SECTION IV.

THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY INCREASES THE VALUE OF SLAVES.

I come now to my fourth charge,--which, although not more serious or

consequential than any of the foregoing, may possibly create more

surprise,--namely, that the Society _increases the value of slaves, and

adds strength and security to the system of slavery_. It is the

discovery of this fact that is so wonderfully, and to many superficial

observers so inexplicably, increasing the popularity of the Society at

the south. It would require more pages of this work than its necessarily

contracted limits permit, to sum up minutely the evidence on this point,

and to give those illustrations which might serve more clearly to

establish its validity. The most common, as it is the most potent,

argument used by colonization agents among slave owners, to secure their

patronage, is,--'The successful prosecution of our scheme will remove

the chief source of danger to yourselves, and enable you to hold your

property in greater security: the presence of free persons of color

among your slaves is eminently calculated to make them insubordinate,

and to procure their violent emancipation.' This argument, I say, is

introduced into every conversation, and every public address, and every

essay; and whoever carefully consults the numbers of the African

Repository, through seven volumes, will find it repeated in almost every

appeal to the south.

I choose to consider the testimony of southern men, in regard to the

invigorating effects of the colonization enterprise upon the system of

slavery, conclusive. Here is a very small portion of it: more may be

found under the sixth section of this work.

'The object of the Colonization Society commends itself to every

class of society. The landed proprietor may ENHANCE THE VALUE OF

HIS PROPERTY by assisting the enterprise.'--[African Repository,

vol. i. p. 67.]

'But is it not certain, that should the people of the Southern

States refuse to adopt the opinions of the Colonization Society,

[relative to the gradual abolition of slavery,] and continue to

consider it both just and politic to leave, untouched, a system,

for the termination of which, we think the whole wisdom and

energy of the States should be put in requisition, that they

will CONTRIBUTE MORE EFFECTUALLY TO THE CONTINUANCE AND STRENGTH

OF THIS SYSTEM, by removing those now free, than by any or all

other methods which can possibly be devised? Such has been the

opinion expressed by Southern gentlemen of the first talents and

distinction. Eminent individuals have, we doubt not, lent their

aid to this cause, in expectation of at once accomplishing a

generous and noble work for the objects of their patronage and

for Africa, and GUARDING THAT SYSTEM, the existence of which,

though _unfortunate_, they deem _necessary_, by separating from

it those, whose disturbing force augments its inherent vices,

and darkens all the repulsive attributes of its character. In

the decision of these individuals, as to the effects of the

Colonization Society, _we perceive no error of judgment_: OUR

BELIEF IS THE SAME AS THEIRS.'--[Idem, p. 227.]

'THE EXECUTION OF ITS SCHEME WOULD AUGMENT INSTEAD OF

DIMINISHING THE VALUE OF THE PROPERTY LEFT BEHIND.'--[Idem, vol.

ii. p. 344.]

'The removal of every single free black in America, would be

productive of nothing but safety to the slaveholder, nor would

the emancipation of as many as the benevolence of individual

masters would send off, as far as I can see, be productive of

disaffection among the remainder, more than the example of such

as are every day set free, and sent to the Ohio or elsewhere;

and if so large a part should ever be set free as to create

discontent among the remainder, (and nothing but the

emancipation of a great majority can do this,) yet that

remainder must then, from the terms of the proposition, be so

much diminished, as to be easily kept down by superior

numbers.'--[Idem, vol. iii. p. 202.]

'The tendency of the scheme, and one of its objects, is to

_secure slaveholders and the whole Southern country_, against

certain evil consequences, growing out of the present threefold

mixture of our population.'--[Idem, vol. iv. p. 274.]

'We all know the effects produced on our slaves by the

fascinating, but delusive appearance of happiness, exhibited in

persons of their own complexion, roaming in idleness and vice

among them. By removing the most fruitful source of discontent

from among our slaves, we should render them more industrious

and attentive to our commands; and by rendering them more

industrious and obedient, we should naturally secure their

better treatment--we should ameliorate their condition. Our

enemies have admitted that good would result from the removal of

this class. Caius Gracchus declares, that if the Society could

attain "this single object in good faith, (the removal of the

free people of color) he should, perhaps, be among the last

citizens in the commonwealth--who would raise his voice against

it," and the author of the Crisis (who is doubtless regarded as

authority in South Carolina) acknowledges, "that there is no

doubt but that if we in the South, were relieved of this

population, it would be better for our southern cities, where

they principally reside." Nothing can be more plain then, than

that the Colonization Society, in its efforts to remove the free

people of color, is accomplishing a work to which the citizens

of the South, whether friends or foes to the Society, have given

their decided approbation.'--[Idem, vol. vi. p. 205.]

'If, as is most confidently believed, the colonization of the

free people of color will render the slave who remains in

America more obedient, more faithful, more honest, and,

consequently, _more useful to his master_,' &c.--[Second Annual

Report.]

'There was but one way, [to avert danger,] but that might be

made effectual, fortunately! It was to PROVIDE AND KEEP OPEN A

DRAIN FOR THE EXCESS BEYOND THE OCCASIONS OF PROFITABLE

EMPLOYMENT. Mr Archer had been stating the case in the

supposition, that after the present class of free blacks had

been exhausted, by the operation of the plan he was

recommending, others would be supplied for its action, in the

proportion of the excess of colored population it would be

necessary to throw off, by the process of voluntary manumission

or sale. This effect must result inevitably from the

depreciating value of the slaves ensuing their disproportionate

multiplication. _The depreciation would be relieved and retarded

at the same time, by the process._ The two operations would aid

reciprocally, and sustain each other, and both be in the highest

degree beneficial. It was on the ground of interest, therefore,

the most indisputable _pecuniary interest_, that he addressed

himself to the people and Legislatures of the slaveholding

States.'--[Speech of Mr Archer.--Fifteenth Annual Report.]

'Every motive which operates on the minds of slaveholders,

tending to make the colonization of the free blacks an object of

_interest_ to them, should operate in an equal degree to secure

the hearty co-operation of the government of every slaveholding

State.'--[African Repository, vol. vii. p. 176.]

'None are obliged to follow our example; AND THOSE WHO DO NOT,

WILL FIND THE VALUE OF THEIR NEGROES INCREASED BY THE DEPARTURE

OF OURS.'--[An advocate of colonization in the Western (Ky.)

Luminary.]

'So far from its having a dangerous tendency, when properly

considered, it will be viewed as AN ADDITIONAL GUARD TO OUR

PECULIAR SPECIES OF PROPERTY.'--[An advocate of the Society in

the New-Orleans Argus.]

'The slaveholder, who is in danger of having his slaves

contaminated by their free friends of color, will not only be

relieved from this danger, but THE VALUE OF HIS SLAVE WILL BE

ENHANCED.'--[A new and interesting View of Slavery. By

Humanitas, a colonization advocate. Baltimore, 1820.]

It is perfectly obvious, that whatever tends to weaken and depress the

present system, must render the holding of slaves less desirable, and

the prospect of emancipation more auspicious. Cherishing this

conviction, thousands of individuals in this country, and tens of

thousands in Great Britain, are led by conscientious motives to abstain

from the use of productions raised by slave labor, and to prefer those

only which are the fruits of the toil of freemen. They believe in the

soundness of the axiom, that 'the receiver is as bad as the thief;' and

knowing that the slaves are held in bondage not on the ground of

benevolence, or because their liberation would endanger the public

safety, but _because they are profitable to their owners_, they also

believe that the consumers of slave goods contribute to a fund for

supporting slavery with all its abominations; that they are the Alpha

and the Omega of the business; that the slave-trader, the slave-owner,

and the slave-driver, are virtually the agents of the consumer, for by

holding out the temptation, he is the original cause, the first mover in

the horrid process; that we are imperiously called upon to refuse those

articles of luxury, which are obtained at an absolute and lavish waste

of the blood of our fellow men; that a merchant, who loads his vessel

with the proceeds of slavery, does nearly as much in helping forward the

slave trade, as he who loads his vessel in Africa with slaves--they are

both twisting the same rope at different ends; that our patronage is

putting an immense bribe into the hands of the slaveholders to kidnap,

rob and oppress; that, were it not for this, they would be compelled by

sheer necessity to liberate their slaves--for as soon as slave labor

becomes unprofitable, the horrid system cannot be upheld.

None of these scruples, to my knowledge, are entertained by

colonizationists: their only aim and anxiety seem to be, 'to prune and

nourish the system,'--not to overthrow it; to increase the avarice of the

planters by rendering the labor of their bondmen more productive,--not

to abridge and starve it; to remove the cause of those apprehensions

which might lead them to break the fetters of their victims,--not to

perpetuate it; 'to provide (I quote the confession of the last

distinguished proselyte to the Society, Mr Archer of Virginia) and to

keep open a drain for the _excess of increase beyond the occasions of_

PROFITABLE EMPLOYMENT,'--not to make slave labor ruinous to the

planters.

By removing whatever number of slaves it be, from this country, the

number which remains must be diminished--and the more the number which

remains is diminished, the more helpless will they become, the less will

be the hope of their ever recovering their own liberty, and the more and

the longer they will be trampled upon.

The greater the number of slaves transported, _the greater will be the

value of the labor of those who remain_; the more valuable their labor

is, _the greater will be the temptation to over-labor them, and the

more, of course, they will be oppressed_.[M]

The increase of the free colored population disturbs the security of the

planters, and forces many to manumit their slaves through sheer terror.

The expatriation of this class, therefore, manifestly tends to quiet the

apprehensions of the oppressors, to rivet more firmly the chains of the

slaves, to make their services in higher demand, and to render even

their gradual emancipation impracticable.

Thus the American Colonization Society is the _apologist_, the _friend_,

and the _patron_ of SLAVEHOLDERS and SLAVERY!

FOOTNOTES:

[M] Stuart's Circular.

Thoughts on African Colonization · 第 4 / 11 章