Chapter I.

Produced by Elizabeth T. Knuth

The Life of St. Teresa of Jesus

Transcriber's Note: Corrections suggested in the Corrigenda,

p. [viii] of the original text, have been made. Section number

added for L 3.9, since both the translator's preface and the

index refer to it. Footnotes gathered at the ends of chapters.

Typographical errors in two Scriptural quotations have been

corrected: In L 21 note 10, I have changed "Quæ præparavit Deus

iis qui" to "Quæ præparavit Deus his qui;" and in L 29 note 12,

I have changed "As the longing of the heart" to "As the longing

of the hart."

The Life

of

St. Teresa of Jesus

Re-imprimatur.

+ Franciscus

Archiepiscopus Westmonast.

Die 27 Sept., 1904.

The Life

of

St. Teresa of Jesus,

of the Order of Our Lady of Carmel.

Written by Herself.

Translated from the Spanish by

David Lewis.

Third Edition Enlarged.

With additional Notes and an Introduction by

Rev. Fr. Benedict Zimmerman, O.C.D.

London: Thomas Baker.

New York: Benziger Bros.

MCMIV.

Contents.

Chap.

Introduction to the Third Edition, by Rev. B. Zimmerman

St. Teresa's Arguments of the Chapters

Preface by David Lewis

Annals of the Saint's Life

Prologue

I. Childhood and early Impressions--The Blessing of pious

Parents--Desire of Martyrdom--Death of the Saint's Mother

II. Early Impressions--Dangerous Books and Companions--The Saint

is placed in a Monastery

III. The Blessing of being with good people--How certain

Illusions were removed

IV. Our Lord helps her to become a Nun--Her many Infirmities

V. Illness and Patience of the Saint--The Story of a Priest whom

she rescued from a Life of Sin

VI. The great Debt she owed to our Lord for His Mercy to her--She

takes St. Joseph for her Patron

VII. Lukewarmness--The Loss of Grace--Inconvenience of Laxity in

Religious Houses

VIII. The Saint ceases not to pray--Prayer the way to recover

what is lost--All exhorted to pray--The great Advantage of

Prayer, even to those who may have ceased from it

IX. The means whereby our Lord quickened her Soul, gave her Light

in her Darkness, and made her strong in Goodness

X. The Graces she received in Prayer--What we can do

ourselves--The great Importance of understanding what our Lord is

doing for us--She desires her Confessors to keep her Writings

secret, because of the special Graces of our Lord to her, which

they had commanded her to describe

XI. Why men do not attain quickly to the perfect Love of God--Of

Four Degrees of Prayer--Of the First Degree--The Doctrine

profitable for Beginners, and for those who have no

sensible Sweetness

XII. What we can ourselves do--The Evil of desiring to attain to

supernatural States before our Lord calls us

XIII. Of certain Temptations of Satan--Instructions

relating thereto

XIV. The Second State of Prayer--Its supernatural Character

XV. Instructions for those who have attained to the Prayer of

Quiet--Many advance so far, but few go farther

XVI. The Third State of Prayer--Deep Matters--What the Soul can

do that has reached it--Effects of the great Graces of our Lord

XVII. The Third State of Prayer--The Effects thereof--The

Hindrance caused by the Imagination and the Memory

XVIII. The Fourth State of Prayer--The great Dignity of the Soul

raised to it by our Lord--Attainable on Earth, not by our Merit,

but by the Goodness of our Lord

XIX. The Effects of this Fourth State of Prayer--Earnest

Exhortations to those who have attained to it not to go back nor

to cease from Prayer, even if they fall--The great Calamity of

going back

XX. The Difference between Union and Rapture--What Rapture

is--The Blessing it is to the Soul--The Effects of it

XXI. Conclusion of the Subject--Pain of the Awakening--Light

against Delusions

XXII. The Security of Contemplatives lies in their not ascending

to high Things if our Lord does not raise them--The Sacred

Humanity must be the Road to the highest Contemplation--A

Delusion in which the Saint was once entangled

XXIII. The Saint resumes the History of her Life--Aiming at

Perfection--Means whereby it may be gained--Instructions

for Confessors

XXIV. Progress under Obedience--Her Inability to resist the

Graces of God--God multiplies His Graces

XXV. Divine Locutions--Delusions on that Subject

XXVI. How the Fears of the Saint vanished--How she was assured

that her Prayer was the Work of the Holy Spirit

XXVII. The Saint prays to be directed in a different

way--Intellectual Visions

XXVIII. Visions of the Sacred Humanity and of the glorified

Bodies--Imaginary Visions--Great Fruits thereof when they come

from God

XXIX. Of Visions--The Graces our Lord bestowed on the Saint--The

Answers our Lord gave her for those who tried her

XXX. St. Peter of Alcantara comforts the Saint--Great Temptations

and Interior Trials

XXXI. Of certain outward Temptations and Appearances of Satan--Of

the Sufferings thereby occasioned--Counsels for those who go on

unto Perfection

XXXII. Our Lord shows St. Teresa the Place which she had by her

Sins deserved in Hell--The Torments there--How the Monastery of

St. Joseph was founded

XXXIII. The Foundation of the Monastery hindered--Our Lord

consoles the Saint

XXXIV. The Saint leaves her Monastery of the Incarnation for a

time, at the command of her superior--Consoles an afflicted Widow

XXXV. The Foundation of the House of St. Joseph--Observance of

holy Poverty therein--How the Saint left Toledo

XXXVI. The Foundation of the Monastery of St. Joseph--Persecution

and Temptations--Great interior Trial of the Saint, and

her Deliverance

XXXVII. The Effects of the divine Graces in the Soul--The

inestimable Greatness of one Degree of Glory

XXXVIII. Certain heavenly Secrets, Visions, and Revelations--The

Effects of them in her Soul

XXXIX. Other Graces bestowed on the Saint--The Promises of our

Lord to her--Divine Locutions and Visions

XL. Visions, Revelations, and Locutions

The Relations.

Relation.

I. Sent to St. Peter of Alcantara in 1560 from the Monastery of

the Incarnation, Avila

II. To one of her Confessors, from the House of Dona Luisa de la

Cerda, in 1562

III. Of various Graces granted to the Saint from the year 1568 to

1571, inclusive

IV. Of the Graces the Saint received in Salamanca at the end of

Lent, 1571

V. Observations on certain Points of Spirituality

VI. The Vow of Obedience to Father Gratian which the Saint made

in 1575

VII. Made for Rodrigo Alvarez, S.J., in the year 1575, according

to Don Vicente de la Fuente; but in 1576, according to the

Bollandists and F. Bouix

VIII. Addressed to F. Rodrigo Alvarez

IX. Of certain spiritual Graces she received in Toledo and Avila

in the years 1576 and 1577

X. Of a Revelation to the Saint at Avila, 1579, and of Directions

concerning the Government of the Order

XI. Written from Palencia in May, 1581, and addressed to Don

Alonzo Velasquez, Bishop of Osma, who had been when Canon of

Toledo, one of the Saint's Confessors

Introduction to the Present Edition.

When the publisher entrusted me with the task of editing this

volume, one sheet was already printed and a considerable portion

of the book was in type. Under his agreement with the owners of

the copyright, he was bound to reproduce the text and notes,

etc., originally prepared by Mr. David Lewis without any change,

so that my duty was confined to reading the proofs and verifying

the quotations. This translation of the Life of St. Teresa is so

excellent, that it could hardly be improved. While faithfully

adhering to her wording, the translator has been successful in

rendering the lofty teaching in simple and clear language, an

achievement all the more remarkable as in addition to the

difficulty arising from the transcendental nature of the subject

matter, the involved style, and the total absence of punctuation

tend to perplex the reader. Now and then there might be some

difference of opinion as to how St. Teresa's phrases should be

construed, but it is not too much to say that on the whole

Mr. Lewis has been more successful than any other translator,

whether English or foreign. Only in one case have I found it

necessary to make some slight alteration in the text, and I trust

the owners of the copyright will forgive me for doing so. In

Chapter XXV., § 4, St. Teresa, speaking of the difference between

the Divine and the imaginary locutions, says that a person

commending a matter to God with great earnestness, may think that

he hears whether his prayer will be granted or not: y es muy

posible, "and this is quite possible," but he who has ever heard

a Divine locution will see at once that this assurance is

something quite different. Mr. Lewis, following the old Spanish

editions, translated "And it is most impossible," whereas both

the autograph and the context demand the wording I have ventured

to substitute.

When Mr. Lewis undertook the translation of St. Teresa's works,

he had before him Don Vicente de la Fuente's edition (Madrid,

1861-1862), supposed to be a faithful transcript of the original.

In 1873 the Sociedad Foto-Tipografica-Catolica of Madrid

published a photographic reproduction of the Saint's autograph in

412 pages in folio, which establishes the true text once for all.

Don Vicente prepared a transcript of this, in which he wisely

adopted the modern way of spelling but otherwise preserved the

original text, or at least pretended to do so, for a minute

comparison between autograph and transcript reveals the startling

fact that nearly a thousand inaccuracies have been allowed to

creep in. Most of these variants are immaterial, but there are

some which ought not to have been overlooked. Thus, in Chapter

XVIII. § 20, St. Teresa's words are: Un gran letrado de la orden

del glorioso santo Domingo, while Don Vicente retains the old

reading De la orden del glorioso patriarca santo Domingo.

Mr. Lewis possessed a copy of this photographic reproduction, but

utilised it only in one instance in his second edition. [1]

The publication of the autograph has settled a point of some

importance. The Bollandists (n. 1520), discussing the question

whether the headings of the chapters (appended to this

Introduction) are by St. Teresa or a later addition, come to the

conclusion (against the authors of the Reforma de los Descalços)

that they are clearly an interpolation (clarissime patet) on

account of the praise of the doctrine contained in these

arguments. Notwithstanding their high authority the Bollandists

are in this respect perfectly wrong, the arguments are entirely

in St. Teresa's own hand and are exclusively her own work.

The Book of Foundations and the Way of Perfection contain similar

arguments in the Saint's handwriting. Nor need any surprise be

felt at the alleged praise of her doctrine for by saying: this

chapter is most noteworthy (Chap. XIV.), or: this is good

doctrine (Chap. XXI.), etc., she takes no credit for herself

because she never grows tired of repeating that she only delivers

the message she has received from our Lord. [2] The Bollandists,

not having seen the original, may be excused, but P. Bouix (whom

Mr. Lewis follows in this matter) had no right to suppress these

arguments. It is to be hoped that future editions of the works

of S. Teresa will not again deprive the reader of this remarkable

feature of her writings. What she herself thought of her books

is best told by Yepes in a letter to Father Luis de Leon, the

first editor of her works: "She was pleased when her writings

were being praised and her Order and the convents were held in

esteem. Speaking one day of the Way of Perfection, she rejoiced

to hear it praised, and said to me with great content: Some grave

men tell me that it is like Holy Scripture. For being revealed

doctrine it seemed to her that praising her book was like

praising God." [3]

A notable feature in Mr. Lewis's translation is his division of

the chapters into short paragraphs. But it appears that he

rearranged the division during the process of printing, with the

result that a large number of references were wrong. No labour

has been spared in the correction of these, and I trust that the

present edition will be the more useful for it. In quoting the

Way of Perfection and the Interior Castle (which he calls Inner

Fortress!) Mr. Lewis refers to similar paragraphs which, however,

are to be found in no English edition. A new translation of

these two works is greatly needed, and, in the case of the Way of

Perfection, the manuscript of the Escurial should be consulted as

well as that of Valladolid. Where the writings of S. John of the

Cross are quoted by volume and page, the edition referred to is

the one of 1864, another of Mr. Lewis's masterpieces.

The chapters in Ribera's Life of St. Teresa refer to the edition

in the Acts of the Saint by the Bollandists. These and all other

quotations have been carefully verified, with the exception of

those taken from the works on Mystical theology by Antonius a

Spiritu Sancto and Franciscus a S. Thoma, which I was unable to

consult. I should have wished to replace the quotations from

antiquated editions of the Letters of our Saint by references to

the new French edition by P. Grégoire de S. Joseph (Paris,

Poussielgue, 1900), which may be considered as the

standard edition.

In note 2 to Chap. XI. Mr. Lewis draws attention to a passage in

a sermon by S. Bernard containing an allusion to different ways

of watering a garden similar to St. Teresa's well-known

comparison. Mr. Lewis's quotation is incorrect, and I am not

certain what sermon he may have had in view. Something to the

point may be found in sermon 22 on the Canticle (Migne,

P. L. Vol. CLXXXIII, p. 879), and in the first sermon on the

Nativity of our Lord (ibid., p. 115), and also in a sermon on the

Canticle by one of St. Bernard's disciples (Vol. CLXXXIV.,

p. 195). I am indebted to the Very Rev. Prior Vincent McNabb,

O.P., for the verification of a quotation from St. Vincent Ferrer

(Chap. XX. § 31).

Since the publication of Mr. Lewis's translation the uncertainty

about the date of St. Teresa's profession has been cleared up.

Yepes, the Bollandists, P. Bouix, Don Vicente de la Fuente,

Mr. Lewis, and numerous other writers assume that she entered the

convent of the Incarnation [4] on November 2nd, 1533, and made

her profession on November 3rd, 1534. The remaining dates of

events previous to her conversion are based upon this, as will be

seen from the chronology printed by Mr. Lewis at the end of his

Preface and frequently referred to in the footnotes. It rests,

however, on inadequate evidence, namely on a single passage in

the Life [5] where the Saint says that she was not yet twenty

years old when she made her first supernatural experience in

prayer. She was twenty in March, 1535, and as this event took

place after her profession, the latter was supposed by Yepes and

his followers to have taken place in the previous November.

Even if we had no further evidence, the fact that St. Teresa is

not always reliable in her calculation should have warned us not

to rely too much upon a somewhat casual statement. In the first

chapter, § 7, she positively asserts that she was rather less

than twelve years old at the death of her mother, whereas we know

that she was at least thirteen years and eight months old. As to

the profession we have overwhelming evidence that it took place

on the 3rd of November, 1536, and her entrance in the convent a

year and a day earlier. To begin with, we have the positive

statement of her most intimate friends, Julian d'Avila, Father

Ribera, S.J., and Father Jerome Gratian. Likewise doña Maria

Pinel, nun of the Incarnation, says in her deposition: "She

(Teresa of Jesus) took the habit on 2 November, 1535." [6]

This is corroborated by various passages in the Saint's writings.

Thus, in Relation VII., written in 1575, she says, speaking of

herself: "This nun took the habit forty years ago." Again in a

passage of the Life written about the end of 1564 or the

beginning of the following year, [7] she mentions that she has

been a nun for over twenty-eight years, which points to her

profession in 1536. But there are two documents which place the

date of profession beyond dispute, namely the act of renunciation

of her right to the paternal inheritance and the deed of dowry

drawn up before a public notary. Both bear the date 31 October,

1536. The authors of the Reforma de los Descalços thought that

they must have been drawn up before St. Teresa took the habit,

and therefore placed this event in 1536 and the profession in

1537, but neither of these documents is necessarily connected

with the clothing, yet both must have been completed before

profession. The Constitutions of Blessed John Soreth, drawn up

in 1462, which were observed at the convent of the Incarnation,

contain the following rule with regard to the reception and

training of novices: [8] Consulimus quod recipiendus ante

susceptionem habitus expediat se de omnibus quae habet in saeculo

nisi ex causa rationabili per priorem generalem vel provincialem

fuerit aliter ordinatum. There was, indeed, good reason in the

case of St. Teresa to postpone these legal matters. Her father

was much opposed to her becoming a nun, but considering his piety

it might have been expected that before the end of the year of

probation he would grant his consent (which in the event he did

the very day she took the habit), and make arrangements for the

dowry. One little detail concerning her haste in entering the

convent has been preserved by the Reforma and the

Bollandists, [9] though neither seem to have understood its

meaning. On leaving the convent of the Incarnation for

St. Joseph's in 1563, St. Teresa handed the prioress of the

former convent a receipt for her bedding, habit and discipline.

This almost ludicrous scrupulosity was in conformity with a

decision of the general chapter of 1342 which said: Ingrediens

ordinem ad sui ipsius instantiam habeat lectisternia pro se ipso,

sin autem recipiens solvat lectum illum. As St. Teresa entered

the convent without the knowledge of her father she did not bring

this insignificant trousseau with her; accordingly the prioress

became responsible for it and obtained a receipt when St. Teresa

went to the new convent. The dowry granted by Alphonso Sanchez

de Cepeda to his daughter consisted of twenty-five measures,

partly wheat, partly barley, or, in lieu thereof, two hundred

ducats per annum. Few among the numerous nuns of the Incarnation

could have brought a better or even an equal dowry.

The date of St. Teresa's profession being thus fixed on the 3rd

of November, 1536, some other dates of the chronology must be

revised. Her visit to Castellanos de la Canada must have taken

place in the early part of 1537. But already before this time

the Saint had an experience which should have proved a warning to

her, and the neglect of which she never ceased to deplore, namely

the vision of our Lord; [10] her own words are that this event

took place "at the very beginning of her acquaintance with the

person" who exercised so dangerous an influence upon her.

Mr. Lewis assigns to it the date 1542, which is impossible seeing

that instead of twenty-six it was only twenty-two years before

she wrote that passage of her life. Moreover, it would have

fallen into the midst of her lukewarmness (according to

Mr. Lewis's chronology) instead of the very beginning. P. Bouix

rightly assigns it to the year 1537, but as he is two years in

advance of our chronology it does not agree with the surrounding

circumstances as described by him. Bearing in mind the hint

St. Teresa gives [11] as to her disposition immediately after her

profession, we need not be surprised if the first roots of her

lukewarmness show themselves so soon.

From Castellanos she proceeded to Hortigosa on a visit to her

uncle. While there she became acquainted with the book called

Tercer Abecedario. Don Vicente remarks that the earliest edition

known to him was printed in 1537, which tells strongly against

the chronology of the Bollandists, P. Bouix, and others.

Again, speaking of her cure at Bezadas she gives a valuable hint

by saying that she remained blind to certain dangers for more

than seventeen years until the Jesuit fathers finally undeceived

her. As these came to Avila in 1555 the seventeen years lead us

back to 1538, which precisely coincides with her sojourn at

Bezadas. She remained there until Pascua florida of the

following year. P. Bouix and others understand by this term Palm

Sunday, but Don Vicente shows good reason that Easter Sunday is

meant, which in 1539 was April the 6th. She then returned to

Avila, more dead than alive, and remained seriously ill for

nearly three years, until she was cured through the miraculous

intervention of St. Joseph about the beginning of 1542.

Now began the period of lukewarmness which was temporally

interrupted by the illness and death of her father, in 1544 or

1545, and came to an end about 1555. Don Vicente, followed by

Mr. Lewis, draws attention to what he believes to be a "proof of

great laxity of the convent," that St. Teresa should have been

urged by one of her confessors to communicate as often as once a

fortnight. It should be understood that frequent communion such

as we now see it practised was wholly unknown in her time.

The Constitutions of the Order specified twelve days on which all

those that were not priests should communicate, adding:

Verumtamen fratres professi prout Deus eis devotionem contulerit

diebus dominicis et festis duplicibus (i.e., on feasts of our

Lady, the Apostles, etc.), communicare poterunt si qui velint.

Thus, communicating about once a month St. Teresa acted as

ordinary good Religious were wont to do, and by approaching the

sacrament more frequently she placed herself among the more

fervent nuns. [12]

St. Teresa wrote quite a number of different accounts of her

life. The first, addressed to Father Juan de Padranos, S.J. [13]

and dated 1557, is now lost. The second, written for St. Peter

of Alcantara, is Relation I. at the end of this volume; a copy of

it, together with a continuation (Relation II.) was sent to

Father Pedro Ibañez in 1562. It is somewhat difficult to admit

that in the very same year she wrote another, more extensive,

account to the same priest, which is generally called the "first"

Life. At the end of the Life such as we have it now, St. Teresa

wrote: "This book was finished in June, 1562," and Father Bañez

wrote underneath: "This date refers to the first account which

the Holy Mother Teresa of Jesus wrote of her life; it was not

then divided into chapters. Afterwards she made this copy and

inserted in it many things which had taken place subsequent to

this date, such as the foundation of the monastery of St. Joseph

of Avila." Elsewhere Father Bañez says: [14] "Of one of her

books, namely, the one in which she recorded her life and the

manner of prayer whereby God had led her, I can say that she

composed it to the end that her confessors might know her the

better and instruct her, and also that it might encourage and

animate those who learn from it the great mercy God had shown

her, a great sinner as she humbly acknowledged herself to be.

This book was already written when I made her acquaintance, her

previous confessors having given her permission to that effect.

Among these was a licentiate of the Dominican Order, the Reverend

Father Pedro Ibañez, reader of Divinity at Avila. She afterwards

completed and recast this book." These two passages of Bañez

have led the biographers of the Saint to think that she wrote her

Life twice, first in 1561 and the following year, completing it

in the house of Doña Luisa de la Cerda at Toledo, in the month of

June; and secondly between 1563 and 1565 at St. Joseph's Convent

of Avila. They have been at pains to point out a number of

places which could not have been in the "first" Life, but must

have been added in the second; [15] and they took it for granted

that the letter with which the book as we now have it concludes,

was addressed to Father Ibañez in 1562, when the Saint sent him

the "first" Life. It bears neither address nor date, but from

its contents I am bound to conclude that it was written in 1565,

that it refers to the "second" Life, and that whomsoever it was

addressed to, it cannot have been to Father Ibañez, who was

already dead at the time. [16] Saint Teresa asks the writer to

send a copy of the book to Father Juan de Avila. Now we know

from her letters that as late as 1568 this request had not been

complied with, and that St. Teresa had to write twice to Doña

Luisa for this purpose; [17] but if she had already given these

instructions in 1562, it is altogether incomprehensible that she

did not see to it earlier, especially when the "first" Life was

returned to her for the purpose of copying and completing it.

The second reason which prevents me from considering this letter

as connected with the "first" Life will be examined when I come

to speak of the different ends the Saint had in view when writing

her Life. It is more difficult to say to whom the letter was

really addressed. The Reforma suggests Father Garcia de Toledo,

Dominican, who bade the Saint write the history of the foundation

of St. Joseph's at Avila [18] and who was her confessor at that

convent. It moreover believes that he it is to whom Chapter

XXXIV. §§ 8-20 refers, and this opinion appears to me plausible.

As to the latter point, Yepes thinks the Dominican at Toledo was

Father Vicente Barron, the Bollandists offer no opinion, and

Mr. Lewis, in his first edition gives first the one and then the

other. If, as I think, Father Garcia was meant, the passage in

Chapter XVI. § 10, beginning "O, my son," would concern him also,

as well as several passages where Vuestra Merced--you, my

Father--is addressed. For although the book came finally into

the hands of Father Bañez, it was first delivered into those of

the addressee of the letter.

Whether the previous paper was a mere "Relation," or really a

first attempt at a "Life," [19] there can be no dispute about its

purpose: St. Teresa speaks of it in the following terms: "I had

recourse to my Dominican father (Ibañez); I told him all about my

visions, my way of prayer, the great graces our Lord had given

me, as clearly as I could, and begged him to consider the matter

well, and tell me if there was anything therein at variance with

the Holy Writings, and give me his opinion on the whole

matter." [20] The account thus rendered had the object of

enabling Father Ibañez to give her light upon the state of her

soul. But while she was drawing it up, a great change came over

her. During St. Teresa's sojourn at Toledo she became from a

pupil an experienced master in Mystical knowledge. "When I was

there a religious" (probably Father Garcia de Toledo) "with whom

I had conversed occasionally some years ago, happened to arrive.

When I was at Mass in a monastery of his Order, I felt a longing

to know the state of his soul." [21] Three times the Saint rose

from her seat, three times she sat down again, but at last she

went to see him in a confessional, not to ask for any light for

herself, but to give him what light she could, for she wished to

induce him to surrender himself more perfectly to God, and this

she accomplished by telling him how she had fared since their

last meeting. No one who reads this remarkable chapter can help

being struck by the change that has come over Teresa: the period

of her schooling is at an end, and she is now the great teacher

of Mystical theology. Her humility does not allow her to speak

with the same degree of openness upon her achievements as she did

when making known her failings, yet she cannot conceal the Gift

of Wisdom she had received and the use she made of it.

St. Teresa's development, if extraordinary considering the degree

of spirituality she reached, was nevertheless gradual and

regular. With her wonderful power of analysis, she has given us

not only a clear insight into her interior progress, but also a

sketch of the development of her understanding of supernatural

things. "It is now (i.e., about the end of 1563) some five or

six years, I believe, since our Lord raised me to this state of

prayer, in its fulness, and that more than once,--and I never

understood it, and never could explain it; and so I was resolved,

when I should come thus far in my story, to say very little or

nothing at all." [22] In the following chapter she adds: "You,

my father, will be delighted greatly to find an account of the

matter in writing, and to understand it; for it is one grace that

our Lord gives grace; and it is another grace to understand what

grace and what gift it is; and it is another and further grace to

have the power to describe and explain it to others. Though it

does not seem that more than the first of these--the giving of

grace--is necessary, it is a great advantage and a great grace to

understand it." [23] These words contain the clue to much that

otherwise would be obscure in the life of our Saint: great graces

were bestowed upon her, but at first she neither understood them

herself nor was she able to describe them. Hence the inability

of her confessors and spiritual advisers to guide her.

Her natural gifts, great though they were, did not help her much.

"Though you, my father, may think that I have a quick

understanding, it is not so; for I have found out in many ways

that my understanding can take in only, as they say, what is

given it to eat. Sometimes my confessor used to be amazed at my

ignorance: and he never explained to me--nor, indeed, did I

desire to understand--how God did this, nor how it could be.

Nor did I ever ask." [24] At first she was simply bewildered by

the favours shown her, afterwards she could not help knowing,

despite the fears of over anxious friends, that they did come

from God, and that so far from imperilling her soul made a

different woman of her, but even then she was not able to explain

to others what she experienced in herself. But shortly before

the foundation of St. Joseph's convent she received the last of

the three graces mentioned above, the Gift of Wisdom, and the

scene at Toledo is the first manifestation of it.

This explains the difference of the "Life" such as we know it

from the first version or the "Relations" preceding it.

Whatever this writing was, it still belonged to the period of her

spiritual education, whereas the volume before us is the

first-fruit of her spiritual Mastership. The new light that had

come to her induced her confessors [25] to demand a detailed work

embodying everything she had learned from her heavenly

Teacher. [26] The treatise on Mystical theology contained in

Chapters X. to XXI., the investigation of Divine locutions,

Visions and Revelations in the concluding portion of the work

could have had no place in any previous writing. While her

experiences before she obtained the Gift of Wisdom influenced but

three persons (one of them being her father), a great many

profited by her increased knowledge. [27] The earlier writings

were but confidential communications to her confessors, and if

they became known to larger circles this was due to indiscretion.

But her "Life" was written from the beginning with a view to

publication. Allusions to this object may be found in various

places [28] as well as in the letter appended to the book, [29]

but the decisive utterances must be sought for elsewhere, namely

in the "Way of Perfection." This work was written immediately

after the "Life," while the Saint was as yet at the convent of

St. Joseph's. It was re-written later on and is now only known

in its final shape, but the first version, the original of which

is preserved at the Escurial and has been reproduced

photographically, leaves no doubt as to the intentions of

St. Teresa in writing her "Life." "I have written a few days ago

a certain Relation of my Life. But since it might happen that my

confessor may not permit you (the Sisters of St. Joseph's) to

read it, I will put here some things concerning prayer which are

conformable to what I have said there, as well as some other

things which appear to me to be necessary." [30] Again: "As all

this is better explained in the book which I say I have written,

there is no need for me to speak of it with so much detail.

I have said there all I know. Those of you who have been led by

God to this degree of contemplation (and I say that some have

been led so far), should procure the book because it is important

for you, after I am dead." [31] At the end she writes: "Since

the Lord has taught you the way and has inspired me as to what I

should put in the book which I say has been written, how they

should behave who have arrived at this fountain of living water

and what the soul feels there, and how God satiates her and makes

her lose the thirst for things of this world and causes her to

grow in things pertaining to the service of God; that book,

therefore, will be of great help for those who have arrived at

this state, and will give them much light. Procure it.

For Father Domingo Bañez, presentado of the Order of St. Dominic

who, as I say, is my confessor, and to whom I shall give this,

has it: if he judges that you should see this, and gives it to

you, he will also give you the other." [32] While the first and

second of these quotations may be found, somewhat weakened, in

the final version of the "Way of Perfection," the last one is

entirely omitted. Nor need this surprise us, for Father Bañez

had his own ideas about the advisability of the publication of

the "Life." In his deposition, already referred to, he says: "It

was not convenient that this book should become public during her

lifetime, but rather that it should be kept at the Holy Office

(the Inquisition) until we knew the end of this person; it was

therefore quite against my will that some copies were taken while

it was in the hands of the bishop Don Alvaro Mendoza, who, being

a powerful prelate and having received it from the said Teresa of

Jesus, allowed it to be copied and showed it to his sister, doña

Maria de Mendoza; thus certain persons taking an interest in

spiritual matters and knowing already some portions of this

treatise (evidently the contents of the divulged Relations) made

further copies, one of which became the property of the Duchess

of Alba, doña Maria Enriquez, and is now, I think, in the hands

of her daughter-in-law, doña Maria de Toledo. All this was

against my wish, and I was much annoyed with the said Teresa of

Jesus, though I knew well it was not her fault but the fault of

those to whom she had confided the book, and I told her she ought

to burn the original because it would never do that the writings

of women should become public property; to which she answered she

was quite aware of it and would certainly burn it if I told her

to do so; but knowing her great humility and obedience I did not

dare to have it destroyed but handed it to the Holy Office for

safe-keeping, whence it has been withdrawn since her death and

published in print." [33] From this it will be seen that Bañez,

who had given a most favourable opinion when the "Life" was

denounced to the Inquisition (1574), resulting in the approbation

by Cardinal de Quiroga to the great joy of St. Teresa, [34]

returned it to the Holy Office for safety's sake. It was

withdrawn by the Ven. Mother Anne of Jesus when the Order had

decided upon the publication of the works of the Saint, but too

late to be utilised then. Father Luis de Leon, the editor, had

to content himself with the copy already alluded to.

St. Teresa wrote her "Life" slowly. It was begun in spring,

1563, [35] and completed in May or June, 1565. She complains

that she can only work at it by stealth on account of her duties

at the distaff; [36] but the book is written with so much order

and method, the manuscript is so free from mistakes, corrections

and erasures, that we may conclude that while spinning she worked

it out in her mind, so that the apparent delay proved most

advantageous. In this respect the "Life" is superior to the

first version of the "Way of Perfection." This latter work was

printed during her lifetime, though it appeared only after her

death. In 1586 the Definitory of the province of Discalced

Carmelites decided upon the publication of the complete works of

the Saint, but for obvious reasons deemed not only the members of

her own Order but also Dominicans and Jesuits ineligible for the

post of editor. Such of the manuscripts as could be found were

therefore confided to the Augustinian Father, Luis de Leon,

professor at Salamanca, who prepared the edition but did not live

to carry it through the press. The fact that he did not know the

autograph of the "Life" accounts for the numerous inaccuracies to

be found in nearly all editions, but the publication of the

original should ensure a great improvement for the future.

St. Teresa's canonisation took place before the stringent laws of

Urban VIII. came into force. Consequently, the writings of the

Saint were not then enquired into, the Holy See contenting itself

with the approbations granted by the Spanish Inquisition, and by

the congregation of the Rota in Rome. A certain number of

passages selected from various works having been denounced by

some Roman theologians as being contrary to the teaching of

St. Thomas Aquinas and other authorities, Diego Alvarez, a

Dominican, and John Rada, a Franciscan, were commissioned to

examine the matter and report on it. The twelve censures with

the answers of the two theologians and the final judgment of the

Rota seem to have remained unknown to the Bollandists. [37]

The "heavenly doctrine" of St. Teresa is alluded to not only in

the Bull of canonisation but even in the Collect of the Mass of

the Saint.

Concerning the English translations of the "Life" noticed by

Mr. Lewis it should be mentioned that the one ascribed to Abraham

Woodhead is only partly his work. Father Bede of St. Simon Stock

(Walter Joseph Travers), a Discalced Carmelite, labouring on the

English Mission from 1660 till 1692, was anxious to complete the

translation of St. Teresa's works into English. He had not

proceeded very far when he learnt that "others were engaged in

the same task. On enquiry he found that a new translation was

contemplated by two graduates of the University of Cambridge,

converts to the Faith, most learned and pious men, who were

leading a solitary life, spending their time and talents in the

composition of controversial and devotional works for the good of

their neighbour and the glory of God." One of these two men was

Woodhead, who, however, was an Oxford man, but the name of the

other, who must have been a Cambridge man, is not known.

They undertook the translation while Father Bede provided the

funds and bore the risks of what was then a dangerous work.

As there existed already two English translations of the "Life,"

the first volume to appear (1669) contained the Book of

Foundations, to which was prefixed the history of the foundation

of St. Joseph's from the "Life." When, therefore, the new

translation of the latter appeared, in 1671, this portion of the

book was omitted. [38] The translation was made direct from the

Spanish but "uniformly with the Italian edition."

Mr. Lewis, whose translation is the fifth, was born on the 12th

of November, 1814, and died on January the 23rd, 1895. The first

edition was printed in 1870, the second in 1888. It is

regrettable that the latter edition, of which the present is a

reprint, omitted the marginal notes which would have been so

helpful to the reader.

St. Teresa's life and character having always been a favourite

study of men and women of various schools of thought, it may be

useful to notice here a few recent English and foreign works on

the subject:--

The Life of Saint Teresa, by the author of "Devotions before and

after Holy Communion" (i.e., Miss Maria Trench), London, 1875.

The Life of Saint Teresa of the Order of Our Lady of Mount

Carmel. Edited with a preface by the Archbishop of Westminster

(Cardinal Manning), London, 1865. (By Miss Elizabeth Lockhart,

afterwards first abbess of the Franciscan convent, Notting Hill.)

Frequently reprinted.

The Life and Letters of St. Teresa, by Henry James Coleridge,

S.J. Quarterly Series. 3 vols (1881, 1887, 1888).

And, from another point of view:

The Life of St. Teresa, by Gabriela Cunninghame-Graham, 2 vols,

London, 1894.

Histoire de Sainte Thérèse d'après les Bollandistes. 2 vols,

Nantes, 1882. Frequently reprinted. The author is

Mlle. Adelaide Lecornu (born 5 July, 1852, died at the Carmelite

convent at Caen, 14 December, 1901. Her name in religion was

Adelaide-Jéronyme-Zoe-Marie du Sacré-Coeur).

An excellent character sketch of the Saint has appeared in the

"Les Saints" series (Paris, Lecoffre, 1901):

Sainte Thérèse, par Henri Joly.

Although the attempt at explaining the extraordinary phenomena in

the life of St. Teresa by animal Magnetism and similar obscure

theories had already been exploded by the Bollandists, it has

lately been revived by Professor Don Arturo Perales Gutierrez of

Granada, and Professor Don Fernando Segundo Brieva Salvatierra of

Madrid, who considered her a subject of hysterical derangements.

The discussion carried on for some time, not only in Spain but

also in France, Germany, and other countries, has been ably

summed up and disposed of by P. Grégoire de S. Joseph: La

prétendue Hystérie de Sainte Thérèse. Lyons.

The Bibliographie Thérèsienne, by Henry de Curzon (Paris, 1902)

is, unfortunately, too incomplete, not to say slovenly, to be of

much use.

Finally, it is necessary to say a word about the spelling of the

name Teresa. In Spanish and Italian it should be written without

an h as these languages do not admit the use of Th; in English,

likewise, where this combination of letters represents a special

sound, the name should be spelt with T only. But the present

fashion of thus writing it in Latin, German, French, and other

languages, which generally maintain the etymological spelling, is

intolerable: The name is Greek, and was placed on the calendar in

honour of a noble Spanish lady, St. Therasia, who became the wife

of a Saint, Paulinus of Nola, and a Saint herself. See Sainte

Thérèse, Lettres au R. P. Bouix, by the Abbé Postel, Paris, 1864.

The derivation of the name from the Hebrew Thersa can no longer

be defended (Father Jerome-Gratian, in Fuente, Obras, Vol. VI.,

p. 369 sqq.).

Benedict Zimmerman,

Prior O.C.D.

St. Luke's Priory,

Wincanton, Somerset.

16th July, 1904.

1. Chap. xxxiv., note 5.

2. Chap. xviii. § 11.

3. Fuente, Obras (1881), vol. vi. p. 133.

4. See the licence granted by Leo X. to the prioress and convent

of the Incarnation to build another house for the use of the said

convent, and to migrate thither (Vatican Archives, Dataria, Leo

X., anno i., vol. viii., fol. 82). Also a licence to sell or

exchange certain property belonging to it (ibid., anno iv.,

vol. vii., f. 274; and a charge to the Bishop of Avila concerning

a recourse of the said convent (ibid., anno vii., vol. iv.,

f. 24).

5. Chap. iv § 9.

6. Lettres de Ste. Thérèse, edit. P. Grégoire de S. Joseph,

vol. iii, p. 419, note 2.

7. Chap. xxxvi. § 10. The date of this part of the Life can be

easily ascertained from the two following chapters. In xxxvii. §

18, St. Teresa says that she is not yet fifty years old,

consequently the chapter must have been written before the end of

March, 1565; and in the next chapter, xxxviii. § 15, she speaks

of the death of Father Pedro Ibañez, which appears to have taken

place on 2nd February. This, at least, is the date under which

his name appears in the Année Dominicaine, and the Very

Rev. Prior Vincent McNabb tells me that there is every reason to

think that it is the date of his death.

8. When about A.D. 1452 certain communities of Beguines demanded

affiliation to the Carmelite Order, they were given the

Constitutions of the friars without any alterations.

These Constitutions were revised in 1462, but neither there nor

in the Acts of the General Chapters, so far as these are

preserved, is there the slightest reference to convents of nuns.

The colophon of the printed edition (Venice, 1499) shows that

they held good for friars and nuns: Expliciunt sacrae

constitutiones novae fratrum et sororum beatae Mariae de Monte

Carmelo. They contain the customary laws forbidding the friars

under pain of excommunication, to leave the precincts of their

convents without due licence, but do not enjoin strict enclosure,

which would have been incompatible with their manner of life and

their various duties. St. Teresa nowhere insinuates that the

Constitutions, such as they were, were not kept at the

Incarnation; her remarks in chap. vii. are aimed at the

Constitutions themselves, which were never made for nuns, and

therefore did not provide for the needs of their convents.

9. Reforma lib. i., cap. 47. Bollandists. no. 366.

10. Chap. vii. § 11.

11. Chap. v. § 2.

12. Constitutions of 1462. Part i., cap. x.

13. Chap. xxiii. § 17.

14. Deposition for the process of canonisation, written in 1591.

Fuente, Obras, vol. vi., p. 174.

15. See the notes to chapters vii. § 11; xvi. § 10; xx. § 6;

xxiv. § 4; xxvii. § 17. At the end of chapter xxxi. we are told

on the authority of Don Vicente that the "first" Life must have

ended at this point.

16. Bollandists, no. 1518.

17. Lettres, edit. Grégoire. I., pp. 13 (18 May, 1568); 21

(27 May); 35 (2 November).

18. Reforma, vol. i., lib. v., cap. xxxv., no. 9. Bollandists,

no. 1518.

19. If the latter, it must have been very much shorter than the

second edition, and can scarcely have contained more than the

first nine chapters (perhaps verbatim) and an account of the

visions, locutions, etc., contained in chapters xxiii.-xxxi.,

without comment.

20. Chap. xxxiii. § 7.

21. Chap. xxxiv. § 8.

22. Chap. xvi. § 2.

23. Chap. xvii. § 7.

24. Chap. xxviii. § 10.

25. In the Prologue to the Book of Foundations, Father Garcia de

Toledo, her confessor at St. Joseph's Convent, is said to be

responsible for the order to rewrite the "Life"; but in the

Preface to the "Life" St. Teresa speaks of her "confessors" in

the plural. Fathers Ibañez and Bañez may be included in the

number. See also ch. xxx. § 27.

26. Chap. xviii. § 11.

27. Chap. xiii. § 22. In chap. xvi. § 12, the Saint says: "I

wish we five who now love one another in our Lord, had made some

such arrangement, etc." Fuente is of opinion that these five

were, besides the Saint, Father Julian de Avila, Don Francisco de

Salcedo, St. John of the Cross, and Don Lorenzo de Cepeda,

St. Teresa's brother: but this is impossible at the date of this

part of the "Life." It is more probable that she meant Francisco

de Salcedo, Gaspar Daza, Julian de Avila, and Father Ibañez, the

latter being still alive in the beginning of 1564, when this

chapter was written. It is more difficult to say who the three

confessors were whom St. Teresa desired to see the "Life"

(ch. xl. § 32). If, as I think, the book was first handed to

Father Garcia de Toledo, the others may have been Francisco de

Salcedo, Baltasar Alvarez, and Gaspar de Salazar.

28. Chap. x. §§ 11 and 12.

29. This is the second reason why the letter could not have been

addressed to Father Ibañez in 1562.

30. Edited by Don Francisco Herrero Bayona, 1883 p. 4.

31. Ibid., chap. xli. (see Dalton's translation, chap. xxv.).

32. Ibid., chap. lxxiii. See the difference in Dalton's

translation, chap. xlii.

33. Fuente, Obras, vol. vi., p. 275.

34. See the following Preface, p. xxxvii. Lettres, ed. Grégoire,

ii., p. 65. P. Bertholde-Ignace, Vie de la Mère Anne de Jésus,

i., p. 472.

35. In the Prologue to the Book of Foundations, St. Teresa says

that Father Garcia de Toledo ordered her to rewrite the book the

same year in which St. Joseph's Convent was founded, i.e. 1562,

but seeing that she only spent a few hours there and that the

principal difficulties only arose after her return to the

Incarnation, it appears more probable that Father Garcia's

command was not made until the spring of the following year, when

she went to live at St. Joseph's.

36. Chap. x. § 11.

37. See Historia Generalis Fratrum Discalceatorum Ordinis

B. Virginis Mariae de Monte Carmelo Congregationis Eliae.

Romae, 1668, vol. i., pp. 340-358 ad ann. 1604.

38. See Carmel in England, by Rev. Father B. Zimmerman,

p. 240 sqq.

St. Teresa's Arguments of the Chapters.

J.H.S.

J.H.S. Chapter I. [1]--In which she tells how God [2] began to

dispose this soul from childhood for virtue, and how she was

helped by having virtuous parents.

Chapter II.--How she lost these virtues and how important it is

to deal from childhood with virtuous persons.

Chapter III.--In which she sets forth how good company was the

means of her resuming good intentions, and in what manner God

began to give her some light on the deception to which she

was subjected.

Chapter IV.--She explains how, with the assistance of God, she

compelled herself to take the (Religious) habit, and how His

Majesty began to send her many infirmities.

Chapter V.--She continues to speak of the great infirmities she

suffered and the patience God gave her to bear them, and how He

turned evil into good, as is seen from something that happened

at the place where she went for a cure.

Chapter VI.--Of the great debt she owes God for giving her

conformity of her will (with His) in her trials, and how she

turned towards the glorious St. Joseph as her helper and

advocate, and how much she profited thereby.

Chapter VII.--Of the way whereby she lost the graces God had

granted her, and the wretched life she began to lead; she also

speaks of the danger arising from the want of a strict enclosure

in convents of nuns.

Chapter VIII.--Of the great advantage she derived from not

entirely abandoning prayer so as not to lose her soul; and what

an excellent remedy this is in order to win back what one has

lost. She exhorts everybody to practise prayer, and shows what a

gain it is, even if one should have given it up for a time, to

make use of so great a good.

Chapter IX.--By what means God began to rouse her soul and give

light in the midst of darkness, and to strengthen her virtues so

that she should not offend Him.

Chapter X.--She begins to explain the graces God gave her in

prayer, and how much we can do for ourselves, and of the

importance of understanding God's mercies towards us.

She requests those to whom this is to be sent to keep the

remainder (of this book) secret, since they have commanded her to

go into so many details about the graces God has shown her.

Chapter XI.--In which she sets forth how it is that we do not

love God perfectly in a short time. She begins to expound by

means of a comparison four degrees of prayer, of the first of

which she treats here; this is most profitable for beginners and

for those who find no taste in prayer.

Chapter XII.--Continuation of the first state. She declares how

far, with the grace of God, we can proceed by ourselves, and

speaks of the danger of seeking supernatural and extraordinary

experiences before God lifts up the soul.

Chapter XIII.--She continues to treat of the first degree, and

gives advice with respect to certain temptations sometimes sent

by Satan. This is most profitable.

Chapter XIV.--She begins to explain the second degree of prayer

in which God already gives the soul special consolations, which

she shows here to be supernatural. This is most noteworthy.

Chapter XV.--Continuing the same subject, she gives certain

advice how one should behave in the prayer of quiet. She shows

that many souls advance so far, but that few go beyond.

The matters treated of in this chapter are very necessary

and profitable.

Chapter XVI.--On the third degree of prayer; she declares things

of an elevated nature; what the soul that has come so far can do,

and the effect of such great graces of God. This is calculated

to greatly animate the spirit to the praise of God, and contains

advice for those who have reached this point.

Chapter XVII.--Continues to declare matters concerning the third

degree of prayer and completes the explanation of its effects.

She also treats of the impediment caused by the imagination and

the memory.

Chapter XVIII.--She treats of the fourth degree of prayer, and

begins to explain [3] in what high dignity God holds a soul that

has attained this state; this should animate those who are given

to prayer, to make an effort to reach so high a state since it

can be obtained in this world, though not by merit but only

through the goodness of God. [4]

Chapter XIX.--She continues the same subject, and begins to

explain the effects on the soul of this degree of prayer.

She earnestly exhorts not to turn back nor to give up prayer even

if, after having received this favour, one should fall.

She shows the damage that would result (from the neglect of this

advice). This is most noteworthy and consoling for the weak and

for sinners.

Chapter XX.--She speaks of the difference between Union and

Trance, and explains what a Trance is; she also says something

about the good a soul derives from being, through God's goodness,

led so far. She speaks of the effects of Union. [5]

Chapter XXI.--She continues and concludes this last degree of

prayer, and says what a soul having reached it feels when obliged

to turn back and live in the world, and speaks of the light God

gives concerning the deceits (of the world). This is

good doctrine.

Chapter XXII.--In which she shows that the safest way for

contemplatives is not to lift up the spirit to high things but to

wait for God to lift it up. How the Sacred Humanity of Christ is

the medium for the most exalted contemplation. She mentions an

error under which she laboured for some time. This chapter is

most profitable.

Chapter XXIII.--She returns to the history of her life, how she

began to practise greater perfection. This is profitable for

those who have to direct souls practising prayer that they may

know how to deal with beginners, and she speaks of the profit she

derived from such knowledge.

Chapter XXIV.--She continues the same subject and tells how her

soul improved since she began to practise obedience, and how

little she was able to resist God's graces, and how His Majesty

continued to give them more and more abundantly.

Chapter XXV.--Of the manner in which Locutions of God are

perceived by the soul without being actually heard; and of some

deceits that might take place in this matter, and how one is to

know which is which. This is most profitable for those who are

in this degree of prayer, because it is very well explained, and

contains excellent doctrine.

Chapter XXVI.--She continues the same subject; explains and tells

things that have happened to her which caused her to lose fear

and convinced her that the spirit which spoke to her was a

good one.

Chapter XXVII.--Of another way in which God teaches a soul, and,

without speaking, makes His Will known in an admirable manner.

She goes on to explain a vision, though not an imaginary one, and

a great grace with which God favoured her. This chapter

is noteworthy.

Chapter XXVIII.--She treats of the great favours God showed her,

and how He appeared to her for the first time; she explains what

an imaginary vision is, and speaks of the powerful effects it

leaves and the signs whether it is from God. This chapter is

most profitable and noteworthy.

Chapter XXIX.--She continues and tells of some great mercies God

showed her, and what His Majesty said to her in order to assure

her (of the truth of these visions), and taught her how to

answer contradictors.

Chapter XXX.--She continues the history of her life, and how God

sent her a remedy for all her anxieties by calling the holy Friar

Fray Pedro de Alcantara of the Order of the glorious St. Francis

to the place where she lived. She mentions some great

temptations and interior trials through which she sometimes had

to pass.

Chapter XXXI.--She speaks of some exterior temptations and

apparitions of Satan, and how he ill-treated her. She mentions,

moreover, some very good things by way of advice to persons who

are walking on the way of perfection.

Chapter XXXII.--She narrates how it pleased God to put her in

spirit in that place of Hell she had deserved by her sins.

She tells a little [6] of what she saw there compared with what

there was besides. She begins to speak of the manner and way

of founding the convent of St. Joseph where she now lives.

Chapter XXXIII.--She continues the subject of the foundation of

the glorious St. Joseph. How she was commanded to have nothing

(further) to do with it, how she abandoned it, also the troubles

it brought her and how God consoled her in all this.

Chapter XXXIV.--She shows how at that time it happened that she

absented herself from this place and how her Superior commanded

her to go away at the request of a very noble lady who was in

great affliction. She begins to tell what happened to her there,

and the great grace God bestowed upon her in determining through

her instrumentality a person of distinction to serve Him truly;

and how that person found favour and help in her (Teresa).

This is noteworthy.

Chapter XXXV.--Continuation of the foundation of this house of

our glorious Father St. Joseph; in what manner our Lord ordained

that holy poverty should be observed there; the reason why she

left the lady with whom she had been staying, and some other

things that happened.

Chapter XXXVI.--She continues the same subject, and shows how the

foundation of this convent of the glorious St. Joseph was finally

accomplished, and the great contradictions and persecutions she

had to endure after the Religious had taken the habit, and the

great trials and temptations through which she passed, and how

God led her forth victorious to His own glory and praise.

Chapter XXXVII.--Of the effects which remained when God granted

her some favour; together with other very good doctrine.

She shows how one ought to strive after and prize every increase

in heavenly glory, and that for no trouble whatever one should

neglect a good that is to be perpetual.

Chapter XXXVIII.--She treats of some great mercies God showed

her, even making known to her heavenly secrets by means of

visions and revelations His Majesty vouchsafed to grant her; she

speaks of the effects they caused and the great improvement

resulting in her soul.

Chapter XXXIX.--She continues the same subject, mentioning great

graces granted her by God; how He promised to hear her requests

on behalf of persons for whom she should pray. Some remarkable

instances in which His Majesty thus favoured her.

Chapter XL.--Continuation of the same subject of great mercies

God has shown her. From some of these very good doctrine may be

gathered, and this, as she declares, was, besides compliance with

obedience, her principal motive (in writing this book), namely to

enumerate such of these mercies as would be instructive to souls.

This chapter brings the history of her Life, written by herself,

to an end. May it be for the glory of God. Amen.

1. St. Teresa wrote no title, either of the whole book or of the

Preface, but only the monogram J.H.S., which is repeated at the

beginning of the first chapter and at the end of the last,

previous to the letter with which the volume concludes.

2. "El Señor" is everywhere translated by "God" in distinction to

"Nuestro Señor," "Our Lord."

3. "In an excellent manner," scored through by the Saint herself.

4. "To be read with great care, as it is explained in a most

delicate way, and contains many noteworthy points," also scored

through by St. Teresa herself.

5. "This is most admirable," scored through by the Saint.

6. "Una cifra," a mere nothing.

Preface by David Lewis.

St. Teresa was born in Avila on Wednesday, March 28, 1515.

Her father was Don Alfonso Sanchez de Cepeda, and her mother Doña

Beatriz Davila y Ahumada. The name she received in her baptism

was common to both families, for her great-grandmother on the

father's side was Teresa Sanchez, and her grandmother on her

mother's side was Teresa de las Cuevas. While she remained in

the world, and even after she had become a nun in the monastery

of the Incarnation, which was under the mitigated rule, she was

known as Doña Teresa Sanchez Cepeda Davila y Ahumada; for in

those days children took the name either of the father or of the

mother, as it pleased them. The two families were noble, but

that of Ahumada was no longer in possession of its former wealth

and power. [1] Doña Beatriz was the second wife of Don Alfonso,

and was related in the fourth degree to the first wife, as

appears from the dispensation granted to make the marriage valid

on the 16th of October, 1509. Of this marriage Teresa was the

third child.

Doña Beatriz died young, and the eldest daughter, Maria de

Cepeda, took charge of her younger sisters--they were two--and

was as a second mother to them till her marriage, which took

place in 1531, when the Saint was in her sixteenth year. But as

she was too young to be left in charge of her father's house, and

as her education was not finished, she was sent to the

Augustinian monastery, the nuns of which received young girls,

and brought them up in the fear of God. [2] The Saint's own

account is that she was too giddy and careless to be trusted at

home, and that it was necessary to put her under the care of

those who would watch over her and correct her ways.

She remained a year and a half with the Augustinian nuns, and all

the while God was calling her to Himself. She was not willing to

listen to His voice; she would ask the nuns to pray for her that

she might have light to see her way; "but for all this," she

writes, "I wished not to be a nun." [3] By degrees her will

yielded, and she had some inclination to become a religious at

the end of the eighteen months of her stay, but that was all.

She became ill; her father removed her, and the struggle within

herself continued,--on the one hand, the voice of God calling

her; on the other, herself labouring to escape from her vocation.

At last, after a struggle which lasted three months, she made up

her mind, and against her inclination, to give up the world.

She asked her father's leave, and was refused. She besieged him

through her friends, but to no purpose. "The utmost I could get

from him," she says, "was that I might do as I pleased after his

death." [4] How long this contest with her father lasted is not

known, but it is probable that it lasted many months, for the

Saint was always most careful of the feelings of others, and

would certainly have endured much rather than displease a father

whom she loved so much, and who also loved her more than his

other children. [5]

But she had to forsake her father, and so she left her father's

house by stealth, taking with her one of her brothers, whom she

had persuaded to give himself to God in religion. The brother

and sister set out early in the morning, the former for the

monastery of the Dominicans, and the latter for the Carmelite

monastery of the Incarnation, in Avila. The nuns received her

into the house, but sent word to her father of his child's

escape. Don Alfonso, however, yielded at once, and consented to

the sacrifice which he was compelled to make.

In the monastery of the Incarnation the Saint was led on, without

her own knowledge, to states of prayer so high, that she became

alarmed about herself. In the purity and simplicity of her soul,

she feared that the supernatural visitations of God might after

all be nothing else but delusions of Satan. [6] She was so

humble, that she could not believe graces so great could be given

to a sinner like herself. The first person she consulted in her

trouble seems to have been a layman, related to her family, Don

Francisco de Salcedo. He was a married man, given to prayer, and

a diligent frequenter of the theological lectures in the

monastery of the Dominicans. Through him she obtained the help

of a holy priest, Gaspar Daza, to whom she made known the state

of her soul. The priest, hindered by his other labours, declined

to be her director, and the Saint admits that she could have made

no progress under his guidance. [7] She now placed herself in

the hands of Don Francis, who encouraged her in every way, and,

for the purpose of helping her onwards in the way of perfection,

told her of the difficulties he himself had met with, and how by

the grace of God he had overcome them.

But when the Saint told him of the great graces which God

bestowed upon her, Don Francis became alarmed; he could not

reconcile them with the life the Saint was living, according to

her own account. He never thought of doubting the Saint's

account, and did not suspect her of exaggerating her

imperfections in the depths of her humility: "he thought the evil

spirit might have something to do" with her, [8] and advised her

to consider carefully her way of prayer.

Don Francis now applied again to Gaspar Daza, and the two friends

consulted together; but, after much prayer on their part and on

that of the Saint, they came to the conclusion that she "was

deluded by an evil spirit," and recommended her to have recourse

to the fathers of the Society of Jesus, lately settled in Avila.

The Saint, now in great fear, but still hoping and trusting that

God would not suffer her to be deceived, made preparations for a

general confession; and committed to writing the whole story of

her life, and made known the state of her soul to F. Juan de

Padranos, one of the fathers of the Society. F. Juan understood

it all, and comforted her by telling her that her way of prayer

was sound and the work of God. Under his direction she made

great progress, and for the further satisfaction of her

confessor, and of Don Francis, who seems to have still retained

some of his doubts, she told everything to St. Francis de Borja,

who on one point changed the method of direction observed by

F. Juan. That father recommended her to resist the supernatural

visitations of the spirit as much as she could, but she was not

able, and the resistance pained her; [9] St. Francis told her she

had done enough, and that it was not right to prolong

that resistance. [10]

The account of her life which she wrote before she applied to the

Jesuits for direction has not been preserved; but it is possible

that it was made more for her own security than for the purpose

of being shown to her confessor.

The next account is Relation I., made for St. Peter of Alcantara,

and was probably seen by many; for that Saint had to defend her,

and maintain that the state of her soul was the work of God,

against those who thought that she was deluded by Satan. Her own

confessor was occasionally alarmed, and had to consult others,

and thus, by degrees, her state became known to many; and there

were some who, were so persuaded of her delusions, that they

wished her to be exorcised as one possessed of an evil

spirit, [11] and at a later time her friends were afraid that she

might be denounced to the Inquisitors. [12]

During the troubles that arose when it became known that the

Saint was about to found the monastery of St. Joseph, and therein

establish the original rule of her Order in its primitive

simplicity and austerity, she went for counsel to the Father Fra

Pedro Ibañez, [13] the Dominican, a most holy and learned priest.

That father not only encouraged her, and commended her work, but

also ordered her to give him in writing the story of her

spiritual life. The Saint readily obeyed, and began it in the

monastery of the Incarnation, and finished it in the house of

Doña Luisa de la Cerda, in Toledo, in the month of June, 1562.

On the 24th of August, the feast of St. Bartholomew, in the same

year, the Reform of the Carmelites began in the new monastery of

St. Joseph in Avila.

What the Saint wrote for Fra Ibañez has not been found. It is,

no doubt, substantially preserved in her Life, as we have it now,

and is supposed to have reached no further than the end of

ch. xxxi. What follows was added by direction of another

Dominican father, confessor of the Saint in the new monastery of

St. Joseph, Fra Garcia of Toledo, who, in 1562, bade her "write

the history of that foundation, and other matters."

But as the Saint carried a heavy burden laid on her by God, a

constant fear of delusion, she had recourse about the same time

to the Inquisitor Soto, who advised her to write a history of her

life, send it to Juan of Avila, the "Apostle of Andalucia," and

abide by his counsel. As the direction of Fra Garcia of Toledo

and the advice of the Inquisitor must have been given, according

to her account, about the same time, the Life, as we have it now,

must have occupied her nearly six years in the writing of it,

which may well be owing to her unceasing care in firmly

establishing the new monastery of St. Joseph. The book at last

was sent to Blessed Juan of Avila by her friend Doña Luisa de la

Cerda, and that great master of the spiritual life wrote the

following censure of it:

"The grace and peace of Jesus Christ be with you always.

"1. When I undertook to read the book sent me, it was not so much

because I thought myself able to judge of it, as because I

thought I might, by the grace of our Lord, learn something from

the teachings it contains: and praised be Christ; for, though I

have not been able to read it with the leisure it requires,

I have been comforted by it, and might have been edified by it,

if the fault had not been mine. And although, indeed, I may have

been comforted by it, without saying more, yet the respect due to

the subject and to the person who has sent it will not allow me,

I think, to let it go back without giving my opinion on it, at

least in general.

"2. The book is not fit to be in the hands of everybody, for it

is necessary to correct the language in some places, and explain

it in others; and there are some things in it useful for your

spiritual life and not so for others who might adopt them, for

the special ways by which God leads some souls are not meant for

others. These points, or the greater number of them, I have

marked for the purpose of arranging them when I shall be able to

do so, and I shall not fail to send them to you; for if you were

aware of my infirmities and necessary occupations, I believe they

would make you pity me rather than blame me for the omission.

"3. The doctrine of prayer is for the most part sound, and you

may rely on it, and observe it; and the raptures I find to

possess the tests of those which are true. What you say of God's

way of teaching the soul, without respect to the imagination and

without interior locutions, is safe, and I find nothing to object

to it. St. Augustine speaks well of it.

"4. Interior locutions in these days have been a delusion of

many, and exterior locutions are the least safe. It is easy

enough to see when they proceed from ourselves, but to

distinguish between those of a good and those of an evil spirit

is more difficult. There are many rules given for finding out

whether they come from our Lord or not, and one of them is, that

they should be sent us in a time of need, or for some good end,

as for the comforting a man under temptation or in doubt, or as a

warning of coming danger. As a good man will not speak

unadvisedly, neither will God; so, considering this, and that the

locutions are agreeable to the holy writings and the teaching of

the Church, my opinion is that the locutions mentioned in the

book came from God.

"5. Imaginary or bodily visions are those which are most

doubtful, and should in no wise be desired, and if they come

undesired still they should be shunned as much as possible, yet

not by treating them with contempt, unless it be certain that

they come from an evil spirit; indeed, I was filled with horror,

and greatly distressed, when I read of the gestures of contempt

that were made. [14] People ought to entreat our Lord not to

lead them by the way of visions, but to reserve for them in

Heaven the blessed vision of Himself and the saints, and to guide

them here along the beaten path as He guides His faithful

servants, and they must take other good measures for avoiding

these visions.

"6. But if the visions continue after all this is done, and if

the soul derives good from them, and if they do not lead to

vanity, but deeper humility, and if the locutions be at one with

the teaching the Church, and if they continue for any time, and

that with inward satisfaction--better felt than described--there

is no reason for avoiding them. But no one ought to rely on his

own judgment herein; he should make everything known to him who

can give him light. That is the universal remedy to be had

recourse to in such matters, together with hope in God, Who will

not let a soul that wishes to be safe lie under a delusion, if it

be humble enough to yield obedience to the opinion of others.

"7. Nor should any one cause alarm by condemning them forthwith,

because he sees that the person to whom they are granted is not

perfect, for it is nothing new that our Lord in His goodness

makes wicked people just, yea, even grievous sinners; by giving

them to taste most deeply of His sweetness. I have seen it so

myself. Who will set bounds to the goodness of our

Lord?--especially when these graces are given, not for merit, nor

because one is stronger; on the contrary, they are given to one

because he is weaker; and as they do not make one more holy, they

are not always given to the most holy.

"8. They are unreasonable who disbelieve these things merely

because they are most high things, and because it seems to them

incredible that infinite Majesty humbles Himself to these loving

relations with one of His creatures. It is written, God is love,

and if He is love, then infinite love and infinite goodness, and

we must not be surprised if such a love and such a goodness

breaks out into such excesses of love as disturb those who know

nothing of it. And though many know of it by faith, still, as to

that special experience of the loving, and more than loving,

converse of God with whom He will, if not had, how deep it

reaches can never be known; and so I have seen many persons

scandalized at hearing of what God in His love does for His

creatures. As they are themselves very far away from it, they

cannot think that God will do for others what He is not doing for

them. As this is an effect of love, and that a love which causes

wonder, reason requires we should look upon it as a sign of its

being from God, seeing that He is wonderful in His works, and

most especially in those of his compassion; but they take

occasion from this to be distrustful, which should have been a

ground of confidence, when other circumstances combine as

evidences of these visitations being good.

"9. It seems from the book, I think, that you have resisted, and

even longer than was right. I think, too, that these locutions

have done your soul good, and in particular that they have made

you see your own wretchedness and your faults more clearly, and

amend them. They have lasted long, and always with spiritual

profit. They move you to love God, and to despise yourself, and

to do penance. I see no reasons for condemning them, I incline

rather to regard them as good, provided you are careful not to

rely altogether on them, especially if they are unusual, or bid

you do something out of the way, or are not very plain. In all

these and the like cases you must withhold your belief in them,

and at once seek for direction.

"10. Also it should be considered that, even if they do come from

God, Satan may mix with them suggestions of his own; you should

therefore be always suspicious of them. Also, when they are

known to be from God, men must not rest much on them, seeing that

holiness does not lie in them, but in a humble love of God and

our neighbour; everything else, however good, must be feared, and

our efforts directed to the gaining of humility, goodness, and

the love of our Lord. It is seemly, also, not to worship what is

seen in these visions, but only Jesus Christ, either as in Heaven

or in the Sacrament, or, if it be a vision of the Saints, then to

lift up the heart to the Holy One in Heaven, and not to that

which is presented to the imagination: let it suffice that the

imagination may be made use of for the purpose of raising me up

to that which it makes me see.

"11. I say, too, that the things mentioned in this book befall

other persons even in this our day, and that there is great

certainty that they come from God, Whose arm is not shortened

that He cannot do now what He did in times past, and that in weak

vessels, for His own glory.

"12. Go on your road, but always suspecting robbers, and asking

for the right way; give thanks to our Lord, Who has given you His

love, the knowledge of yourself, and a love of penance and the

cross, making no account of these other things. However, do not

despise them either, for there are signs that most of them come

from our Lord, and those that do not come from Him will not hurt

you if you ask for direction.

"13. I cannot believe that I have written this in my own

strength, for I have none, but it is the effect of your prayers.

I beg of you, for the love of Jesus Christ our Lord, to burden

yourself with a prayer for me; He knows that I am asking this in

great need, and I think that is enough to make you grant my

request. I ask your permission to stop now, for I am bound to

write another letter. May Jesus be glorified in all and

by all! Amen.

"Your servant, for Christ's sake.

"Juan de Avila

"Montilla, 12th Sept., 1568."

Her confessors, having seen the book, "commanded her to make

copies of it," [15] one of which has been traced into the

possession of the Duke and Duchess of Alva.

The Princess of Eboli, in 1569, obtained a copy from the Saint

herself, after much importunity; but it was more out of vanity or

curiosity, it is to be feared, than from any real desire to learn

the story of the Saint's spiritual life, that the Princess

desired the boon. She and her husband promised to keep it from

the knowledge of others, but the promise given was not kept.

The Saint heard within a few days later that the book was in the

hands of the servants of the Princess, who was angry with the

Saint because she had refused to admit, at the request of the

Princess, an Augustinian nun into the Order of Carmel in the new

foundation of Pastrana. The contents of the book were bruited

abroad, and the visions and revelations of the Saint were said to

be of a like nature with those of Magdalene of the Cross, a

deluded and deluding nun. The gossip in the house of the

Princess was carried to Madrid, and the result was that the

Inquisition began to make a search for the book. [16] It is not

quite clear, however, that it was seized at this time.

The Princess became a widow in July, 1573, and insisted on

becoming a Carmelite nun in the house she and her husband, Ruy

Gomez, had founded in Pastrana. When the news of her resolve

reached the monastery, the mother-prioress, Isabel of St.

Dominic, exclaimed, "The Princess a nun! I look on the house as

ruined." The Princess came, and insisted on her right as

foundress; she had compelled a friar to give her the habit before

her husband was buried, and when she came to Pastrana she began

her religious life by the most complete disobedience and

disregard of common propriety. Don Vicente's description of her

is almost literally correct, though intended only for a general

summary of her most childish conduct:

"On the death of the Prince of Eboli, the Princess would become a

nun in her monastery of Pastrana. The first day she had a fit of

violent fervour; on the next she relaxed the rule; on the third

she broke it, and conversed with secular people within the

cloisters. She was also so humble that she required the nuns to

speak to her on their knees, and insisted upon their receiving

into the house as religious whomsoever she pleased.

Hereupon complaints were made to St. Teresa, who remonstrated

with the Princess, and showed her how much she was in the wrong,

whereupon she replied that the monastery was hers; but the Saint

proved to her that the nuns were not, and had them removed

to Segovia." [17]

The nuns were withdrawn from Pastrana in April, 1574, and then

the anger of the Princess prevailed; she sent the Life of the

Saint, which she had still in her possession, to the Inquisition,

and denounced it as a book containing visions, revelations, and

dangerous doctrines, which the Inquisitors should look into and

examine: The book was forthwith given to theologians for

examination, and two Dominican friars, of whom Bañes was one,

were delegated censors of it by the Inquisition. [18]

Fra Bañes did not know the Saint when he undertook her defence in

Avila against the authorities of the city, eager to destroy the

monastery of St. Joseph; [19] but from that time forth he was one

of her most faithful friends, strict and even severe, as became a

wise director who had a great Saint for his penitent.

He testifies in the process of her beatification that he was firm

and sharp with her; while she herself was the more desirous of

his counsel, the more he humbled her, and the less he appeared to

esteem her. [20] When he found that copies of her life were in

the hands of secular people,--he had probably also heard of the

misconduct of the Princess of Eboli,--he showed his displeasure

to the Saint, and told her he would burn the book, it being

unseemly that the writings of women should be made public.

The Saint left it in his hands, but Fra Bañes, struck with her

humility, had not the courage to burn it; he sent it to the Holy

Office in Madrid. [21] Thus the book was in a sense denounced

twice,--once by an enemy, the second time by a friend, to save

it. Both the Saint and her confessor, Fra Bañes, state that the

copy given up by the latter was sent to the Inquisition in

Madrid, and Fra Bañes says so twice in his deposition.

The Inquisitor Soto returned the copy to Fra Bañes, desiring him

to read it, and give his opinion thereon. Fra Bañes did so, and

wrote his "censure" of the book on the blank leaves at the end.

That censure still remains, and is one of the most important,

because given during the lifetime of the Saint, and while many

persons were crying out against her. Bañes wished it had been

published when the Saint's Life was given to the world by Fra

Luis de Leon; but notwithstanding its value, and its being

preserved in the book which is in the handwriting of the Saint,

no one before Don Vicente made it known. It was easy enough to

praise the writings of St. Teresa, and to admit her sanctity,

after her death. Fra Bañes had no external help in the applause

of the many, and he had to judge the book as a theologian, and

the Saint as one of his ordinary penitents. When he wrote, he

wrote like a man whose whole life was spent, as he tells us

himself, "in lecturing and disputing." [22]

That censure is as follows:

"1. This book, wherein Teresa of Jesus, Carmelite nun, and

foundress of the Barefooted Carmelites, gives a plain account of

the state of her soul, in order to be taught and directed by her

confessors, has been examined by me, and with much attention, and

I have not found anywhere in it anything which, in my opinion, is

erroneous in doctrine. On the contrary, there are many things in

it highly edifying and instructive for those who give themselves

to prayer. The great experience of this religious, her

discretion also and her humility, which made her always seek for

light and learning in her confessors, enabled her to speak with

an accuracy on the subject of prayer that the most learned men,

through their want of experience, have not always attained to.

One thing only there is about the book that may reasonably cause

any hesitation till it shall be very carefully examined;

it contains many visions and revelations, matters always to be

afraid of, especially in women, who are very ready to believe of

them that they come from God, and to look on them as proofs of

sanctity, though sanctity does not lie in them. On the contrary,

they should be regarded as dangerous trials for those who are

aiming at perfection, because Satan is wont to transform himself

into an angel of light, [23] and to deceive souls which are

curious and of scant humility, as we have seen in our day:

nevertheless, we must not therefore lay down a general rule that

all revelations and visions come from the devil. If it were so,

St. Paul could not have said that Satan transforms himself into

an angel of light, if the angel of light did not sometimes

enlighten us.

"2. Saints, both men and women, have had revelations, not only in

ancient, but also in modern times; such were St. Dominic,

St. Francis, St. Vincent Ferrer, St. Catherine of Siena,

St. Gertrude, and many others that might be named; and as the

Church of God is, and is to be, always holy to the end, not only

because her profession is holiness, but because there are in her

just persons and perfect in holiness, it is unreasonable to

despise visions and revelations, and condemn them in one sweep,

seeing they are ordinarily accompanied with much goodness and a

Christian life. On the contrary, we should follow the saying of

the Apostle in 1 Thess. v. 19-22: 'Spiritum nolite extinguere.

Prophetias nolite spernere. Omnia [autem] probate: quod bonum

est tenete. Ab omni specie mala abstinete vos.' He who will

read St. Thomas on that passage will see how carefully they are

to be examined who, in the Church of God, manifest any particular

gift that may be profitable or hurtful to our neighbour, and how

watchful the examiners ought to be lest the fire of the Spirit of

God should be quenched in the good, and others cowed in the

practices of the perfect Christian life.

"3. Judging by the revelations made to her, this woman, even

though she may be deceived in something, is at least not herself

a deceiver, because she tells all the good and the bad so simply,

and with so great a wish to be correct, that no doubt can be made

as to her good intention; and the greater the reason for trying

spirits of this kind, because there are persons in our day who

are deceivers with the appearance of piety, the more necessary it

is to defend those who, with the appearance, have also the

reality, of piety. For it is a strange thing to see how lax and

worldly people delight in seeing those discredited who have an

appearance of goodness. God complained of old, by the Prophet

Ezekiel, ch. xiii., of those false prophets who made the just to

mourn and who flattered sinners, saying: 'Maerere fecisti cor

justi mendaciter, quem Ego non contristavi: et comfortastis manus

impii.' In a certain sense this may be said of those who

frighten souls who are going on by the way of prayer and

perfection, telling them that this way is singular and full of

danger, that many who went by it have fallen into delusions, and

that the safest way is that which is plain and common, travelled

by all.

"4. Words of this kind, clearly, sadden the hearts of those who

would observe the counsels of perfection in continual prayer, so

far as it is possible for them, and in much fasting, watching,

and disciplines; and, on the other hand, the lax and the wicked

take courage and lose the fear of God, because they consider the

way on which they are travelling as the safer: and this is their

delusion,--they call that a plain and safe road which is the

absence of the knowledge and consideration of the dangers and

precipices amidst which we are all of us journeying in this

world. Nevertheless, there is no other security than that which

lies in our knowing our daily enemies, and in humbly imploring

the compassion of God, if we would not be their prisoners.

Besides, there are souls whom God, in a way, constrains to enter

on the way of perfection, and who, if they relaxed in their

fervour, could not keep a middle course, but would immediately

fall into the other extreme of sins, and for souls of this kind

it is of the utmost necessity that they should watch and pray

without ceasing; and, in short, there is nobody whom lukewarmness

does not injure. Let every man examine his own conscience, and

he will find this to be the truth.

"5. I firmly believe that if God for a time bears with the

lukewarm, it is owing to the prayers of the fervent, who are

continually crying, 'et ne nos inducas in tentationem.' I have

said this, not for the purpose of honouring those whom we see

walking in the way of contemplation; for it is another extreme

into which the world falls, and a covert persecution of goodness,

to pronounce those holy forthwith who have the appearance of it.

For that would be to furnish them with motives for vain-glory,

and would do little honour to goodness; on the contrary, it would

expose it to great risks, because, when they fall who have been

objects of praise, the honour of goodness suffers more than if

those people had not been so esteemed. And so I look upon this

exaggeration of their holiness who are still living in the world

to be a temptation of Satan. That we should have a good opinion

of the servants of God is most just, but let us consider them

always as people in danger, however good they may be, and that

their goodness is not so evident that we can be sure of it

even now.

"6. Considering myself that what I have said is true, I have

always proceeded cautiously in the examination of this account of

the prayer and life of this nun, and no one has been more

incredulous than myself as to her visions and revelations,--not

so, however as to her goodness and her good desires, for herein I

have had great experience of her truthfulness, her obedience,

mortification, patience, and charity towards her persecutors, and

of her other virtues, which any one who will converse with her

will discern; and this is what may be regarded as a more certain

proof of her real love of God than these visions and revelations.

I do not, however, undervalue her visions, revelations, and

ecstasies; on the contrary, I suspect them to be the work of God,

as they have been in others who were Saints. But in this case it

is always safer to be afraid and wary; for if she is confident

about them, Satan will take occasion to interfere, and that which

was once, perhaps, the work of God, may be changed into something

else, and that will be the devil's.

"7. I am of opinion that this book is not to be shown to every

one, but only to men of learning, experience, and Christian

discretion. It perfectly answers the purpose for which it was

written, namely, that the nun should give an account of the state

of her soul to those who had the charge of it, in order that she

might not fall into delusions. Of one thing I am very sure, so

far as it is possible for a man to be,--she is not a deceiver;

she deserves, therefore, for her sincerity, that all should be

favourable to her in her good purposes and good works.

For within the last thirteen years she has, I believe, founded a

dozen monasteries of Barefooted Carmelite nuns, the austerity and

perfection of which are exceeded by none other; of which they who

have been visitors of them, as the Dominican Provincial, master

in theology, [24] Fra Pedro Fernandez, the master Fra Hernando

del Castillo, and many others, speak highly. This is what I

think, at present, concerning the censure of this book,

submitting my judgment herein to that of Holy Church our mother,

and her ministers.

"Given in the College of St. Gregory, Valladolid, on the sixth

day of July, 1575.

"Fra Domingo Bañes."

The book remained in the keeping of the Inquisition, and the

Saint never saw it again. But she heard of it from the

Archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal Quiroga, President of the Supreme

Court of the Inquisition, when she applied to him for license to

found a monastery in Madrid. Jerome of the Mother of God was

with her; and heard the Cardinal's reply. His Eminence said he

was glad to see her; that a book of hers had been in the Holy

Office for some years, and had been rigorously examined; that he

had read it himself, and regarded it as containing sound and

wholesome doctrine. He would grant the license, and do whatever

he could for the Saint. When she heard this, she wished to

present a petition to the Inquisition for the restitution of her

book; but Gratian thought it better to apply to the Duke of Alba

for the copy which he had, and which the Inquisitors had allowed

him to retain and read. The Duke gave his book to Fra Jerome,

who had copies of it made for the use of the monasteries both of

men and women. [25]

Anne of Jesus, in 1586, founding a monastery of her Order in

Madrid,--the Saint had died in 1582,--made inquiries about the

book, and applied to the Inquisition for it, for she was resolved

to publish the writings of her spiritual mother. The Inquisitors

made no difficulty, and consented to the publication. In this

she was seconded by the Empress Maria, daughter of Charles V.,

and widow of Maximilian II., who had obtained one of the copies

which Fra Jerome of the Mother of God had ordered to be made.

Fra Nicholas Doria, then Provincial, asked Fra Luis de Leon, the

Augustinian, to edit the book, who consented. He was allowed to

compare the copy furnished him with the original in the keeping

of the Inquisition; but his edition has not been considered

accurate, notwithstanding the facilities given him, and his great

reverence for the Saint. It was published in Salamanca,

A.D. 1588.

With the Life of the Saint, Fra Luis de Leon received certain

papers in the handwriting of the Saint, which he published as an

additional chapter. Whether he printed all he received, or

merely made extracts, may be doubtful, but anyhow that chapter is

singularly incomplete. Don Vicente de la Fuente, from whose

edition (Madrid, 1861, 1862) this translation has been made,

omitted the additional chapter of Fra Luis de Leon, contrary to

the practice of his predecessors. But he has done more, for he

has traced the paragraphs of that chapter to their sources, and

has given us now a collection of papers which form almost another

Life of the Saint, to which he has given their old name of

Relations, [26] the name which the Saint herself had given

them. [27] Some of them are usually printed among the Saint's

letters, and portions of some of the others are found in the

Lives of the Saint written by Ribera and Yepes, and in the

Chronicle of the Order; the rest was published for the first time

by Don Vicente: the arrangement of the whole is due to him.

The Relations are ten in the Spanish edition, and eleven in the

translation. The last, the eleventh, has hitherto been left

among the letters, and Don Vicente, seemingly not without some

hesitation, so left it; but as it is of the like nature with the

Relations, it has now been added to them.

The original text, in the handwriting of the Saint, is preserved

in the Escurial, not in the library, but among the relics of the

Church. Don Vicente examined it at his leisure, and afterwards

found in the National Library in Madrid an authentic and exact

transcript of it, made by order of Ferdinand VI. His edition is,

therefore, far better than any of its predecessors; but it is

possible that even now there may still remain some verbal errors

for future editors to correct. The most conscientious diligence

is not a safeguard against mistakes. F. Bouix says that in

ch. xxxiv. § 12, the reading of the original differs from that of

the printed editions; yet Don Vicente takes no notice of it, and

retains the common reading. It is impossible to believe that

F. Bouix has stated as a fact that which is not. Again, in

ch. xxxix. § 29, the printed editions have after the words, "Thou

art Mine, and I am thine," "I am in the habit . . . . sincerity;"

but Don Vicente omits them. This may have been an oversight, for

in general he points out in his notes all the discrepancies

between the printed editions and the original text.

A new translation of the Life of St. Teresa seems called for now,

because the original text has been collated since the previous

translations were made, and also because those translations are

exceedingly scarce. The first is believed to be this--it is a

small quarto:

"The Lyf of the Mother Teresa of Jesus, Foundresse of the

Monasteries of the Discalced or Bare-footed Carmelite Nunnes and

Fryers of the First Rule.

"Written by herself at the commaundement of her ghostly father,

and now translated into English out of Spanish. By W.M., of the

Society of Jesus.

"Imprinted in Antwerp by Henry Jaye. Anno MDCXI."

Some thirty years afterwards, Sir Tobias Matthew, S.J.,

dissatisfied, as he says, with the former translation, published

another, with the following title; the volume is a small octavo

in form:

"The Flaming Hart, or the Life of the glorious St. Teresa,

Foundresse of the Reformation of the Order of the All-Immaculate

Virgin Mother, our B. Lady of Mount Carmel.

"This History of her Life was written by the Saint in Spanish,

and is newly translated into English in the year of our Lord

God 1642.

'Aut mori aut pati:

Either to dye or else to suffer.'--Chap. xl.

"Antwerpe, printed by Joannes Meursius. Anno MDCXLII."

The next translation was made by Abraham Woodhead, and published

in 1671, without the name of the translator, or of the printer,

or of the place of publication. It is in quarto, and bears the

following title:

"The Life of the Holy Mother St. Teresa, Foundress of the

Reformation of the Discalced Carmelites according to the

Primitive Rule. Printed in the year MDCLXXI."

It is not said that the translation was made from the Spanish,

and there are grounds for thinking it to have been made from the

Italian. Ch. xxxii. is broken off at the end of § 10; and

ch. xxxiii., therefore, is ch. xxxvii. That which is there

omitted has been thrown into the Book of the Foundations, which,

in the translation of Mr. Woodhead, begins with § 11 of

ch. xxxii. of the Life, as it also does in the Italian

translation. It is due, however, to Mr. Woodhead to say that he

has printed five of the Relations separately, not as letters, but

as what they really are, and with that designation.

The last translation is that of the Very Reverend John Dalton,

Canon of Northampton, which is now, though twice published,

almost as scarce as its predecessors. The title is:

"The Life of St. Teresa, written by herself, and translated

from the Spanish by the Rev. John Dalton. London, MDCCCLI."

Septuagesima, 1870.

1. Fr. Anton. a St. Joseph, in his note on letter 16, but letter

41, vol. iv. ed. Doblado.

2. Reforma de los Descalços. lib. i. ch. vii. § 3.

3. Ch. iii. § 2.

4. Ch. iii. § 9.

5. Ch. i. § 3.

6. Ch. xxiii. § 2.

7. Ch. xxiii. § 8.

8. Id. § 12.

9. Ch. xxiv. § 1.

10. Id. § 4.

11. Ch. xxix. § 4.

12. Ch. xxxiii. § 6.

13. The Saint held him in great reverence, and in one of her

letters--lett. 355, but lett. 100, vol. ii. ed. Doblado--calls

him a founder of her Order, because of the great services he had

rendered her, and told her nuns of Seville that they need not be

veiled in his presence, though they must be so in the presence of

everybody else, and even the friars of the Reform.

14. See Life, ch. xxix. § 6.

15. Rel. vii. § 9.

16. Reforma de los Descalços, lib. ii. c. xxviii. § 6.

17. Introduccion al libro de la Vida, vol. i. p. 3.

18. Jerome Gratian, Lucidario, c. iv.

19. Life, ch. xxxvi. § 15.

20. The Saint says of herself, Rel. vii. § 18, that "she took the

greatest pains not to submit the state of her soul to any one who

she thought would believe that these things came from God, for

she was instantly afraid that the devil would deceive them both."

21. Rel. vii. § 16.

22. "Como hombre criado toda mi vida en leer y disputar" (De la

Fuente, ii. p. 376).

23. 2 Cor. xi. 14: "Ipse enim Satanas transfigurat se in

angelum lucis."

24. The other theologian appointed by the Inquisition, with Fra

Bañes, to examine the "Life."

25. This took place in the year 1580, according to the Chronicler

of the Order (Reforma de los Descalços, lib. v. c. xxxv. § 4);

and the Bollandists (n. 1536) accept his statement. Fra Jerome

says he was Provincial of his Order at the time; and as he was

elected only on the 4th of March, 1581, according to the

Chronicler and the Bollandists, it is more likely that the

audience granted to them by the Cardinal took place in 1581.

26. Reforma de los Descalços, lib. v. c. xxxiv. § 4: "Relaciones

de su espiritu."

27. Rel. ii. § 18.

Annals of the Saint's Life.

By Don Vicente de la Fuente.

These are substantially the same with those drawn up by the

Bollandists, but they are fuller and more minute, and furnish a

more detailed history of the Saint.

1515. St. Teresa is born in Avila, March 28th. [1]

1522. She desires martyrdom, and leaves her father's house with

one of her brothers.

1527. [2] Death of her mother.

1529. Writes romances of chivalry, and is misled by a

thoughtless cousin.

1531. Her sister Maria's marriage, and her removal from home to

the Augustinian monastery, where she remains till the autumn of

next year.

1533. [3] Nov. 2, enters the monastery of the Incarnation.

1534. Nov. 3, makes her profession.

1535. Goes to Castellanos de la Cañada, to her sister's house,

where she remains till the spring of 1536, when she goes

to Bezadas.

1537. Returns to Avila on Palm Sunday. In July seriously ill,

and in a trance for four days, when in her father's house.

Paralysed for more than two years.

1539. Is cured of her paralysis by St. Joseph.

1541. Begins to grow lukewarm, and gives up mental prayer.

1542. Our Lord appears to her in the parlour of the monastery,

"stern and grave " [ch. vii. § 11, see note there].

1555. Ceases to converse with secular people, moved thereto by

the sight of a picture of our Lord on the cross [ch. ix. § 1].

The Jesuits come to Avila and the Saint confesses to F. Juan

de Padranos.

1556. Beginning of the supernatural visitations.

1557. St. Francis de Borja comes to Avila, and approves of the

spirit of the Saint.

1558. First rapture of the Saint [ch. xxiv. § 7]. The vision of

Hell [ch. xxxii. § 1]. Father Alvarez ordained priest.

1559. She takes F. Alvarez for her confessor. The transpiercing

of her heart [ch. xxix. § 17]. Vision of our Lord risen from the

dead [ch. xxvii. § 3, ch. xxviii. § 2].

1560. The vow of greater perfection. St. Peter of Alcantara

approves of her spirit, and St. Luis Beltran encourages her to

proceed with her plan of founding a new monastery.

1561. F. Gaspar de Salazar, S.J., comes to Avila; her sister

Doña Juana comes to Avila from Alba de Tormes to help the Saint

in the new foundation [ch. xxxiii. § 13]. Restores her nephew to

Life [ch. xxxv. § 14, note]. Fra Ibañez bids her write her Life.

Receives a sum of money from her brother in Peru, which enables

her to go on with the building of the new house.

1562. Goes to Toledo, to the house of Doña Luisa de la Cerda,

and finishes the account of her Life. Makes the acquaintance of

Fra Bañes, afterwards her principal director, and Fra Garcia of

Toledo, both Dominicans. Receives a visit from Maria of Jesus.

Has a revelation that her sister, Doña Maria, will die suddenly

[ch. xxxiv. § 24]. Returns to Avila and takes possession of the

new monastery, August 24. Troubles in Avila. The Saint ordered

back to the monastery of the Incarnation. Is commanded by Fra

Garcia of Toledo to write the history of the foundation of

St. Joseph.

1. In the same year St. Philip was born in Florence. St. Teresa

died in 1582, and St. Philip in 1595; but they were canonised on

the same day, with St. Isidore, St. Ignatius, and St. Francis

Xavier. The three latter were joined together in the three final

consistories held before the solemn proclamation of their

sanctity, and St. Teresa and St. Philip were joined together in

the same way in the final consistories held specially, as usual,

for them.

2. This must be an error. See ch. i. § 7, note 7.

3. There is a difficulty about this. The Bollandists maintain

that she went to the monastery of the Incarnation in the year

1533. On the other hand Ribera, her most accurate

biographer--with whom Fra Jerome agrees,--says that she left her

father's house in 1535, when she was more than twenty years of

age; Yepes, that she was not yet twenty; and the Second Relation

of the Rota, that she was in her twentieth year. The Bull of

Canonisation and the Office in the Breviary also say that she was

in her twentieth year, that is, A.D. 1534. The Chronicler of the

Order differs from all and assigns the year 1536 as the year in

which she entered the monastery.

The Life

of the

Holy Mother Teresa of Jesus.

Written by Herself.

Prologue.

As I have been commanded and left at liberty to describe at

length my way of prayer, and the workings of the grace of our

Lord within me, I could wish that I had been allowed at the same

time to speak distinctly and in detail of my grievous sins and

wicked life. But it has not been so willed; on the contrary, I

am laid herein under great restraint; and therefore, for the love

of our Lord, I beg of every one who shall read this story of my

life [1] to keep in mind how wicked it has been; and how, among

the Saints who were converted to God, I have never found one in

whom I can have any comfort. For I see that they, after our Lord

had called them, never fell into sin again; I not only became

worse, but, as it seems to me, deliberately withstood the graces

of His Majesty, because I saw that I was thereby bound to serve

Him more earnestly, knowing, at the same time, that of myself I

could not pay the least portion of my debt.

May He be blessed for ever Who waited for me so long! I implore

Him with my whole heart to send me His grace, so that in all

clearness and truth I may give this account of myself which my

confessors command me to give; and even our Lord Himself, I know

it, has also willed it should be given for some time past, but I

had not the courage to attempt it. And I pray it may be to His

praise and glory, and a help to my confessors; who, knowing me

better, may succour my weakness, so that I may render to our Lord

some portion of the service I owe Him. May all creatures praise

Him for ever! Amen.

1. The Saint, in a letter written November 19, 1581, to Don Pedro

de Castro, then canon of Avila, speaking of this book, calls it

the book "Of the compassions of God"--Y ansi intitule ese libro

De las Misericordias de Dios. That letter is the 358th in the

edition of Don Vicente de la Fuente, and the 8th of the fourth

volume of the Doblado edition of Madrid. "Vitam igitur suam

internam et supernaturalem magis pandit quam narrat actiones

suas mere humanas" (Bollandists, n. 2).

Chapter I.

Childhood and Early Impressions. The Blessing of Pious Parents.

Desire of Martyrdom. Death of the Saint's Mother.

1. I had a father and mother, who were devout and feared God.

Our Lord also helped me with His grace. All this would have been

enough to make me good, if I had not been so wicked. My father

was very much given to the reading of good books; and so he had

them in Spanish, that his children might read them. These books,

with my mother's carefulness to make us say our prayers, and to

bring us up devout to our Lady and to certain Saints, began to

make me think seriously when I was, I believe, six or seven years

old. It helped me, too, that I never saw my father and mother

respect anything but goodness. They were very good themselves.

My father was a man of great charity towards the poor, and

compassion for the sick, and also for servants; so much so, that

he never could be persuaded to keep slaves, for he pitied them so

much: and a slave belonging to one of his brothers being once in

his house, was treated by him with as much tenderness as his own

children. He used to say that he could not endure the pain of

seeing that she was not free. He was a man of great

truthfulness; nobody ever heard him swear or speak ill of any

one; his life was most pure.

2. My mother also was a woman of great goodness, and her life was

spent in great infirmities. She was singularly pure in all her

ways. Though possessing great beauty, yet was it never known

that she gave reason to suspect that she made any account

whatever of it; for, though she was only three-and-thirty years

of age when she died, her apparel was already that of a woman

advanced in years. She was very calm, and had great sense.

The sufferings she went through during her life were grievous,

her death most Christian. [1]

3. We were three sisters and nine brothers. [2] All, by the

mercy of God, resembled their parents in goodness except myself,

though I was the most cherished of my father. And, before I

began to offend God, I think he had some reason,--for I am filled

with sorrow whenever I think of the good desires with which our

Lord inspired me, and what a wretched use I made of them.

Besides, my brothers never in any way hindered me in the service

of God.

4. One of my brothers was nearly of my own age; [3] and he it was

whom I most loved, though I was very fond of them all, and they

of me. He and I used to read Lives of Saints together. When I

read of martyrdom undergone by the Saints for the love of God, it

struck me that the vision of God was very cheaply purchased; and

I had a great desire to die a martyr's death,--not out of any

love of Him of which I was conscious, but that I might most

quickly attain to the fruition of those great joys of which I

read that they were reserved in Heaven; and I used to discuss

with my brother how we could become martyrs. We settled to go

together to the country of the Moors, [4] begging our way for the

love of God, that we might be there beheaded; [5] and our Lord, I

believe, had given us courage enough, even at so tender an age,

if we could have found the means to proceed; but our greatest

difficulty seemed to be our father and mother.

5. It astonished us greatly to find it said in what we were

reading that pain and bliss were everlasting. We happened very

often to talk about this; and we had a pleasure in repeating

frequently, "For ever, ever, ever." Through the constant

uttering of these words, our Lord was pleased that I should

receive an abiding impression of the way of truth when I was yet

a child.

6. As soon as I saw it was impossible to go to any place where

people would put me to death for the sake of God, my brother and

I set about becoming hermits; and in an orchard belonging to the

house we contrived, as well as we could, to build hermitages, by

piling up small stones one on the other, which fell down

immediately; and so it came to pass that we found no means of

accomplishing our wish. Even now, I have a feeling of devotion

when I consider how God gave me in my early youth what I lost by

my own fault. I gave alms as I could--and I could but little.

I contrived to be alone, for the sake of saying my

prayers [6]--and they were many--especially the Rosary, to which

my mother had a great devotion, and had made us also in this like

herself. I used to delight exceedingly, when playing with other

children, in the building of monasteries, as if we were nuns; and

I think I wished to be a nun, though not so much as I did to be a

martyr or a hermit.

7. I remember that, when my mother died, [7] I was about twelve

years old--a little less. When I began to understand my loss, I

went in my affliction to an image of our Lady, [8] and with many

tears implored her to be my mother. I did this in my simplicity,

and I believe that it was of service to me; for I have by

experience found the royal Virgin help me whenever I recommended

myself to her; and at last she has brought me back to herself.

It distresses me now, when I think of, and reflect on, that which

kept me from being earnest in the good desires with which

I began.

8. O my Lord, since Thou art determined to save me--may it be the

pleasure of Thy Majesty to effect it!--and to bestow upon me so

many graces, why has it not been Thy pleasure also--not for my

advantage, but for Thy greater honour--that this habitation,

wherein Thou hast continually to dwell, should not have

contracted so much defilement? It distresses me even to say

this, O my Lord, because I know the fault is all my own, seeing

that Thou hast left nothing undone to make me, even from my

youth, wholly Thine. When I would complain of my parents, I

cannot do it; for I saw nothing in them but all good, and

carefulness for my welfare. Then, growing up, I began to

discover the natural gifts which our Lord had given me--they were

said to be many; and, when I should have given Him thanks for

them, I made use of every one of them, as I shall now explain, to

offend Him.

1. See ch. xxxvii. § 1; where the Saint says that she saw them in

a vision both in Heaven.

2. Alfonso Sanchez de Cepeda, father of the Saint, married first

Catalina del Peso y Henao, and had three children--one daughter,

Maria de Cepeda, and two sons. After the death of Catalina, he

married Beatriz Davila y Ahumada, by whom he had nine

children--seven boys and two girls. The third of these, and the

eldest of the daughters, was the Saint, Doña Teresa Sanchez

Cepeda Davila y Ahumada. In the Monastery of the Incarnation,

where she was a professed nun for twenty-eight years, she was

known as Doña Teresa; but in the year 1563, when she left her

monastery for the new foundation of St. Joseph, of the Reform of

the Carmelites, she took for the first time the name of Teresa of

Jesus (De la Fuente). The Saint was born March 28, 1515, and

baptized on the 4th of April, in the church of St. John; on which

day Mass was said for the first time in the Monastery of the

Incarnation, where the Saint made her profession. Her godfather

was Vela Nuñez, and her godmother Doña Maria del Aguila.

The Bollandists and Father Bouix say that she was baptized on the

very day of her birth. But the testimony of Doña Maria de Pinel,

a nun in the Monastery of the Incarnation, is clear: and Don

Vicente de La Fuente, quoting it, vol. i. p. 549, says that this

delay of baptism was nothing singular in those days, provided

there was no danger of death.

3. Rodrigo de Cepeda, four years older than the Saint, entered

the army, and, serving in South America, was drowned in the river

Plate, Rio de la Plata. St. Teresa always considered him a

martyr, because he died in defence of the Catholic faith (Ribera,

lib. i. ch. iii.). Before he sailed for the Indies, he made his

will, and left all his property to the Saint, his sister (Reforma

de los Descalços, vol. i. lib. i. ch. iii. § 4).

4. The Bollandists incline to believe that St. Teresa may not

have intended to quit Spain, because all the Moors were not at

that time driven out of the country. The Bull of the Saint's

canonization, and the Lections of the Breviary, say that she left

her father's house, ut in Africam trajiceret.

5. The two children set out on their strange journey--one of them

seven, the other eleven, years old--through the Adaja Gate; but

when they had crossed the bridge, they were met by one of their

uncles, who brought them back to their mother, who had already

sent through Avila in quest of them. Rodrigo, like Adam, excused

himself, and laid the blame on the woman (Ribera,

lib. i. ch. iii.). Francisco de Santa Maria, chronicler of the

Order, says that the uncle was Francisco Alvarez de Cepeda

(Reforma de los Descalços, lib. i. ch. v. § 4).

6. She was also marvellously touched by the story of the

Samaritan woman at the well, of whom there was a picture in her

room (Ribera, lib. i. ch. iv.). She speaks of this later on.

(See ch. xxx. § 24.)

7. The last will and testament of Doña Beatriz de Ahumada was

made November 24, 1528 and she may have died soon after.

If there be no mistake in the copy of that instrument, the Saint

must have been more than twelve years old at that time.

Don Vicente, in a note, says, with the Bollandists, that Doña

Beatriz died at the end of the year 1526, or in the beginning of

1527; but it is probable that, when he wrote that note, he had

not read the copy of the will, which he has printed in the first

volume of the Saint's writings, p. 550.

8. Our Lady of Charity, in the church of the hospital where

the poor and pilgrims were received in Avila (Bouix).

The Life of St. Teresa of Jesus, of the Order of Our Lady of Carmel · 第 1 / 41 章