SECTION VI.

THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY IS NOURISHED BY FEAR AND SELFISHNESS.

The reader will find on the fifth page of my introductory remarks, the

phrase 'naked terrors;' by which I mean, that, throughout all the

speeches, addresses and reports in behalf of the Society, it is

confessed, in language strong and explicit, that an irrepressible and

agonizing fear of the influence of the free people of color over the

slave population is the primary, essential and prevalent motive for

colonizing them on the coast of Africa--and not, as we are frequently

urged to believe, a desire simply to meliorate their condition and

civilize that continent. On this point, the evidence is abundant.

'In reflecting on the utility of a plan for colonizing the free

people of color, with whom our country abounds, it is natural

that we should be first struck by its tendency to confer a

benefit on ourselves, by ridding us of a population for the most

part idle and useless, and too often vicious and mischievous.'

* * * 'Such a class must evidently be a burden and a nuisance to

the community; and every scheme which affords a prospect of

removing so great an evil must deserve to be most favorably

considered.

'But it is not in themselves merely that the free people of

color are a nuisance and burthen. They contribute greatly to the

corruption of the slaves, and to aggravate the evils of their

condition, by rendering them idle, discontented and disobedient.

This also arises from the necessity under which the free blacks

are, of remaining incorporated with the slaves, of associating

habitually with them, and forming part of the same class in

society. The slave seeing his free companion live in idleness,

or subsist however scantily or precariously by occasional and

desultory employment, is apt to grow discontented with his own

condition, and to regard as tyranny and injustice the authority

which compels him to labor.[P]

'Great, however, as the benefits are, which we may thus promise

ourselves, from the colonization of the free people of color, by

its tendency to prevent the discontent and corruption of our

slaves,' &c. * * 'The considerations stated in the first part of

this letter, have long since produced a thorough conviction in

my mind, that the existence of a class of free people of color

in this country is highly injurious to the whites, the slaves

and the free people of color themselves: consequently that all

emancipation, to however small an extent, which permits the

persons emancipated to remain in this country, is an evil, which

must increase with the increase of the operation, and would

become altogether intolerable, if extended to the whole, or even

to a very large part of the black population. I am therefore

strongly opposed to emancipation, in every shape and degree,

unless accompanied by colonization.'--[General Harper's

Letter--First Annual Report, pp. 29, 31, 32, 33, 36.]

'The slaves would be greatly benefitted by the removal of the

free blacks, who now corrupt them and render them

discontented.'--[Second An. Rep.]

'What are these objects? They are in the first place to aid

ourselves, by relieving us from a species of population pregnant

with future danger and present inconvenience.'--[Seventh

Report.]

'They are dangerous to the community, and this danger ought to

be removed. Their wretchedness arises not only from their

bondage, but from their political and moral degradation. The

danger is not so much that we have a million and a half of

slaves, as that we have in our borders nearly two millions of

men who are necessarily any thing rather than loyal

citizens--nearly two millions of ignorant and miserable beings

who are banded together by the very same circumstances, by which

they are so widely separated in character and in interest from

all the citizens of our great republic.'--[Seventh Annual

Report.]

'It may be safely assumed, that there is not an individual in

the community, who has given to the subject a moment's

consideration, who does not regard the existence of the free

people of color in the bosom of the country, as an evil of

immense magnitude, and of a dangerous and alarming tendency.

Their abject and miserable condition is too obvious to be

pointed out. All must perceive it, and perceiving it, cannot but

lament it. But their deplorable condition is not more obvious to

the most superficial observer, than is (what is far worse, and

still more to be dreaded,) the powerful and resistless influence

which they exert over the slave population. While their

character remains what it now is, (and the laws and structure of

the country in which they reside, prevent its permanent

improvement,) this influence must of necessity be baneful and

contaminating. Corrupt themselves, like the deadly Upas, they

impart corruption to all around them. Their numbers too, are

constantly and rapidly augmenting. Their annual increase is

truly astonishing, certainly unexampled. The dangerous

ascendency which they have already acquired over the slaves, is

consequently increasing with every addition to their numbers;

and every addition to their numbers is a subtraction from the

wealth and strength, and character, and happiness, and safety of

the country. And if this be true, as it unquestionably is, the

converse is also true; the danger of their undue influence will

lessen with every diminution of their numbers; and every

diminution of their numbers must add, and add greatly, to the

prosperity of the country.'--[Twelfth Annual Report.]

'Another reason is, the pressing and vital importance of

relieving ourselves, as soon as practicable, from this most

dangerous element in our population.' * * 'We all know the

effects produced on our slaves by the fascinating, but delusive

appearance of happiness, exhibited in some persons of their own

complexion, roaming in idleness and vice among them. By removing

the most fruitful source of discontent from among our slaves, we

should render them more industrious and attentive to our

commands.'--[Fourteenth Annual Report.]

'What is the free black to the slave? A standing perpetual

incitement to discontent. Though the condition of the slave be a

thousand times the best--supplied, protected, instead of

destitute and desolate--yet, the folly of the condition, held to

involuntary labor, finds, always, allurement, in the spectacle

of exemption from it, without consideration of the adjuncts of

destitution and misery. The slave would have then, little

excitement to discontent but for the free black.'--[Fifteenth

Annual Report.]

'The evils which arise from the communication of the free people

of color with our slaves, must be obvious to every reflecting

mind; and the consequences which may result from this

communication at some future day, when circumstances are more

favorable to their views, are of a more alarming character. Sir,

circumstances must have brought us to the conclusion, if our

observation had not enabled us to make the remark, that it is

natural for our slaves, so closely allied to the free black

population by national peculiarities, and by relationship, to

make a comparison between their respective conditions, and to

repine at the difference which exists between them. This is a

serious evil, and can only be removed _by preventing the

possibility of a comparison_.

'By removing these people, we rid ourselves of a large party who

will always be ready to assist our slaves in any mischievous

design which they may conceive; and who are better able, by

their intelligence, and the facilities of their communication,

to bring those designs to a successful termination.'--[African

Repository, vol. i. p. 176.]

'The labors of the Colonization Society appear to us highly

deserving of praise. The blacks, whom they carry from the

country, belong to a class far more noxious than the slaves

themselves. They are free without any sense of character to

restrain them, or regular means of obtaining an honest

livelihood. Most of the criminal offences committed in the

southern States are chargeable to them, and their influence over

the slaves is pernicious and alarming.' * * * 'What is the true

nature of the evil of the existence of a portion of the African

race in our population? It is not that there are some, but that

there are so many among us of a different caste, of a different

physical, if not moral, constitution, who never can amalgamate

with the great body of our population. In every country, persons

are to be found varying in their color, origin and character,

from the native mass. But this anomaly creates no inquietude or

apprehension, because the exotics, from the smallness of their

number, are known to be utterly incapable of disturbing the

general tranquillity. Here, on the contrary, the African part of

our population bears so large a proportion to the residue of

European origin, as to create the most lively apprehension,

especially in some quarters of the Union. Any project,

therefore, by which, in a material degree, the dangerous element

in the general mass, can be diminished or rendered stationary,

deserves deliberate consideration.'--[African Repository, vol.

ii. pp. 27, 338.]

'Made up, for the most part, either of slaves or of their

immediate descendants; elevated above the class from which it

has sprung, only by its exemption from domestic restraint; and

effectually debarred by the law, from every prospect of equality

with the actual freemen of the country; it is a source of

perpetual uneasiness to the master, and of envy and corruption

to the slave.' * * 'To remove these persons from among us, will

increase the _usefulness_, and improve the moral character of

those who remain in servitude, and _with whose labors the

country is unable to dispense_. That instances are to be found

of colored free persons, upright and industrious, is not to be

denied. But the greater portion, as is well known, are a source

of malignant depravity to the slaves on the one hand, and of

corrupt habits to many of our white population on the other. The

arts of subsistence with many of them, are incompatible with the

security of property.' * * * 'I am a Virginian--I dread for her

the corroding evil of this numerous caste, and I tremble for the

danger of a disaffection spreading through their seductions,

among our servants.' * * * 'Are they vipers, who are sucking our

blood? we will hurl them from us. It is not sympathy alone,--not

sickly sympathy, no, nor manly sympathy either,--which is to act

on us; but vital policy, self-interest, are also enlisting

themselves on the humane side in our breasts.'--[African

Repository, vol. iii. pp. 10, 67, 197, 201.]

'All must concur in regarding the present condition of the free

colored race in America as inconsistent with its future social

and political advancement, and, where slavery exists at all, as

calculated to aggravate its evils without any atoning good.

Among those evils, the most obvious is the restraint imposed

upon emancipation by the laws of so many of the slaveholding

States: laws, deriving their recent origin from the obvious

manifestation which the increase of the free colored population

has furnished, of the inconvenience and danger of multiplying

their number where slavery exists at all.' * * * 'By the success

of this scheme, our country will be enriched. The free blacks

constitute a material spoke in that wheel which is crushing down

the wealth of our land. The moment we carry this plan into

vigorous prosecution, we shall call many of our countrymen to a

state of comparative wealth. The removal of the annual increase

of our colored population, would give to our mariners a

considerable scope of employment, whilst the trade of the Colony

would be a source of profit.' * * 'It places the attainment of

the grand object in view, that is, to withdraw from the United

States annually, so many of the colored population, and provide

them a comfortable home and all the advantages of civilization

in Africa, _as will make the number here remain stationary_.'

* * * 'Let us recur to the principle abovementioned--that every

black family occupies the room of a white family. On this

principle we are lost, if we suffer the colored population to

multiply, unchecked, upon our hands; because they will increase

faster than the whites, and will crowd them out of all the

Southern country. But on the same principle we are saved, if by

any means of colonization, we can retard the increase of the

blacks, and gain ground on them in the South. That we can do

with ease, if our people will unite in prosecuting the scheme.

Every family taken from the blacks, will add also a family to

the whites, and make an actual difference of two families in our

favor. This exchange will leave fewer blacks to remove, while

it will increase our ability to remove them. Self-interest and

self-preservation furnish motives enough to excite our

exertions.' * * 'By thus repressing the rapid increase of

blacks, the white population would be enabled to reach and soon

overtop them. The consequence would be security.'--[African

Repository, vol. iv. pp. 53, 141, 271, 276, 344.]

'The existence of a class of men in the bosom of the community,

who occupy a middle rank between the citizen and the slave--who

encountering every positive evil incident to each condition,

share none of the benefits peculiar to either, has been long

clearly seen and deeply deplored by every man of observation.

The master feels it in the unhappy influence which the free

blacks have upon the slave population. The slave feels it in the

restless, discontented spirit which his association with the

free black engenders.' * * * * 'But, there is yet a more

important and alarming view, in which this subject necessarily

presents itself to the mind of every Virginian. A community of

the character that has been described, with this additional

peculiarity, that it differs from the class from which it has

sprung, only in its exemption from _the wholesome restraints of

domestic authority_, is found in the midst of a numerous and

rapidly increasing slave population; and while its partial

freedom, trammelled, as it is, by the necessary rigors of the

law, is nevertheless sufficiently attractive, to be a source of

uneasiness and dissatisfaction to those who have not attained to

its questionable privileges, its exemption from the prompt and

efficient inquisition appertaining to slavery, makes it an

important instrument in the corruption and seduction of those,

who yet remain the property of their masters.' * * * 'Who would

not rejoice to see our country liberated from her black

population? Who would not participate in any efforts to restore

those children of misfortune to their native shores, and kindle

the lights of science and civilization through Africa? Who that

has reflection, does not tremble for the political and moral

well-being of a country, that has within its bosom, a growing

population, bound to its institutions by no common sympathies,

and ready to fall in with any faction that may threaten its

liberties?' * * * 'The existence of this race among us; a race

that can neither share our blessings nor incorporate in our

society, is already felt to be a curse; and though the only

curse entailed on us, if left to take its course, it will become

the greatest that could befal the nation.

'Shall we then cling to it, and by refusing the timely expedient

now offered for deliverance, retain and foster the _alien

enemies_, till they have multiplied into such greater numbers,

and risen into such mightier consequence as will for ever bar

the possibility of their departure, and by barring it, bar also

the possibility of fulfilling our own high destiny?' * * 'The

object of this Society is two-fold; for while it immediately and

ostensibly directs its energies to the amelioration of the

condition of the free people of color, it relieves our country

from an unprofitable burden, and which, if much longer submitted

to, may record upon our history the dreadful cries of vengeance

that but a few years since were registered in characters of

blood at St. Domingo.' * * 'It is the removal of the _free_

blacks from among us, that is to save us, sooner or later, from

those dreadful events foreboded by Mr Jefferson, or from the

horrors of St. Domingo. The present number of this unfortunate,

degraded, and anomalous class of inhabitants cannot be much

short of half a million; and the number is fast increasing. They

are emphatically a mildew upon our fields, a scourge to our

backs, and a stain upon our escutcheon. To remove them is mercy

to ourselves, and justice to them.'--[African Repository, vol.

v. pp. 28, 51, 88, 278, 304, 348.]

'All admit the utility of the separation of the free people of

color from the residue of the population of the United States,

if it be practicable. It is desirable for them, _for the slaves

of the United States_, and for the white race. The vices of this

class do not spring from any inherent depravity in their natural

constitution, but from their unfortunate situation. Social

intercourse is a want which we are prompted to gratify by all

the properties of our nature. And as they cannot obtain it in

the better circles of society, nor always among themselves,

they resort to slaves and to the most debased and worthless of

the whites. Corruption, and all the train of petty offences, are

the consequences. Proprietors of slaves in whose neighborhood

any free colored family is situated, know how infectious and

pernicious this intercourse is.' * * * 'Who, if this promiscuous

residence of whites and blacks, of freemen and slaves, is for

ever to continue, can imagine the servile wars, the carnage and

the crimes which will be its probable consequences, without

shuddering with horror?' * * 'It were madness to shut our eyes

to these facts and conclusions. This rapid increase of the

blacks is as certain as the progress of time. The fatal

consequences of that increase, if it be not checked, are equally

so. Something must be done. The American Colonization Society

proposes a remedy--the removal to Africa of the blacks who are

free, or shall hereafter become so, with their consent.' * *

'The colored population is considered by the people of Tennessee

and Alabama in general, as an immense evil to the country--but

the free part of it, by all, as the greatest of all evils....

They feel severely the effects of the deleterious influence

which the free negroes exert upon the slaves--and they look,

moreover, into futurity, and there they behold an appalling

scene--in less than one hundred years, (a short time, we should

hope, in the life of this republic,) 16,000,000 of blacks.'

* * * * 'Since the recent revolution in the island of St. Domingo,

which has placed it in the hands of the African race, it was

thought by some that there an asylum might be found for this

part of our population. But to that place there were also

serious objections, which would prevent its adoption to any

considerable extent. The nearness of that Island to our southern

borders, and the evil consequences that might result from

embodying the free persons of color in the vicinity of those

parts of the United States, where slaves are so numerous,

forbade the friends of humanity to provide a home for them in

that Island.'--[African Repository, vol. vi. pp. 17, 23, 68, 77,

226.]

'The existence, within the very bosom of our country, of an

anomalous race of beings, the most debased upon earth, who

neither enjoy the blessings of freedom, nor are yet in the bonds

of slavery, is a great national evil, which every friend of his

country most deeply deplores. They constitute a large mass of

human beings, who hang as a vile excrescence upon society--the

objects of a low debasing envy to our slaves, and to ourselves

of universal suspicion and distrust.' * * 'If this process were

continued a second term of duplication, it would produce the

extraordinary result of forty white men to one black in the

country--a state of things in which we should not only cease to

feel the burdens which now hang so heavily upon us, but actually

regard the poor African as an object of curiosity, and not

uneasiness.' * * 'Enough, under favorable circumstances, might

be removed for a few successive years--if young _females_ were

encouraged to go--to keep the whole colored population in

check.'--[African Repository, vol. vii. pp. 230, 232, 246.]

'The existence of such a population among us is a most manifest

evil. And every year adds to its threatening aspect. They are

more than a sixth of our population! Their ratio of increase

exceeds that of the whites. They have all the lofty and immortal

powers of man. And the time must arrive, when they will

fearlessly claim the prerogatives of man. They may do it in the

spirit of revenge. They may do it in the spirit of desperation.

And the result of such a mustering of their energies--who can

look at it even in distant prospect without horror? Almost as

numerous are they now, as our whole population when this nation

stood forth for freedom in a contest with the mightiest power of

the civilized world. And if nothing is done to _arrest their

increase_, we shall have in twenty years four millions of

slaves; in forty years eight millions; in sixty years sixteen

millions, and a million of free blacks;--seventeen millions of

people; seven millions more than our present white

population;--enough for a powerful empire! And how can they be

governed? Who can foretel those scenes of carnage and terror

which our own children may witness, unless a seasonable remedy

be applied? The remedy is now within our reach. _We can stop

their increase_; we can diminish their number.'--[Rev. Baxter

Dickinson's Sermon delivered at Springfield, Mass. in 1829.]

'We have a numerous people, who, though they are among us, are

not of us; who are aliens and outcasts in the land of their

birth. A people whose condition is degraded and miserable; who,

so far from adding to our national strength, are an element of

weakness, and detract from the amount of human effort. A people,

whose condition, while it excites our commiseration, must awaken

our fears.' * * 'Those persons of color who have been

emancipated, are only nominally free; and the whole race, so

long as they remain among us, and whether they be slaves or

free, must _necessarily_ be kept in a condition full of

wretchedness to them and full of danger to the whites. This view

of the subject is rendered the more alarming by the rapid

increase of this portion of our population.'--[Second Annual

Report of the New-York State Colonization Society, pp. 4, 34.]

'We would ask, whence have the troubles, which have taken place

among the slaves of Louisiana, originated? Trace the causes, and

we will invariably find them to have proceeded from the

suggestions and officious interferences of the free blacks.

Their very existence in our limits, enjoying supposed

independence, excites the envy and dissatisfaction of the

slaves. The latter naturally inquire, why is it, that persons of

the same color, are permitted to possess more privileges than

they do?... We know the danger to which we are exposed from such

a class of beings living in the very heart of our population,

and increasing greatly every year.'--[An advocate of the Society

in the New-Orleans Argus.]

'Among us the free negroes are multiplying rapidly; both

conscience and religion, as well as propagation, increase them,

and, unless instant and decisive steps are taken to prevent

their increase, you will soon have 50,000 _determined and

vengeful enemies_ in the heart of your country, protected there

by the constitution, forsooth, by which it seems we are

forbidden to expel the free negroes, or to prevent farther

importations of this deadly pest in the persons of

slaves.'--[Louisville Focus.]

'Will not the people of the United States be induced to do

something to remove their colored population? I refer to their

condition, whether bond or free. They are wretched and

dangerous, and should be removed. And the danger arises, not

because we have thousands of slaves within our borders, but

because there are nearly two millions of colored men, who are by

necessity any thing rather than loyal citizens.'--[Address by

Gabriel P. Disosway, Esq.]

'It is not now a novel or a debateable proposition, that slavery

is a great moral and political curse. It is equally clear that

its multitudinous evils are greatly increased by the existence

among us of a mongrel population, who, freed from the shackles

of bondage, yet bear about them the badge of inferiority,

stamped upon them indelibly by the hand of nature, and are

therefore deprived of those rights of citizenship, without which

they must necessarily be a degraded caste--depraved in morals

and vicious in conduct, and _exercising a mischievous and

dangerous influence over those to whom they are nominally

superior_. Their mere existence among the slaves is sufficient,

of itself, to excite in the bosoms of the latter a feeling of

dissatisfaction with their own condition, apparently worse,

because of the coercion to labor which it imposes; but

essentially better, because of the comforts which that labor

procures, and of which the idle and dissolute habits of the free

negro almost invariably deprive him. The slave, however, is not

capable of reasoning correctly, if he reasons at all, on these

truths. He envies the free negro his idleness, and his freedom

from restraint, with all its attendant disadvantages of poverty

and disease, crime and punishment--and hence, he will sometimes

indulge the delusive dream of effecting his own emancipation by

the murder of those who hold him in bondage. Take away from him

this cause of dissatisfaction, and this incentive to

insurrection, and then these "impracticable hopes," which now

sometimes flit before his imagination, will no longer embitter

his hours of labor, and urge him to the commission of those

horrid deeds of massacre, which, though they may glut a

momentary revenge, must result disastrously, not only to the

slaves engaged immediately in their perpetration, but to all

that unfortunate race. Our true interests require that they

shall remove from among us--and no longer be a source of

disquietude to the whites, _of envy to the slaves_, and of

degradation to themselves.'--[Lynchburg (Va.) Virginian.]

'For the most conclusive reasons this removal should be to

Africa. If it be to the West Indies, to Texas, to Canada, then,

how strong and various the objections to building up, in the

vicinity of our own nation, a mighty empire, from a race of men,

_so unlike ourselves_? But, if the removal be to Africa, then it

is to a _happy distance_ from us and to their father land....

Then let it aid in removing that population, which, under its

peculiar relation to the whites, and under its degrading social

and civil disabilities, is a most fruitful source of national

dishonor, demoralization, weakness and _horrid

danger_.'--[Memorial of the New-York State Colonization

Society.]

'The males removed should be persons between 16 and 17 years of

age; the females between 13 and 14. Now as a number would be

annually removed equal to the whole increase, and as that number

would be composed of individuals, of such ages that their

removal would affect the future increase of the race in the

greatest possible degree, I believe that their numbers would not

only not increase, but would diminish. And the number removed

might be increased as the proportion of white persons in the

State became greater, until the removal reached a point at which

all the males who attained the age of sixteen, and all the

females who attained the age of fourteen, in any given year,

would during that year be removed.'--[Petersburg (Va.) Times.]

'They are well calculated to render the slaves sullen,

discontented, unhappy and refractory--and the masters

suspicious, fearful of consequences, and disposed to enhance the

rigor of the condition of their slaves, in order to avert the

dangers that appear to impend over them from the promulgation of

the anti-slavery doctrines; thus, in this case, as in so many

others, the imprudent zeal of friends is likely to produce as

much substantial injury as the animosity of decided enemies

could accomplish.'--[Mathew Carey's Essays.]

'Hatred to the whites is, with the exception in some cases of an

attachment to the person and family of the master, nearly

universal among the black population. We have then a foe,

cherished in our very bosoms--a foe willing to draw our

life-blood whenever the opportunity is offered, and, in the mean

time, intent upon doing us all the mischief in his

power.'--[Southern Religious Telegraph.]

Does the reader wish for any additional proof that the governing motive

of the American Colonization Society is fear--undisguised, _excessive_

FEAR? Language is altogether inadequate to express my indignation and

contempt, in view of such a heartless and cowardly exhibition of

sentiment. There is a deep sense of guilt, an awful dread of

retribution, manifested in the foregoing extracts; but we perceive no

evidence of contrition for past or present injustice, on the part of

those terror-stricken plotters. Instead of returning to those, whom

they have so deeply injured, 'with repenting and undissembling love;'

instead of seeking to conciliate and remunerate the victims of their

prejudice and oppression; instead of resolving to break the yoke of

servitude and let the oppressed go free; it seems to be their only

anxiety and aim to outwit the vengeance of Heaven, and strengthen the

bulwarks of tyranny, by expelling the free people of color from our

shores, and effecting such a diminution of the number of slaves as shall

give the white population a triumphant and irresistible superiority!

'_Check the increase!_' is their cry--'let us retain in everlasting

bondage as many as we can, _safely_; but the proportion must be at least

ten millions of ourselves to two millions of our vassals, else we shall

live in jeopardy! To do justly is not our intention; we only mean to

remove the surplus of our present stock; we think we shall be able, by

this prudent device, to oppress and rob with impunity. Our present

wailing is not for our heinous crimes, but only because our avarice and

cruelty have carried us beyond our ability to protect ourselves: we

lament, not because we hold so large a number in fetters of iron, but

because we cannot safely hold more!'

Ye crafty calculators! ye hard-hearted, incorrigible sinners! ye greedy

and relentless robbers! ye contemners of justice and mercy! ye

trembling, pitiful, pale-faced usurpers! my soul spurns you with

unspeakable disgust. Know ye not that the reward of your hands shall be

given you? 'Wo unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and that write

grievousness which they have prescribed; to turn aside the needy from

judgment, and to take away the right from the poor, that widows may be

their prey, and that they may rob the fatherless! And what will ye do in

the day of visitation, and in the desolation which shall come from far?

to whom will ye flee for help? and where will ye leave your

glory?'--'What mean ye that ye beat my people to pieces, and grind the

face of the poor? saith the Lord God of hosts.'--'Behold, the hire of

the laborers which have reaped down your fields, which is of you kept

back by fraud, crieth; and the cries of them which have reaped are

entered into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth.' Repent! repent! _now_,

in sackcloth and ashes. Think not to succeed in your expulsive crusade;

you cannot hide your motives from the Great Searcher of hearts; and if a

sinful worm of the dust, like myself, is fired with indignation at your

dastardly behaviour and mean conspiracy to evade repentance and

punishment, how must the anger of Him, whose holiness and justice are

infinite, burn against you? Is it not a fearful thing to fall into the

hands of the living God? You may plot by day and by night; you may heap

together the treasures of the land, and multiply and enlarge your

combinations, to extricate yourselves from peril; but _you cannot

succeed_. Your only alternative is, either to redress the wrongs of the

oppressed _now_, and humble yourselves before God, or prepare for the

chastisements of Heaven. I repeat it--REPENTANCE or PUNISHMENT must be

yours.

There are several points upon which I wish to fasten the attention of

the reader:

1. The inhumanity and craftiness of these propositions for the removal

of the free people of color.

It will be seen that the conspirators have taxed their ingenuity to the

utmost, to ascertain the exact number of emigrants which must be

transported annually, the amount of money that must be raised, the

persons that must be selected, the number of vessels that must be

employed, &c. &c. It is their determination, if the necessary means can

be obtained, to transport the annual increase of our colored population;

but in this calculation we find no allowance made for unwillingness or

resistance on the part of those who are the objects of their

supervision. It is taken for granted that all will be induced to go into

exile, or must be made willing compulsorily. Nothing else is

contemplated but their entire expulsion. In order to insure a reduction

of this 'alarming increase,' and effectually to check the fruitfulness

of generation, even the unmanly and scandalous proposition is made to

remove principally those of both sexes who are just come to the age of

puberty! The system of _espionage_, established by Napoleon to prevent

the possibility of a successful conspiracy, was not more detestable and

observant than is this violent and unnatural project. 'If young

_females_ were encouraged to go'!--why, then they could not propagate

here! Infamous calculation!

2. The principal object avowed for the removal of the free people of

color, is, their corruptive and dangerous influence over the slave

population.

It is demonstrated, then, beyond disputation, that this removal will

infuse new strength into the tottering system of slavery, tighten the

grasp of the masters upon the throats of the slaves, lull them into a

profound and quiet sleep, postpone the hour of emancipation, and enhance

the security and value of slave property. The terror of mind which calls

for this separation cannot be benevolence, and the combination which

seeks to effect it cannot merit support. It were folly to hope that the

owners of slaves will ultimately emancipate them, from conscientious

motives. In the first place, they affect to be innocent in holding their

victims in servitude; secondly, they are assured by their colonization

brethren that they are not guilty of oppression, but, on the contrary,

are watchful guardians; and lastly, they are obstinate in shutting their

eyes upon the light, and kindle into a rage on being arraigned for their

tyrannous conduct. Our only ground of hope, then, is in increasing the

difficulty of holding their slaves, in multiplying the causes of their

apprehensions, in destroying the value of slave labor, and in making

their situation full of disquietude and distress. Such a course is not

inconsistent with benevolence--such a course we are obligated to pursue,

as we value the present and everlasting welfare of the oppressor and the

oppressed, and desire to have a conscience void of offence toward God

and toward man. It may--it _must_ be effected by a scrupulous abstinence

from the productions of slavery; by encouraging planters to cultivate

their lands by the hands of free laborers; by educating our free colored

population, and placing them on an equality with ourselves; and by

constantly exhibiting the criminality of holding rational and immortal

beings in servile bondage. Thus, and thus only, shall we be able to

liberate our enslaved countrymen.

3. Consider the inevitable consequence of these reiterated and malignant

statements, with regard to the habits and designs of the free people of

color.

First, it deters a large number of masters from liberating their slaves,

and hence directly perpetuates the evils of slavery: it deters them for

two reasons--an unwillingness to augment the wretchedness of those who

are in servitude by turning them loose upon the country, and a dread of

increasing the number of their enemies. It creates and nourishes the

bitterest animosity against the free blacks. It has spread an alarm

among all classes of society, in all parts of the country; and, acting

under this fearful impulse, they begin to persecute, believing

self-preservation imperiously calls for this severe treatment. The

legislative enactment of Ohio, which not long since drove many of the

colored inhabitants of that State into Upper Canada, was the legitimate

fruit of the anathemas of the Colonization Society. A bill has been

reported in the same legislature for preventing free people of color

from participating in the benefit of the common school fund, in order to

hasten their expulsion from the State! Other States are multiplying

similar disabilities, and hanging heavier weights upon their free

colored population. The Legislature of Louisiana has enacted that

whosoever shall make use of language, in any public discourse, from the

bar, the bench, the pulpit, the stage, or in any other place whatsoever

shall make use of language, in any private discourses, or shall make use

of signs or actions having a tendency to produce discontent among the

colored population, shall suffer imprisonment at hard labor, not less

than three years, nor more than twenty-one years, or DEATH, at the

discretion of the court!! It has also prohibited the instruction of the

blacks in Sabbath Schools--$500 penalty for the first offence--DEATH for

the second!! The Legislature of Virginia has passed a bill which

subjects all free negroes who shall be convicted of remaining in the

commonwealth contrary to law, to the liability of _being sold by the

sheriff_. All meetings of free negroes, at any school-house or

meeting-house, for teaching them reading or writing, are declared an

unlawful assembly; and it is made the duty of any justice of the peace

to issue his warrant to enter the house where such unlawful assemblage

is held, for the purpose of apprehending or dispersing such free

negroes. A fine is to be imposed on every white person who instructs at

such meetings. All emancipated slaves, who shall remain more than twelve

months, contrary to law, shall revert to the executors as assets. Laws

have been passed in Georgia and North Carolina, imposing a heavy tax or

imprisonment on every free person of color who shall come into their

ports in the capacity of stewards, cooks, or seamen of any vessels

belonging to the non-slaveholding States. The Legislature of Tennessee

has passed an act forbidding free blacks from coming into the State to

remain more than twenty days. The penalty is a fine of from ten to fifty

dollars, and confinement in the penitentiary from one to two years.

Double the highest penalty is to be inflicted after the first offence.

The act also prohibits manumission, without an immediate removal from

the State. The last Legislature of Maryland passed a bill, by which no

free negro or mulatto is allowed to emigrate to, or settle in the State,

under the penalty of fifty dollars for every week's residence therein;

and if he refuse or neglect to pay such fine, he shall be committed to

jail and sold by the sheriff at public sale; and no person shall employ

or harbor him, under the penalty of twenty dollars for every day he

shall be so employed, hired or harbored! It is not lawful for any free

blacks to attend any meetings for religious purposes, unless conducted

by a _white_ licensed or ordained preacher, or some respectable white

person duly authorised! All free colored persons residing in the State,

are compelled to register their names, ages, &c. &c.; and if any negro

or mulatto shall remove from the State, and remain without the limits

thereof for a space longer than thirty consecutive days, unless before

leaving the State he deposits with the clerk of the county in which he

resides, _a written statement of his object in doing so_, and his

intention of returning again, or unless he shall have been detained by

sickness or coercion, _of which he shall bring a certificate_, he shall

be regarded as a resident of another State, and be subject, if he

return, to the penalties imposed by the foregoing provisions upon free

negroes and mulattoes of another State, migrating to Maryland! It is not

lawful for any person or persons to purchase of any free negro or

mulatto any articles, unless he produce a certificate from a justice of

the peace, or three respectable persons residing in his neighborhood,

that he or they have reason to believe, and do believe, that such free

negro or mulatto came honestly and bona fide into possession of any

such articles so offered for sale! A bill has been reported to the

Legislature of Pennsylvania, which enacts, that from and after a

specified time, no negro or mulatto shall be permitted to emigrate into

and settle in that State, without entering into bond in the penal sum of

_five hundred dollars_, conditioned for his good behavior. If he neglect

or refuse to comply with this requisition, such punishment shall be

inflicted upon him as is now directed in the case of vagrants. Free

colored residents are not to be allowed to migrate from one township or

county to another, without producing a certificate from the Clerk of the

Court of Quarter Sessions, or a Justice of the Peace, or an Alderman!

The passage of a similar law has been urged even upon the Legislature of

Massachusetts by a writer in the Salem Gazette!

All these proscriptive measures, and others less conspicuous but equally

oppressive,--which are not only flagrant violations of the Constitution

of the United States, but in the highest degree disgraceful and

inhuman,--are resorted to, (to borrow the language of the Secretary in

his Fifteenth Annual Report,) 'for the more complete accomplishment of

the great objects of the American Colonization Society'!!

I appeal to the candor and common sense of the reader, if this grievous

persecution be not justly chargeable to the Society? It is constantly

thundering in the ears of the slave States--'Your free blacks

contaminate your slaves, excite their deadliest hate, and are a source

of _horrid danger_ to yourselves! They must be removed, or your

destruction is inevitable!' What is their response? Precisely such as

might be expected--'We know it; we dread the presence of this class;

their influence over our slaves weakens our power, and endangers our

safety; they must, _they shall_ be expatriated, or be crushed to the

earth if they remain!' It says to the free States--'Your colored

population can never be rendered serviceable, intelligent or loyal; they

will only, and always, serve to increase your taxes, crowd your

poor-houses and penitentiaries, and corrupt and impoverish society!'

Again, what is the natural response?--'It is even so; they are offensive

to the eye, and a pest in community; theirs is now, and must inevitably

be, without a reversal of the laws of nature, the lot of vagabonds; it

were useless to attempt their intellectual and moral improvement among

ourselves; and therefore be this their alternative--either to emigrate

to Liberia, or remain for ever a despicable caste in this country!'

Hence the enactment of those sanguinary laws, to which reference has

been made: hence, too, the increasing disposition which is every where

seen to render the situation of the free blacks intolerable. Never was

it so pitiable and distressing--so full of peril and anxiety--so

burdened with misery, despondency and scorn; never were the prejudices

of society so virulent and implacable against them; never were their

prospects so dark, and dreary, and hopeless; never was the hand of power

so heavily laid upon their limbs; never were they so restricted in

regard to locomotion and the advantages of education, as at the present

time. Athwart their sky scarcely darts a single ray of light--above and

around them darkness reigns, and an angry tempest is mustering its

fearful strength, and 'thunders are uttering their voices.' Treachery is

seeking to decoy, and violence to expel them. For all this, and more

than this, and more that is to come, the American Colonization Society

is responsible. And no better evidence is needed than this: THEIR

PERSECUTION, TRADUCEMENT AND WRETCHEDNESS INCREASE IN EXACT RATIO WITH

THE INFLUENCE, POPULARITY AND EXTENSION OF THIS SOCIETY! The fact is

undeniable, and it is conclusive. For it is absurd to suppose, that as

the disposition and ability of an association to alleviate misery

increase, so will the degradation and suffering of the objects of its

charities.

The assertion that the free blacks corrupt the morals of the slaves, is

too ludicrous to need a serious refutation. Corrupt the morals of those

who are recognized and treated as brutes, and who know as little of the

laws of God as of the laws of the land! Immaculate creatures! The system

of slavery is constantly developing new excellencies: it is, we now

perceive, the protector of virtue, the enemy of vice, and a purifier of

the soul!

But something more indiscreet and preposterous than this, is advanced

for our admiration. We are gravely assured, first, by a New-England

clergyman, that, generally, the condition of the free man of color 'is

one in comparison with which the condition of the slave is _enviable_;'

and, secondly, by the last distinguished convert to the Colonization

Society--the Hon. Mr. Archer of Virginia--'the condition of the slave is

_a thousand times_ the best, [the disparity is wonderful!]--_supplied_,

_protected_, instead of _destitute_ and _desolate_'![Q] Let us draw a

brief comparison. The limbs of the free black are fetterless; he is

controlled by no brutal driver; he bleeds not under the lash; he is his

own master; his wife and children cannot be torn from his arms; he

enjoys the fruits of his own labor; he can improve his own mind, make

his own bargains, manage his own business, go from place to place, and

assert his own rights. The situation and privileges of the slave are

exactly the reverse. Reader, are they 'enviable'--'a thousand times the

best'--in comparison with those of the former? I do not mean to say that

there are no instances in which the slave fares as well as the free man

of color; but the argument of these apologists implies that a state of

slavery is superior to a state of freedom, or it is worthless.

4. It appears, from the quotations that have been given, that the only

reason why the free blacks are not colonized in the 'far West,' or in

Canada, or Hayti, or Mexico, is, because their proximity to the slave

States might prove detrimental. If they could be sent to any or to all

these places, without any danger to ourselves, why then all objections

would cease. This confession places the hypocrisy of this Society in

bold relief. It pretends to be anxious to evangelize benighted Africa,

and stop the slave trade; but only assure it that the blacks may be

safely colonized nearer home, and Africa might still continue to grope

in darkness, and the slave trade to increase in enormity, and its bowels

of compassion would speedily cease to yearn!--Hence it is that the rapid

enlargement of the Wilberforce Settlement in Upper Canada so disturbs

the repose of the advocates of African colonization; and many of them

would rejoice at its overthrow.

FOOTNOTES:

[P] How very strange that the slave should 'regard as tyranny and

injustice the authority which compels him to labor' without

recompense!!!

[Q] Paupers and criminals are supplied and _protected_. How invidious to

treat them so generously, and leave honest, hard-working men exposed to

destitution and abandonment! They ought to be sent to the poor-house or

penitentiary forthwith.

Thoughts on African Colonization · 第 6 / 11 章