that Power before the assembly of the Congress,
by voluntarily surrendering the three Pruth districts. Roumania
might then obtain much, very much indeed, as compensation from the
great Empire. Prince Charles considered this course practicable, but
Bratianu was in favour of holding out until the last moment. Lord
Salisbury, on the other hand, assured the Roumanian Agent in Paris
that Prince Charles might count upon England's effectual support in
peace and in war, though this promise lost much of its value by the
addition that more important questions than the fate of Bessarabia
existed for England, and, provided these were settled amicably, war
would not be declared for the sake of Roumania.
The British armaments, which included the movement of Indian troops
to the Mediterranean garrisons, continued to increase until May,
when Count Schuwaloff's mission at last secured the assembly of the
Congress. In the meantime, Prince Charles inspected his forces in
Little Wallachia. The Russians and Roumanians at no great distance
from the capital were dangerously near to one another, and the
Roumanian Chamber voted increased supplies for war material on its
own initiative. The whole of Roumania was anxious to make every
possible sacrifice in defence of the national honour.
Two dastardly attempts on the life of the venerable German Emperor
evoked feelings of the deepest indignation throughout the world.
Prince Charles telegraphed as follows on behalf of both himself and
his consort:
"We cannot find words in which to express our consternation and
grief at the execrable deed which has again endangered your
Majesty's life. We thank God that the wound is not serious, and
hope that the certain knowledge that you are surrounded by the
deep love of many millions will help your Majesty out of the
bitterness of these hours."
The Congress was at length opened by Prince Bismarck at Berlin
on June 13, 1878, after Count Schuwaloff had succeeded in making
terms with England, whereby Russia was allowed to annex Bessarabia
and Batoum in return for the division of Bulgaria. In appointing
Bratianu and Cogalniceanu as Roumanian delegates, Prince Charles
again reminded them that, since Bessarabia must be considered
as lost to Roumania, they must endeavour to obtain the greatest
possible territorial compensation on the right bank of the Danube,
possibly even as far as the line Rustchuk-Varna. The Roumanian
delegates were, however, not permitted to attend the sittings of the
Congress until after the representatives of the Powers had decided
to sanction the annexation of Bessarabia by Russia. Yet another
severe blow was destined to fall on Roumania, and by the hand,
too, of a formerly friendly power, France. Before the independence
of Roumania was recognised, all restrictions upon the political
and civil rights of all creeds, imposed by the Constitution, were
to be removed; in other words, the Roumanian Jews were to be
admitted to the franchise. All the entreaties and representations
of the Roumanian delegates were in vain; even Lord Beaconsfield,
in a private audience, contented himself with the remark that "in
politics ingratitude is often the reward of the greatest services."
As a matter of fact, the resolutions of the Congress left Roumania
in a worse plight than before the war. Even the most advanced
Liberals, who had formerly championed the Jewish cause, were
exasperated at having this measure thrust upon them by the Foreign
Powers as a condition, before their independence, honourably
achieved with blood and steel upon the field of glory, could be
recognised. Moreover, the compensation offered, the Delta of the
Danube and the Dobrudscha as far as the line Silistria-Mangalia, so
far from being appreciated, was actually opposed with vigour by a
large section of the nation.
The Prince's position was doubly difficult: himself the most
tolerant of mortals, he viewed all attempts at persecution with the
sternest disfavour; as a ruler, he could not close his eyes to the
inevitable result of the emancipation of the Moldavian Jews, who
would then have gained possession of the greater part of the heavily
mortgaged estates in that district. Whatever happened, it seemed
as though the enormous sacrifices which Roumania had borne had
failed to secure any adequate recompense; whilst, on the other hand,
England had received Cyprus, and Austria was to administer Bosnia
and Herzegovina. Bratianu, therefore, was only too correct when he
reported from Berlin: "Prince Bismarck alone was straightforward
with us from the commencement when he told us Bessarabia was lost.
He was sincere, for it would have been to his interest if we had
come to an understanding with Russia direct! All the other Great
Powers were interested in supporting our resistance, for they were
then able, by sacrificing us in the end, to obtain more concessions
for themselves from Russia."
Prince Charles wrote to his father on August 4, 1878:
"The struggles which Roumania has had to endure during the last
few months, and has yet to endure, are, beyond all comparison,
more serious than those at Plevna and Widin. To issue victorious
from them will be far more honourable to my country than the
laurels gathered on the battlefields of Bulgaria! It is pitiful
that Europe should force a young and energetic State, which
has shown its power and vitality in a bloody war, to cede a
province. The Berlin Congress might return to Russia what the
Treaty of Paris took away, but it wounds us deeply that our
independence, achieved on the battlefield, should be made
contingent upon the cession of Bessarabia, and much patience and
moderation are necessary to allow such a course to be adopted.
We shall, however, show the Powers that we know how to extricate
ourselves with honour from the worst situations.
"As soon as the Articles referring to Roumania became known, the
greatest consternation arose, and even the most peaceful of the
people declared they would rather not acquire independence at
such a price. I convened a Council of Ministers and conferred
with a few political leaders, advising the greatest care, since
a hasty step might bring the country into extreme danger. Europe
has need of peace and insists on it; it will not, therefore, be
content with half measures, but will execute the resolutions of
the Congress by force. After their first anger had been subdued,
people here became more reasonable, and recognised that it was
impossible to resist the whole of Europe.
"We closed the Chambers, and decided to allow the Russian
occupation of Bessarabia to approach. We shall then avoid any
record in writing, withdraw our officials, and admit a _fait
accompli_. When this painful affair has once come to an end, we
must find a _modus vivendi_ with Russia, in order to be able
to regulate a multitude of details without hindrance. All this
will, however, be effected by the Administration; Crown and
Chamber are not to take any part therein.
"The territory on the right bank of the Danube is not given
to us in exchange for Bessarabia; we take it simply as a war
indemnity, and because Europe gives it to us. We have thus
gained very much both morally and materially, and no one can
refuse us their respect. The districts promised us by the
Congress have a great future, and in a few years I hope to
raise them to a flourishing condition. Their inhabitants think
themselves fortunate in being connected with Roumania, and have
already sent me many addresses, to which, up to the present, I
have not replied.
"Küstendje is a beautiful port, and, like the railway to
Tschernavoda, was constructed by an English company. A few good
hotels and installations have been made there for sea bathing.
The situation is healthy."
About this period the Prince received the following letter from
Prince Charles Anthony of Hohenzollern:
"The whole strength of the nation must now be concentrated on
the acquisition of the Dobrudscha and the economic and political
tasks which have arisen there.... A reconciliation with Russia
may perhaps prove the most urgent duty of self-preservation."
On the anniversary of Grivitza Prince Charles addressed a cordial
telegram to the Czar, receiving in turn a very hearty reply.
After the army had been placed on a peace footing, and the
Russian troops had quitted the country, Prince Charles devoted
himself to the task of carrying out the conditions imposed
by the Berlin Congress. Since Article VII. of the Roumanian
Constitution stipulates that only Christians can become citizens,
a _Constituante_ had to be convened at Bucharest, in the hope
that the alteration of the Constitution would secure the necessary
two-thirds majority.
The Ministry decided about this time to request Prince Charles to
assume the title of Royal Highness, as being more suitable to the
ruler of a country which surpassed many a European kingdom in point
of area and population. The Powers immediately recognised the new
title, whilst Prince Charles Anthony was of opinion that it would
have been better to follow the example of Belgium, and assume the
royal dignity forthwith.
Towards the end of September the Chambers assembled to recognise the
Treaty of Berlin, which, after many violent speeches, they managed
to do just one day before the cession of Bessarabia, the resolution
being worded as follows:
"The Chamber of Deputies has taken cognisance of the
dispositions made by the Treaty of Berlin regarding Roumania.
Compelled by the decision of the Powers, and in order not to be
an obstacle to the consolidation of peace, the Chamber empowers
the Government to comply with the universal wish of Europe by
recalling the civil and military authorities from Bessarabia,
and taking possession of the Dobrudscha, the Danube Delta, and
the Serpents' Island. The other questions will be settled by
constitutional methods."
The Russian occupation of Bessarabia passed off uneventfully; the
Roumanian officials retired without a word, and Prince Charles was
spared the pain of signing his name to any document in connection
with the cession. A marked contrast to this was afforded by the
Austrian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which encountered
violent resistance, and was accompanied by much bloodshed.
A couple of days after the withdrawal from Bessarabia, the triumphal
entry of the Roumanian army into Bucharest took place, and the
striking unanimity with which the dignified bearing of the Prince
and his subjects was recognised both at home and abroad afforded
Prince Charles much consolation during this critical period.
_From the_ GERMAN CROWN PRINCE, _October 19th, 1878_.
"You know that you were much in my thoughts during the Congress
and afterwards, in the midst of that truly difficult period of
negotiations about the cession of Bessarabia. But I purposely
refrained from writing to you, because I did not know how I was to
express myself in view of such events.
"I was convinced that you would estimate the circumstances
correctly, and be able to take matters as they are. The exchange of
territory, however, hit you doubly hard, since only too many were
anxious to throw suspicion on you for being an _immigrant_ wanting
in 'patriotic feeling.' Thank Heaven, the representatives of your
country appear to have submitted with the necessary resignation,
so that you have been relieved of a real trouble. May Roumania
now speedily realise all the advantages which may still be drawn
from the Dobrudscha, though it offers but little, and may the
construction of bridges, canals, and ports mark a new era in your
rule. If such undertakings succeed, a true substitute will have
been found for all you have given up, and one day the advantage may
perhaps be on your side. This is my heart's desire.
"Russia's conduct, after the manful service you did for that
colossal Empire, meets with censure on all sides. I do not
understand the importance which they attach to that piece of land.
But they have scarcely got their way, when Russia begins to stir
up a question about Afghanistan, which again threatens the peace,
though for the present only in Asia! As if enough blood had not been
shed already. It is to be hoped that the good Ameer will listen to
reason, but the general tension is nevertheless very great."
* * * * *
Referring to the events of the last summer, the attempted
assassination of the Emperor William I., and his own Regency, the
Crown Prince remarks:
"My best thanks, though late, for your welcome and sympathetic
letter in June. You felt with us what a heavy blow had fallen
on us all, and rejoiced with us over the recovery of the dear
Emperor, whom I found wonderfully well at Cassel and Baden. His
freshness and mobility, his memory and spirits are completely
restored. Yet those who see him daily, say that mental exertion
still tires him easily, and that he is therefore very willing to
avoid it. His resumption of official duties is thus postponed
still further, so that I shall probably not be free from this
burden until December on his return from Wiesbaden to Berlin!...
"A few days ago we bade farewell to Henry for two years. Seldom
has a separation fallen so heavily on my heart as this. He
proceeds round Cape Horn _viâ_ Rio, and will then join his
station in Japan.
"William has just returned from England and Scotland; he met
Charlotte and Bernard in Paris, where they amused themselves
immensely in the strictest incognito....
"My wife and I are tolerably well in spite of these troublous
times, which in less than half a year have brought me a Peace
Congress, marriages, special legislation, dissolution of the
Imperial Diet, elections, and the execution of a death sentence.
In all these events I see God's will that I should taste of
everything that still is set before me. But it is not easy to
exercise the rights and bear _all_ the burdens of a monarch to
the best of one's ability and conscience without taking the sole
responsibility.
"To-morrow the Imperial Diet concludes its deliberations;
let us hope that the law against social democracy marks the
commencement of a radical cure, by means of which this evil may
be overcome. It will, however, cost us much pains before we can
rid ourselves of this abortion, which has increased with such
incredible rapidity since the teaching of this unhealthy society
finds a ready market, and the attempted assassinations, which
will now multiply still more, show the direction taken by a
misunderstood application...."
_From_ PRINCE ALEXANDER OF BATTENBERG, _October 20th, '78_.
"You can imagine how I have followed the march of political events.
The consequence of the unhappy Peace of Berlin will probably be
that we, _i.e._, the Russians, shall soon have to draw sword again.
Should we then be comrades in arms once more? Probably not!
"What do you think of Dondukow's doings? Here in Jugenheim I am
too far away to be able to form an opinion, and the papers contain
nothing but lies; the events in Bulgaria interest me greatly, as
_secret inquiries continue to reach me from time to time_."
* * * * *
The first ambassador to the Roumanian Court, Count Hoyos, was
sent by Austria, an example soon followed by Turkey, and later on
by Russia, who raised the rank of its representative first from
Consul-General to Resident Minister, and then to Ambassador. In
return, the Diplomatic Agents of Roumania in Vienna, St. Petersburg,
and Constantinople were created Ambassadors. A very friendly
understanding with Turkey was now initiated, and proved to be of
great advantage to Roumania during the transactions of the Frontier
Commission, which was presided over by the former State. In strict
accordance with the provisions of the Treaty of Berlin, the frontier
line was fixed close to the gates of Silistria, in spite of the
immediate protests of the Russian Commissary, who succeeded in
delaying a final settlement for a period of years.
On November 26, 1878, the Roumanians proceeded to take possession of
the Dobrudscha, and were received with the greatest enthusiasm, to
the surprise of the Austrian Emperor, whose experience in Bosnia had
led him to advise Prince Charles not to garrison the Dobrudscha with
less than a Division.
The first anniversary of Plevna was marked by the issue of a
stirring Army Order by Prince Charles, who also exchanged warm
congratulations by telegraph with the Czar and the Archduke Nicholas.
Rumours in the Press pointed to the probable selection of Prince
Alexander of Battenberg for the newly created throne of Bulgaria,
whilst the selection of Prince Charles also received public support.
In reply to his Ministers, who considered that his candidature was
desirable, Prince Charles remarked that the moment for such a step
had passed. Not _against_, but only _with_ the aid of Russia could
such a candidature succeed!
Although the Chamber and Senate at first supported the speedy
convocation of a _Constituante_, months elapsed before the
three readings took place in the Chamber before proceeding to a
dissolution to allow the elections to take place.
The third reading did not take place till April 5, 1879, after
Prince Bismarck had in a somewhat threatening manner requested
to be informed when the Jewish question was to be settled. This
question was transmitted through Austria-Hungary, the Roumanian
representative in Berlin being passed over!
In addition to this pressing question of the Jewish franchise, the
old trouble about the re-purchase of the Strousberg Railway Line
was raised by Germany, which roundly declared that her attitude in
future depended on this measure being carried out.
The Prince of Roumania wrote to Prince Charles Anthony:
"Although we wish to acquire the railway lines, we nevertheless
feel hurt at this pressure. The Jewish question, and the
purchase of the railways are two such important problems that
they can hardly be grappled with simultaneously. Bleichröder's
influence is evident in both affairs.
"Our relations with Russia are no better, though Schuwaloff said
to my Ambassador: 'I admit that we have committed many blunders
with regard to you, but remember that you have done the same
with us. We have no reason to quarrel; on the contrary, at such
a time we ought to be on the best footing.'
"We have little hope that the question of the Dobrudscha
frontier will be decided to our advantage, since Germany is
quite on the side of Russia. Bismarck is the man who deters
those Powers which are not yet in diplomatic connection with us.
The proposal to recognise Servia proceeded from Berlin to the
other Powers, with the remark that a distinction must be made
between one country that fulfils its obligations and another
that seeks to avoid them!"
Prince Charles Anthony had already written as follows to his son in
February 1879:
"In spite of the completed cession of Bessarabia, Russia still
appears to be hostile to you, and the remainder of Europe,
including the German Empire, does not take up a resolute
attitude against that Power. Every step taken by Roumania,
conscious of her achieved independence, is hindered and opposed!
It would be desirable to put an end to your ominous Jewish
question, if only to remove every pretext from the Powers."
Again, a few months later:
"There is nothing left for you but to carry through the Jewish
question a _tout prix_, in spite of all the antipathies of the
populace, and regardless of the mischievous nature of the whole
measure."
The whole country, Moldavia in particular, was in a state of the
greatest excitement, and on no occasion were the elections so
largely participated in as those which preceded this Revising
Chamber. Prince Charles, accompanied by the Crown Prince of Sweden,
made a tour through Moldavia before the elections took place.
The National festival, the 10th-22nd May, was celebrated with
particularity and fervour in 1879. The Roumanian army presented a
sword of honour to their sovereign, inscribed with the names of the
victorious actions and the following dedication: "To the victorious
leader in the War of 1877-78, from his grateful Army," and "Virtus
Romana rediviva."
The opening of the Revising Chamber was but the prelude to a summer
of violent political struggles, which kept the national feelings at
a dangerously high pitch of excitement. The Ministry would not lay
definite proposals before the Chambers, but seemed anxious to allow
the nation to take the lead in this vital question, whilst a strong
current of public feeling advocated opposition to the demands of the
Berlin Treaty.
_To_ PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY.
"In the event of an unsatisfactory solution, they are determined
in Berlin to intervene by means of a Collective Note which will
dictate to us what rights we are to concede to the Jews. Such a
step would, of course, arouse national excitement, and only further
increase resistance; but this might become a great danger to the
country apart from the humiliation which it includes. The question
is whether execution would follow intervention, and what shape the
execution would take? Italy contents itself with the removal of
Article VII. of the Constitution, and likewise England, with the
naturalisation of a few Jews. Waddington, however, demands a radical
solution, and Berlin insists on the re-purchase of the railways
under the conditions imposed by her bankers. The German Chancellor
is opposed to us, and all the goodwill of the Emperor is of no
avail."
* * * * *
Prince Bismarck informed the Roumanian Government through Count
Andrassy that he placed no confidence in their good faith, and
that, in his opinion, Roumania was still a dependent State. In
the event of her resisting the resolutions of the Berlin Congress
he intended to treat with the Suzerain at Constantinople! Count
Andrassy in vain represented the difficulty of the Roumanian
situation, for Prince Bismarck was armed with the argument that he
considered the honour of the German Empire pledged in this matter,
whilst England proposed a Collective Note to be executed by the
Austrian Cabinet. Yet, despite the threatening aspect of affairs,
the Roumanian Chambers became more and more obstinate, and refused
to hasten a solution of the constitutional questions involved.
The marriage of the Prince's youngest brother, Frederick, with
Princess Louise of Thurn and Paris, took place at Regensburg in June
1879, and the German Emperor and Empress celebrated their golden
wedding at Berlin. The same month, however, brought the terrible
news of the death of the unfortunate Prince Imperial, who had
volunteered for service with the British troops acting against the
Zulus. In reply to Prince Charles' letter of sympathy the Empress
Eugenie wrote:
"CHISLEHURST, _August 19th, 1879_.
"You recall to me the days of happiness, and by recurring to the
present you share my illimitable grief.
"Everything has fallen from me, and only two tombs are left of
all I loved. I rest near them, and here my isolation seems less
great. I have known both extremes and the want of stability
of human fortunes. We are wrong in not always fixing our eyes
beyond this life on that one where nothing changes, and where we
shall rejoin those whom we love to all eternity.
"I beg that you will thank the Princess for the sympathy which
my recent and overwhelming misfortune has elicited from in her.
"EUGENIE."
The death of the German Crown Prince's third son, Waldemar, at the
early age of eleven, gave occasion to the following letter:
"POTSDAM, _July 27th, 1879_.
"Your kind and sympathetic letter, no less than Elisabeth's
deeply touching verses, were very welcome to my poor wife and
myself. You both feel with and for us, for God decreed a like
trouble for you, and even though your fate was much harder,
still we all have to bear the heavy destiny of surviving our
children.
"We endeavour to bear God's decree with resignation, but we
cannot even now become reconciled to the loss of another son
from the happy circle of our family, a son, too, who justified
our highest hopes, and already displayed character at an early
age. It is so difficult to accustom ourselves to everyday life
without our most dearly loved child, for every step reminds us
that he will never appear again, and that we must learn to live
without our companion.
"... Our life, which, moreover, has never been a tranquil one,
had already become gloomy by the moving incidents of last year;
with this sorrow it has lost what remaining joy it still had to
offer us, and we can only gather satisfaction from the execution
of our tasks and duties.
"You very rightly lay stress upon the fact that such grief
causes us more than ever to sympathise with others in their
sorrow and to seek their society. Many other things are first
apparent to us in our time of mourning, and it is certainly
through the medium of this chastening that we are to be prepared
for a higher calling, which appears dark and mysterious to
dwellers on earth. It is not for us to inquire 'Why?' and yet
we do so; we are but human beings, to whom the work of Divine
justice is hidden here, but will be made clear to us _there_."
The chivalrous Prince Alexander of Battenberg, who had been elected
Prince of Bulgaria, experienced the greatest difficulties in taking
over the reins of government, as the following letter shows:
"I am now passing through the same stage as you did last year:
devoted with my whole heart to the Czar Alexander, I am anxious
to do nothing that can be called anti-Russian. Unfortunately
the Russian officials have acted with the utmost want of tact;
confusion prevails in every office, and peculation, thanks to
Dondukow's decrees, is all but sanctioned. I am daily confronted
with the painful alternative of having to decide either to
assent to the Russian demands or to be accused in Russia of
ingratitude and of 'injuring the most sacred feelings of the
Bulgarians.' My situation is truly terrible; I reject everything
opposed to my conscience, and therefore have to write daily to
the Czar in order to obtain a hearing before the calumnies of
the Russian officials shall have had time to reach him. I will
tell you everything shortly on the occasion of my visit."
_From_ ALEXANDER PRINCE OF BULGARIA, _August 22nd, 1879_.
"A thousand thanks for your long and kind letter, the conferring
of your Grand Cross, and the geniality with which you welcomed my
Envoy. I have, it is true, never doubted your friendship, but to see
it once more confirmed in this handsome fashion has nevertheless
made me very happy. I shall reply to Elisabeth's kind letter direct.
"Unfortunately I cannot pay you a visit before October, for I have
so much to do that I cannot quit the country. All my Ministers
are a little anxious, and I myself have more or less to decide
everything.
"The solitude here is very great, but as at present I am busy
from morning to night I feel it the less. The idea of marriage is
antipathetic to me: I feel that I have no right to bring a wife to
this lonely spot; moreover, I do not want to bind myself, in order
that, in the event of affairs turning out badly, my convictions
may not be influenced by any external consideration. Everything
will depend upon the first National Assembly. It is not easy to be
Dondukow's heir.
"With my whole heart I sympathise with you regarding the Jewish
question. What a fatal thing it is for us all that the Great Powers
have declared themselves Masters of the World!
"Although hostile to the Treaty of Berlin, I have nevertheless
given it my complete adherence in my new position. I have conceived
my mission from the European standpoint as far as possible, and
allow the same law to apply to all. Consequently I sought to help
the Mohammedans as much as possible, but utilised the moment to
introduce universal service; if the Mohammedans want to enjoy the
advantages of all subjects, they must also bear the disadvantages.
I am in everything the opposite of my predecessors; I shall make
fewer speeches, but work more, and the final result will, it is to
be hoped, justify me.
"If only the frontiers at least were settled! So long as this is not
the case there will be no peace in the country. (I do not thereby
mean Arab-Tabia, but the South and West, where disturbances always
take place.) Everything beyond this must be delivered verbally.
"With many hearty greetings,
"Your sincere
"SANDRO."
* * * * *
During the course of the summer the unhappy Jewish question became
"in truth a gigantic struggle," as Prince Charles informed his
father:
"Whilst the country considers me the defender of the rights of
the Jews, the Foreign Powers complain that I do not champion
them with sufficient energy. This reproach, however, affects
me very little. There is only one path which can lead me to my
goal, and that is laid down by the Constitution."
Owing to this struggle a modification of the Ministry became
necessary towards the end of July, and M. Sturdza was sent to Berlin
to lay the difficulties of the situation before Prince Bismarck,
whilst Prince Charles Anthony turned to the aged Emperor William.
_From_ PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, _July 24th, 1879_.
"Only a few words to-day to tell you that we saw the Emperor
(William) in the Mainau the day before yesterday. He asked me to
come to his room after dinner, when I at last found an opportunity
of discussing Roumanian affairs and of commending you to his care.
I can now tell you that I was greatly surprised and pleased with
the Emperor's opinions, even though I must regretfully limit this
favourable impression by the fact that the Emperor has certainly not
been kept _au courant_ with the situation. He at first ascribed the
whole blame to England, who is urging the Jewish question with the
greatest want of consideration, and from whose policy Germany cannot
dissociate herself.
"When I proved that the exact opposite was the case, and compared
the constantly progressive moderation of England with the harsh
attitude of Germany, which never has regard to circumstances, the
Emperor was highly astonished; he would not believe it at all, and
said that the Jewish question was entirely antipathetic to him;
that he was acquainted with similar circumstances in Poland and
Russia; and that, if he had not been suffering from his wounds
during the Berlin Congress, he would never have consented to the
present extension of this question. In brief, I am convinced that
the Imperial Chancellor did not consult the Emperor in this matter
at all, or at least did not report it to him fully."
* * * * *
A few days later Prince Charles Anthony forwarded to his son a copy
of a letter to the Empress, written by the Emperor at Gastein, July
25, 1879:
"With regard to Roumania I have, as you know, from the outset
most strongly disapproved of the resolution of the Congress
concerning the Jewish question, though only after the blow had
fallen, since I was not at the head of affairs.
"Since then I have, of course, only had to support the strict
execution of the resolutions of the Congress, but I have
demanded at every opportunity that no pressure be used in
this matter, for I know by experience what the Jews are in
those regions--starting with Posen, Poland, Lithuania, and
Volhynia--and the Roumanian Jews are said to be even worse! The
whole Jewish question there has been championed so violently by
England. Lord Odo Russell confessed as much to me in answer to
my representations, indicating at the same time by a gesture his
disagreement with them.
"I explained the attitude which I have adopted with regard to
the Jewish question (on which the recognition of my cousin as an
independent Sovereign depends) to the Prince of Hohenzollern,
when he excitedly complained of the extreme severity of our
note. I added, however, that I was not acquainted with the note
in question. On my making inquiry, the latest document for
Bucharest was only yesterday laid before me. It states that the
Powers would be satisfied by the annulment of the restrictive
article of the Roumanian Constitution being recognised as a
principle, leaving the decision as to the method of carrying it
into effect to a later date, when the Ministry and Chamber have
come to an agreement. When once this method has been accepted,
nothing will impede the recognition of the Prince. I commission
you to communicate this most exactly in Krauchenwies, and also
add that I think that Charles of Roumania and his Ministry,
which has just been changed, should accept this method; the
Chambers will then have to practise self-restraint.
"You will remember that I always took the part of the Roumanian
Government, whenever difficulties arose between Christians and
Jews, whilst England invariably took the opposite side, because
she sees a refined Rothschild in _every_ Jew."
Whilst the German Emperor thus roundly declared his interest in
the Roumanian Sovereign, his Chancellor proved no less sympathetic
towards M. Sturdza, at an interview which took place at Kissingen.
Prince Bismarck admitted that the Berlin Congress had set Roumania
a hard task, but remarked that the resolutions must be executed
in their entirety. Germany was only demanding what France and
Italy also wished in the matter of the Jews, of whom there were a
large number crowded together in certain portions of the country.
The Roumanians must open the war upon economic ground: work and
save, found banks, &c. The Empire was anxious to maintain friendly
relations with Roumania, although the latter had until recently
treated Germany somewhat cavalierly. The sympathy of the Roumanian
nation with France, though perhaps only natural, had in the end
annoyed Germany, and it was never wise to annoy anybody, least of
all one who happened to be powerful. In order to ameliorate the
existing relations, it was necessary that the railway question
should disappear.
"One must be acquainted with the commencement of this affair in
order to realise its importance. No one can be blamed for it,
neither we nor Roumania: the affair exists, and we must get rid of
it with profit to both parties.
"Our interest is considerable, since about one hundred million marks
are invested there. These moneys must be rescued from a precarious
situation, in which it has often been the duty of the State to
defend them, and on each occasion this has strained the relations
between the two States.
"This railway affair commenced with Dr. Strousberg, who dragged
the Silesian magnates into it, and with them all their friends
and dependents were in turn involved. To-day we find amongst the
bondholders of the Roumanian Railway Company, lords and ladies,
lackeys of the great houses, and even cabdrivers--in a word, almost
the whole of Berlin. Indeed, more than that, the King himself had to
intervene to save a few of the Silesian magnates, when Strousberg
could carry on no longer! He then applied to Bleichröder, who was,
however, rich enough not to need to address himself to so involved a
question. Nevertheless, he did so because he was asked, and also on
account of the credit which it brought him. He has taken the matter
in hand, and we are bound to support him. But the King has done even
more than this. He has had to assist the great Silesian nobles out
of his privy purse. It is, therefore, easy to understand that every
one is anxious to escape from this painful situation. You must,
therefore, solve these two questions in order to enter the ranks of
the Independent States. An independent Roumania will throw a heavy
weight into the balance of Oriental questions.... Roumania has an
area of 2500 square miles (German) and 6,000,000 inhabitants. It
might have 10,000,000; and how powerful it would be then."
* * * * *
The Jews were admitted to the franchise on October 18, 1879, by
an alteration of Article VII. of the Constitution, and over 900
Jews who had served with the colours in 1877-78 were immediately
admitted to the rights of citizenship. Though the situation at
one period became so critical that the German Empress sent a
"quite confidential" warning that delay was fraught with danger,
the demands of Germany in the matter of the railway purchase were
satisfied three months later, and the independence of the Roumanian
State was in consequence fully recognised by all the European Powers.
_To_ PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, _February 11th, 1880_.
"Sandro[22] is in despair about the doings of the Panslavists, who
are making his task uncommonly difficult; had he only Bulgarians
to deal with, he would get on easily enough.... He is determined
to speak openly to the Czar Alexander about the Panslavonic and
Nihilist agitation in Sofia. He returns to his capital at the end of
March, when the newly elected National Assembly will be opened; it
is not much better than the former. So long as the Czar Alexander
lives he will personally exert a favourable influence in Bulgaria,
but when he dies everything will be changed. I told Sandro, who has
much confidence in me, that if he possesses enough strength to live
down this period of suffering, he will be richly rewarded for his
patience and endurance. But few, perhaps, have the patience that I
had, and still have."
[22] Prince Alexander of Bulgaria.
During the stay of the Prince of Bulgaria in St. Petersburg an
attempt was made by Nihilists to blow up the Winter Palace, but
it failed owing to a mere chance. Prince Alexander of Hesse, the
father of the Prince of Bulgaria, reached St. Petersburg later than
was expected, and so caused the dinner to be postponed to a later
hour. The explosion, which destroyed the dining-room, took place,
therefore, whilst their Majesties were in an antechamber.
The English elections in March displaced the Conservative Ministry
and summoned Gladstone to the head of the Government. About the same
time Prince Charles despatched the President of the Ministry to
Berlin, to hand the insignia of the Star of Roumania to the Emperor
William, the Crown Prince, and Prince Bismarck. The last-named
suggested that Roumania had claims to become a kingdom, but the
opinion in Vienna was in favour of delaying this step.
_From the_ GERMAN CROWN PRINCE.
"Your relations towards Russia will grow exceptionally difficult;
for, no matter how great the confidence one may place in the
magnanimity of the Czar, the less can one trust his Government,
looking impartially at the actions of their agents, who are actively
propagating the views of the Panslavists in all directions, and are
finally making it seem impossible for the Government to disavow and
abandon their countrymen who have gone to such lengths. One would
really think that Russia was large enough already, and that she
had enough to do at home, and might leave her neighbours in peace.
Bulgaria seems to me like a Russian province, which is only waiting
for a hint to allow itself to be incorporated; and Battenberg, even
though he possessed ever so much foresight and determination, will
hardly be able to steer against the Russian stream.
"Our _rapprochement_ and understanding with Austria last autumn was,
no doubt, under the circumstances, a correct step, and has given the
Czar's Empire something to think about. If we could only succeed in
preventing France from forming the ardently desired alliance with
Russia--which has probably been postponed for some time--we might
then see favourable guarantees for peace everywhere. No one wants
war, because all have much to do at home, and have enough to think
over in the consequences of the last bloody war. Above all things,
we Germans do not wish for war, since we gained far more by the last
than we ever dared to hope for, and we anticipate no advantage from
any extension.
"Permit me to inform you and dear Elisabeth that the premature hints
of the Press regarding the betrothal of my eldest son, William, to
Victoria of Schleswig-Holstein, eldest daughter of the late Fritz
of Schleswig-Holstein-Augustenburg, are quite true. Mutual and
deep-seated inclination has brought the two together, and this
fulfils the sincere wish of my wife and myself to greet as our
daughter-in-law a Princess so distinguished by gifts of spirit,
heart, and temperament, as well as by dignified grace. God grant
that this union of hearts may one day be a blessing to the Empire."
_From the_ GERMAN EMPEROR, _March 5th, 1880_.[23]
[23] Accompanying the Order of the Black Eagle.
"MY DEAR COUSIN,
"At last we have arrived at the goal of our long-cherished wishes.
It has cost many a hard and bitter struggle before we could see you
standing independent before the world! May the proverb come true
which says, 'Slow but sure.'
"I have never concealed the sympathy which I have always cherished
for you alike personally and as a Hohenzollern; but when many are
striving to the same goal and each goes his own way, time and
sacrifices are required until they are at length all gathered
together! So I too have had to temporise in order to recognise you
at last before the world.
"May God give His blessing to your now independent Government and
bless you, your consort, and your country!
"Your sincere Cousin and Friend,
"WILLIAM."
_From_ PRINCE BISMARCK, _May 20th, 1880_.
"I share your Royal Highness's regret that the acquisitions
resulting from the peace, apart from the dissolution of the
relations to the Porte, were not in proportion with the achievements
and valour of your Royal Highness's army; but, having regard to the
dignity and weight of the Powers by which Roumania is surrounded,
and also to the difficulty of securing a _modus vivendi_ amongst
them, which would give us peace for the time being, I do not know
of any possible means by which greater advantages could have been
obtained for Roumania.
"The difficulty of the historical situation is that on the far bank
of the Danube there are no national _points d'appui_ to strengthen
Roumania, and, on the other side, the population belongs to the two
great neighbouring Empires. To live in peace with these is necessary
for the consolidation of affairs, and to select at least one of them
as a certain ally will always be the object of Roumanian policy.
In this historical situation the acquisition of the Dobrudscha
was a _pis-aller_, whose favourable aspect--the possession of the
sea-coast--will increase in value during the further development of
your resources."
* * * * *
In reply to his father, who urged him to fulfil his promise to
return home after an absence of six years, Prince Charles wrote:
"The still incomplete negotiations about the Arab-Tabia question
will unfortunately cause a slight delay in our departure for
abroad. The reason why the Powers delay so long in completing
a matter which has reached its last stage is unintelligible.
In order partly to give way to Russia, they intend to grant
Bulgaria a territorial compensation. An exchange of notes has
arisen on this point, and we have directed our Ambassadors
to express the expectation that the frontier defined by the
International Commission will be adhered to. However, in the end
it will be Roumania _qui payera les pots cassés_--_i.e._, they
will give us with one hand what they take away with the other!"
On July 29, 1880, the frontier was definitely fixed and sanctioned
by the Powers, and though Roumania did not acquire all she had
fought for, she nevertheless retained Arab-Tabia.
At length, on August 10, the Prince and his consort quitted Roumania
to enjoy a well-earned rest in Germany. On passing through Ischl,
Prince Charles was appointed Colonel-in-Chief of the 6th Infantry
Regiment by the Emperor of Austria. The Prince then rejoined his
dearly loved parents at the Weinburg, and Princess Elisabeth
proceeded to visit her mother. Visits were then paid to the Courts
of Dresden and Berlin, where the Roumanian sovereigns received a
hearty welcome. The German Emperor also appointed the Prince to the
Colonelcy of one of his regiments--the 1st Hanoverian Dragoons (No.
9).
The beautiful autumn months at the Weinburg passed only too quickly,
for the cares of State demanded the return of the Prince about the
middle of October. After attending the Roumanian manœuvres near
Bucharest and Jassy, Prince Charles paid a visit to Rustchuk, where
he was greeted with the greatest enthusiasm as the liberator of
Bulgaria.
The important question of the succession to the Roumanian throne
had been fully discussed during Prince Charles's visit to Germany,
with the result that the constitutional right of succession of the
Prince's brothers and their heirs was officially recognised by the
princely House of Hohenzollern. This was effected by the exchange
of letters, which were laid before the Chambers as soon as they
assembled. A hearty vote of thanks rewarded the royal couple for
their disinterested solicitude for the welfare of the State.
The anniversary of Plevna was marked by a pleasant incident--the
presentation of a piece of statuary to Princess Elisabeth by the
wives of the officers of the Roumanian army. The Princess herself
was represented nursing a wounded soldier as an emblem of her noble
activity during the terrible period of the war of 1877-78.
Early in 1881 the Roumanian Ambassador in Berlin reported that the
representatives of the Powers had all expressed their opinion that
the time had come for Roumania to be created a kingdom. The Ministry
wished to delay this solemn act till the day of the National
Festival, May 22, but the ceremony was precipitated by an unforeseen
event. On March 13, Czar Alexander fell a victim to a Nihilist
plot, and the Roumanian Opposition seized the occasion to accuse
the Liberals of aiming at Republican and Anti-dynastic ideals. To
refute this calumny effectually, the Liberal Ministry proposed
the elevation of the Roumanian Principality into the "Kingdom of
Roumania," amidst the enthusiastic plaudits of Chamber and Senate.
After the motion had been unanimously carried, the legislative
bodies proceeded to the Palace, where Prince Charles attached his
signature to the document in their presence with the following words:
"This is a grand and solemn moment, in which the representatives
of the nation approach me with a unanimous resolution of the
legislative bodies. Herewith begins a new page in the volume
of Roumanian national life; here, too, ends a period full of
struggle and difficulties, but full also of virile effort and
heroic deeds. At this moment I repeat what I have so often
said before: the wish of the nation is the guide and goal of
my life. I have ruled this land for fifteen years; I have been
surrounded by the love and confidence of the nation; this love
and confidence have made the good days even brighter, and have
strengthened and confirmed me during those which were evil. I
was therefore proud to be Prince, and that title has been dear
to me, round which the past has entwined glory and strength.
"But Roumania thinks that it would be more in keeping with her
position to proclaim herself a kingdom. I therefore accept
the kingly title, not for myself personally, but for the
aggrandisement of my country, and to fulfil the long-cherished
wish of every Roumanian. This title will not in any way alter
the close bond which unites me to the nation by all that we have
fought for and experienced together.
"May the first King of Roumania enjoy the same love that
has supported the last Prince through all his troubles! The
affection of this noble and brave nation, to whom I have devoted
my whole existence, is more to me than all the greatness and
brilliancy of a crown."
This sudden and unexpected fulfilment of a long-cherished hope
aroused the greatest enthusiasm in every class of Roumanian society.
The recognition of the new kingdom by the Great Powers followed very
shortly, the reception of the news by the Emperor William being
especially cordial. Prince Charles Anthony wrote:
"The unanimity with which the kingly crown has been offered you
is the surest foundation of your new and hard-won stability."
The coronation of King Charles took place at Bucharest on May 10-22,
1881. In accordance with his wish, the royal crown of Roumania
was fashioned of steel from a Turkish gun captured at Plevna, as
a remembrance to all time of the achievements on the battlefields
of Bulgaria, and of the fact that the new kingdom was not bound or
hampered by old traditions, but looked forward to a great future
springing from a vigorous beginning.
The golden crown for the Queen was also fashioned in Roumania from
a simple design, without jewels or ornaments. These crowns were
consecrated by the Metropolitan in the presence of their Majesties,
the Hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern and his two sons, Ferdinand
and Charles, and the ceremony was attended by delegates from every
district in the kingdom, as well as by all corporations and other
bodies.
After this the crowns were carried in an unending coronation
procession to the royal palace, where King Charles took the crown
into his hands with these words:
"I assume with pride this crown, wrought from a cannon sprinkled
with the blood of our heroes, and consecrated by the Church;
I accept it as a symbol of the independence and power of
Roumania."
EPILOGUE
Though the years which followed 1881 have lacked the laurels of
the battlefield and the intensity of the struggle for independence
which characterised the earlier portion of Roumanian history under
King Charles, they are no less remarkable for continuous and patient
progress in the development of the resources of the kingdom. Herein,
as in sterner matters, the King has borne the heat and burden of the
day; no one knew better that independence was but another milestone
on the road to the ideal Roumania; that the regeneration of a nation
that had passed through such vicissitudes could only follow the
unwearying labour of many years; and that to this end the force of
example--the art of leading men, not the knack of driving them--is
of paramount importance. As sovereign of an independent State, King
Charles felt that he had at last secured a firm basis from which
the latent force of his country might be fully developed. That
these efforts have not been fruitless is proved by the increase of
the Roumanian Budget, despite the saying, _mensonge en chiffres_;
for in twenty-five years, from 1866 to 1891, the revenue increased
more than threefold (from 56,000,000frs. in 1866 to 180,000,000frs.
in 1891). It was indeed fortunate for Roumania that King Charles
was endowed with qualities which enabled him to appreciate the
difficulties of peaceful development in the same way as he had met
the dangers of war. It seemed to him now that his work had at last
commenced in earnest; his clear eye detected every shortcoming,
though at the same time the future promised much to his gifted and
industrious people. A great navigable river and the neighbouring
sea offered elements for a greatly increased commerce, whilst the
inexhaustible treasures of the soil, coal and iron, fulfilled the
necessary industrial conditions.
In Roumanian politics, the Liberals remained in office till 1888
under Jon Bratianu, and aimed at a rigid centralisation of the
Administration, whilst endeavouring to draw an increasing circle of
the population into the arena of politics. The Conservatives, on the
other hand, could only see the danger of extending Parliamentary
influence through so politically immature a nation; but up to 1891
they were unable to realise their ideals; indeed, they barely
succeeded in obtaining the permanency of the judges. Between these
two extremes lay the sphere of duty of the constitutional monarch,
the one stable element amid the fluctuations of the contending
parties. The unwavering loyalty and devotion of the representatives
of the nation to their Sovereign have been inspired by the qualities
with which nature has so richly endowed King Charles. Resolution,
energy, a knowledge of human character, readiness to acknowledge and
appreciate true individuality--a freshness of mind that the driest
of routine work is powerless to dull, and a magnanimous indulgence
that is able to forgive if not forget--these are the traits of
character which never fail to exert their influence over all who
come into contact with the King.
The foreign policy of the kingdom has constantly had one aim and
object in view--to find support and aid from the great Teutonic
Powers, though at times it seemed as if the religious tradition
of the nation or the sympathy for the Latin sister nation were
about to force the real interests of Roumania into the background.
As a German prince, King Charles had recognised the supremacy of
Prussia, and never doubted the power and force of the Teuton genius.
The year 1883 marked a decided advance in the friendly relations
of Roumania with Austria and Germany, though the former had been
estranged by the dispute about the Danube, and an outburst of
Roumanian Chauvinism on the unveiling of a monument to the Moldavian
Prince Stephen the Great, pointing to Bukowina and Siebenbürgen
as Roumanian provinces. On the whole, King Charles's policy has
been successful, though loyal friendship has had much to bear from
Germany's want of consideration in dealing with the Jews and the
railways, as well as from Austria-Hungary, whose harsh measures
against the Roumanians of Siebenbürgen have forced many of the
"brethren from over the hills" to seek shelter in Roumania.
A visit to Berlin in 1883 to act as godfather to Prince
William's[24] second son afforded King Charles an opportunity of
explaining the position of Roumania in European questions. The King
also succeeded in convincing the Emperor of Austria that, though it
was impossible to forbid a nation to cherish political aspirations,
yet these sentiments had never entered into the schemes of the
Roumanian statesmen.
[24] The present German Emperor.
From the geographical situation of the kingdom it was only natural
that the army should continue to receive the greatest attention
from the King, who has never forgotten its willingness to follow
where he led. King Charles does not content himself with merely
watching the training of his troops at the annual manœuvres, but
keeps constant touch with every detail that may tend to promote the
efficiency and standard of his army. Nor have the rival claims of
education been neglected by either King Charles or his consort, who
are indefatigable in their efforts for the welfare of the national
schools.
The frequent change of Ministers was, however, prejudicial,
since the various measures which they introduced were not
long-lived--indeed, in some instances were never put into execution!
Nevertheless, the tendency to foster this valuable aid to true
culture lost none of its force. King Charles devotes an annual
sum to the Academy to assist in the production of an etymological
dictionary in order to aid the study of the beautiful Roumanian
language.
The last link in the chain which bound the National Church to the
Patriarchate of Constantinople was broken as long ago as 1882;
the holy oil was consecrated in Roumania, and at last in 1885 the
Patriarch of Constantinople recognised the independence of the
Roumanian Church.
As early as 1881, twelve years after the first railway had been
constructed by foreign hands, Roumanian engineers completed the
first section of the State Railway from Buseu to Marascheschti, the
want of which had made itself felt so bitterly in 1877. Even in the
earliest days of his reign King Charles discussed with Ali Pacha the
construction of a bridge over the Danube.
At that date negotiations were entered into for a bridge between
Giurgiu and Rustchuk, whilst after the Treaty of Berlin it was
proposed to connect the two banks of the Danube below Silistria.
Though this project was discussed by the Chambers in 1883, it was
not till the autumn of 1890 that matters had progressed sufficiently
to allow King Charles to lay the foundation-stone of the railway
bridge at Feteschti, which was to unite the Dobrudscha to the mother
country, and complete the iron chain between the North and Black
Seas.
King Charles has been a zealous builder; and, thanks to him,
Roumania can boast of many a notable pile in Bucharest, Jassy,
Crajowa, and elsewhere. Most noteworthy of all is the Royal Castle
of Pelesch in the peaceful valley of Prahova. Built in the style
of German Renaissance, it reveals the artistic ideal of its royal
builder so far as stone and mortar can mirror the individuality of a
man. Unlike so many castles, it is perfectly homogeneous; in a word,
Castle Pelesch is the product of King Charles's artistic taste and
indomitable will.
The death of Prince Charles Anthony on June 2, 1885, was a bitter
blow to the King, who lost in him not only a devoted parent and
friend, but a counsellor whose sage advice had sustained and
strengthened him in many a dark hour. The passing away of the
first German Emperor, followed too soon by that of his successor,
Frederick III., was a great sorrow to King Charles, who was deeply
attached to the devoted friends of his early youth, whose loyal
friendship had never wavered for an instant.
It was, therefore, a great solace to the royal pair to welcome
Prince Ferdinand, the second son of the King's eldest brother, to
Roumania as heir-apparent in 1889. Prince Ferdinand had already
entered the Roumanian army as a subaltern in 1886.
The history of the other States of the Balkan Peninsula during these
years is by no means so happy as that of Roumania. Prince Alexander
of Bulgaria was forced by shameful intrigues to quit his adopted
country within a year of a successful campaign with Servia, whose
ruler also abdicated in favour of his son after endless and painful
quarrels.
The present German Emperor has ably summed up the great work to
which the scion of the Hohenzollern House has devoted his life, in a
letter to King Charles, in May 1891.
"Five and twenty years have elapsed since your Majesty was first
summoned to undertake the government of the Roumanian State, and
a decade will have passed on the 22nd of this month since that
memorable day on which your Majesty was able, after a regency
victorious in war and proved in peace, to receive a royal crown
for Roumania and your illustrious house from God's altar by
the unanimous desire of the Roumanian nation. Thanks to your
Majesty's wise and vigorous rule over a richly endowed and sober
nation, Roumania has become an equal and respected member of the
Council of the Nations, and under your Majesty's sceptre every
Roumanian can rejoice in the proud consciousness of belonging to
a State which, as warden of an old-world civilisation, enjoys
the sympathetic goodwill of all civilised nations.
"Since our Houses are so closely connected, it is my heart's
desire to express my warm congratulations to your Majesty on
this joyful occasion, and also the hope that, as the bonds of
our personal friendship, so also the firm political relations
of Roumania to the German Empire, may be preserved in time to
come such as they have been for past years under the enlightened
government of your Majesty.
"Your Majesty will place me under an obligation by laying my
sincere congratulations before her Majesty the Queen, who has
earned undying honour by your side in cultivating Art and the
Ideal as well as in the formation of the Roumanian nation."
INDEX
Abdul Aziz deposed, 232.
Abdul Hamid, 238.
Ali Pacha, 42, 116, 158.
_Alliance Israelite_, 145, 151.
Alphonso, King of Spain, 209.
Amadeo, King of Spain, 187.
Ambronn, Councillor, 131, 134.
Andrassy, Count, 71, 188.
Army:
Command of, 258;
insubordination, 253;
manœuvres, 255, 261, 263;
mutiny, 33;
organisation, 257.
Battenberg, Prince Alexander of, 313, 327;
letter, 336;
elected, 335;
abdicates, 361.
Bavaria, Prince Otto of, 80.
Berlin Congress, 317.
Bessarabia, 199, 317, 324.
Beust, Count, 70, 86.
Bismarck, Prince:
Conversation with Prince Charles, 18;
Col. Bauch, 23;
Bratianu, 316;
Sturdza, 341;
letters on Russia, 63;
Roumania, 73, 113, 168;
railways, 139, 167;
result of the war, 348;
"honest broker," 309.
Bratianu, 11, 28, 312, 318, 356.
Bucharest:
Riots, 35, 122;
Jockey Club, 212;
Commission, 6.
Bulgarian Massacres, 238;
raid, 66;
throne, 329.
Charles Anthony, Prince:
Character, xi.;
letters on France, 46;
Germany, 49, 164, 185, 338;
Spanish Throne, 79, 93, 94, 101;
abdication of Prince Charles, 120;
railways, 138, 165;
Jewish Question, 149;
Church Question, 214, 217;
Eastern Question, 226, 233, 243;
war of 1877, 270;
result of the war, 298;
Dobrudscha, 309;
death, 360.
Cogalniceanu Jewish Question, 151;
Russian Treaty, 249.
Cotroceni, 158, 197.
Crèmieux, 145.
Crete, insurrection, 52, 57, 59, 65.
Crimean War, result of, 6.
Czar Alexander, letter, 56;
on Roumania, 315;
in Bucharest, 270;
assassinated, 351.
Danube, Commission, 260;
crossing of, 272.
Denmark, war with, xvi.
Dobrudscha, 309, 330, 360.
Dondukof-Korsakoff, Prince (Governor-general of Bulgaria in
1878), 327.
England, visit to, 201;
attitude of, 71, 233;
and Russia, 307, 315.
Eugénie, Empress, letter, 333.
Ferdinand, Prince, 361.
Feteschti, bridge at, 360.
Flanders, Count of, 9.
France, ill-feeling of, 58, 62, 67, 79.
Franco-Russian Alliance, 61.
Furceni Camp, 258.
Gladstone, W. E., 53.
Gordon, Charles, 260.
Gornji-Dubnik, 289.
Gortchakoff, Prince, 33;
Jewish Question, 153;
before the war of '77, 239;
confidence of, 270;
on Bessarabia, 304;
threats of, 312.
Greece, draft treaty, 81.
Grivitza Redoubt, xxviii, 284, 289.
Hagens, Captain, xiv.
Hohenlohe, Prince, 49, 86.
Hospodars, 1.
Hungary, agitation in relations with, 70, 140, 357.
Ignatieff, General, 57, 106, 305.
Imeritinski, Prince, 286.
Jewish persecution, 148;
denied, 153;
financiers, 179;
emancipation, 318, 344;
congress, 153.
Journey to Roumania, 27.
Krenski, Colonel von, 69, 76, 258.
Kusa, Prince, 7, 9.
_Lieutenance Princière_, 5, 9.
Livadia, visit to, 83.
Marie, Princess, birth, 103, 180;
illness and death, 192.
Ministries:
Catargiu, 32;
Ghika, 38;
Cretzulesku, 53;
Golesku, 58;
D. Ghika, 70;
Golesku, 91;
Lepureanu, 96;
Ghika, 113;
Catargiu, 125;
Floresku, 229;
Lepureanu, 231;
Bratianu, 237.
Miquel, Dr., 151.
Moldavia, journey through, 40, 78, 155.
Moltke, Count, 261.
Montefiore, Sir M., 148.
Montenegro, 237.
Müller, Max, 202; letter, 208.
Murad, Sultan, 232.
Napoleon III., visit to, xvi., 88;
letter on Jewish Question, 147;
death, 185.
Napoleon, Prince, visit to Bucharest, 88.
Nelidow, M., 242, 267.
Nicholas, Grand Duke, telegram, 275;
urges attack, 280.
Nikopoli bridge, 291.
Omar Pacha, 57.
Osman Pacha, 272, 291, 293.
Paris Conference, 9.
Pelesch, Castle, 159, 360.
Phanariotes, 2.
Piteschti riot, 96.
Plevna, 269;
first action, 273;
second action, 275;
bombardment, 281.
Plojeschti riots, 96, 102;
Russian headquarters, 269.
Poradim Roumanian headquarters, 279.
Portugal, visit to, xv.
Prussia, Crown Prince of:
Letters on Germany, 169, 182, 192, 220, 325;
Eastern Question, 232, 241;
Russia, 324, 347;
death of Princess Marie, 194;
of Prince Waldemar, 324.
Radowitz, Consul-General, 113, 123.
Railways:
Ofenheim concession, 130;
Strousberg, 131;
payment stopped, 108;
repurchased, 329;
collision, 215.
Rauch, Colonel, 13, 23, 24.
"Roumania, Star of," instituted, 268.
Schools, 160.
Servia:
Prince Michael, 65;
Prince Milan, 199;
extravagance, 208;
war with Turkey, 229-237.
Sinaja, 158.
Spain, candidature for throne of, 69, 92, 97, 99.
Skobeleff, General, 281, 284, 289, 291.
Strousberg, Dr., 181, 135, 342.
Sturdza, M.:
Report on Servia, 206;
conversation with Bismarck, 341;
mission to Turkey, 41;
to Berlin, 338.
Todleben, General, 285.
Treaty of Balta Liman, 6;
with Servia, 61;
of San Stefano, 311.
Turkey, journey to, 43;
war declared, 265.
Victoria, Queen, 51.
Vienna Exhibition, 189.
Wales, Prince of, 167.
Werner, Councillor von, 26.
Widin, bombardment of, 268.
Wied, Princess Elizabeth of, 87, 88;
marriage, 90.
William I., Emperor:
letter on Roumania, 15;
Jewish Question, 172, 341.
William II., Emperor, letter, 361.
Ypsilanti, Prince, 71.
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