within its own borders, problems that arise not merely from
juxtaposition of poverty and riches, but especially from the
self-consciousness of both poverty and riches. Each nation must deal
with these matters in its own fashion, and yet the spirit in which the
problem is approached must ever be fundamentally the same. It must be
a spirit of broad humanity; of brotherly kindness; of acceptance of
responsibility, one for each and each for all; and at the same time a
spirit as remote as the poles from every form of weakness and
sentimentality. As in war to pardon the coward is to do cruel wrong to
the brave man whose life his cowardice jeopardizes, so in civil
affairs it is revolting to every principle of justice to give to the
lazy, the vicious, or even the feeble or dull-witted, a reward which
is really the robbery of what braver, wiser, abler men have earned.
The only effective way to help any man is to help him to help himself;
and the worst lesson to teach him is that he can be permanently helped
at the expense of some one else. True liberty shows itself to best
advantage in protecting the rights of others, and especially of
minorities. Privilege should not be tolerated because it is to the
advantage of a minority; nor yet because it is to the advantage of a
majority. No doctrinaire theories of vested rights or freedom of
contract can stand in the way of our cutting out abuses from the body
politic. Just as little can we afford to follow the doctrinaires of an
impossible--and incidentally of a highly undesirable--social
revolution, which in destroying individual rights--including property
rights--and the family, would destroy the two chief agents in the
advance of mankind, and the two chief reasons why either the advance
or the preservation of mankind is worth while. It is an evil and a
dreadful thing to be callous to sorrow and suffering and blind to our
duty to do all things possible for the betterment of social
conditions. But it is an unspeakably foolish thing to strive for this
betterment by means so destructive that they would leave no social
conditions to better. In dealing with all these social problems, with
the intimate relations of the family, with wealth in private use and
business use, with labor, with poverty, the one prime necessity is to
remember that though hardness of heart is a great evil it is no
greater an evil than softness of head.
But in addition to these problems, the most intimate and important of
all, and which to a larger or less degree affect all the modern
nations somewhat alike, we of the great nations that have expanded,
that are now in complicated relations with one another and with alien
races, have special problems and special duties of our own. You belong
to a nation which possesses the greatest empire upon which the sun has
ever shone. I belong to a nation which is trying on a scale hitherto
unexampled to work out the problems of government for, of, and by the
people, while at the same time doing the international duty of a great
Power. But there are certain problems which both of us have to solve,
and as to which our standards should be the same. The Englishman, the
man of the British Isles, in his various homes across the seas, and
the American, both at home and abroad, are brought into contact with
utterly alien peoples, some with a civilization more ancient than our
own, others still in, or having but recently arisen from, the
barbarism which our people left behind ages ago. The problems that
arise are of well-nigh inconceivable difficulty. They cannot be solved
by the foolish sentimentality of stay-at-home people, with little
patent recipes, and those cut-and-dried theories of the political
nursery which have such limited applicability amid the crash of
elemental forces. Neither can they be solved by the raw brutality of
the men who, whether at home or on the rough frontier of civilization,
adopt might as the only standard of right in dealing with other men,
and treat alien races only as subjects for exploitation.
No hard-and-fast rule can be drawn as applying to all alien races,
because they differ from one another far more widely than some of them
differ from us. But there are one or two rules which must not be
forgotten. In the long run there can be no justification for one race
managing or controlling another unless the management and control are
exercised in the interest and for the benefit of that other race. This
is what our peoples have in the main done, and must continue in the
future in even greater degree to do, in India, Egypt, and the
Philippines alike. In the next place, as regards every race,
everywhere, at home or abroad, we cannot afford to deviate from the
great rule of righteousness which bids us treat each man on his worth
as a man. He must not be sentimentally favored because he belongs to a
given race; he must not be given immunity in wrong-doing or permitted
to cumber the ground, or given other privileges which would be denied
to the vicious and unfit among ourselves. On the other hand, where he
acts in a way which would entitle him to respect and reward if he was
one of our own stock, he is just as entitled to that respect and
reward if he comes of another stock, even though that other stock
produces a much smaller proportion of men of his type than does our
own. This has nothing to do with social intermingling, with what is
called social equality. It has to do merely with the question of doing
to each man and each woman that elementary justice which will permit
him or her to gain from life the reward which should always accompany
thrift, sobriety, self-control, respect for the rights of others, and
hard and intelligent work to a given end. To more than such just
treatment no man is entitled, and less than such just treatment no man
should receive.
The other type of duty is the international duty, the duty owed by one
nation to another. I hold that the laws of morality which should
govern individuals in their dealings one with the other, are just as
binding concerning nations in their dealings one with the other. The
application of the moral law must be different in the two cases,
because in one case it has, and in the other it has not, the sanction
of a civil law with force behind it. The individual can depend for his
rights upon the courts, which themselves derive their force from the
police power of the State. The nation can depend upon nothing of the
kind; and therefore, as things are now, it is the highest duty of the
most advanced and freest peoples to keep themselves in such a state of
readiness as to forbid to any barbarism or despotism the hope of
arresting the progress of the world by striking down the nations that
lead in that progress. It would be foolish indeed to pay heed to the
unwise persons who desire disarmament to be begun by the very peoples
who, of all others, should not be left helpless before any possible
foe. But we must reprobate quite as strongly both the leaders and the
peoples who practise, or encourage, or condone, aggression and
iniquity by the strong at the expense of the weak. We should tolerate
lawlessness and wickedness neither by the weak nor by the strong; and
both weak and strong we should in return treat with scrupulous
fairness. The foreign policy of a great and self-respecting country
should be conducted on exactly the same plane of honor, for insistence
upon one's own rights and of respect for the rights of others, that
marks the conduct of a brave and honorable man when dealing with his
fellows. Permit me to support this statement out of my own experience.
For nearly eight years I was the head of a great nation, and charged
especially with the conduct of its foreign policy; and during those
years I took no action with reference to any other people on the face
of the earth that I would not have felt justified in taking as an
individual in dealing with other individuals.
I believe that we of the great civilized nations of to-day have a
right to feel that long careers of achievement lie before our several
countries. To each of us is vouchsafed the honorable privilege of
doing his part, however small, in that work. Let us strive hardily for
success even if by so doing we risk failure, spurning the poorer souls
of small endeavor who know neither failure nor success. Let us hope
that our own blood shall continue in the land, that our children and
children's children to endless generations shall arise to take our
places and play a mighty and dominant part in the world. But whether
this be denied or granted by the years we shall not see, let at least
the satisfaction be ours that we have carried onward the lighted torch
in our own day and generation. If we do this, then, as our eyes close,
and we go out into the darkness, and others' hands grasp the torch, at
least we can say that our part has been borne well and valiantly.
* * * * *
APPENDIX
CONVOCATION
JUNE 7, 1910
FOLLOWED BY THE DELIVERY OF
THE ROMANES LECTURE
BY
THE HON'BLE THEODORE ROOSEVELT
HON. D.C.L.
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
LORD CURZON OF KEDLESTON
CHANCELLOR
PRESIDING
* * * * *
Convocation and the Romanes Lecture, June 7, 1910[16]
[16] An artistically printed pamphlet, containing, with text in
Latin and in English, the programme and ritual here given, was
placed by the University authorities in the hands of each member
of the audience.--L.F.A.
THE CHANCELLOR.
Causa huius Convocationis est, Academici, ut, si vobis placuerit, in
virum Honorabilem Theodorum Roosevelt, Civitatum Foederatarum Americae
Borealis olim Praesidentem, Gradus Doctoris in Iure Civili conferatur
honoris causa; ut Praelectio exspectatissima ab eodem, Doctore in
Universitate facto novissimo, coram vobis pronuncietur; necnon ut alia
peragantur, quae ad Venerabilem hanc Domum spectant.
Placetne igitur Venerabili huic Convocationi ut in virum Honorabilem
Theodorum Roosevelt Gradus Doctoris in Iure Civili conferatur honoris
causa?
Placetne vobis, Domini Doctores? Placetne vobis, Magistri?
* * * * *
To the Bedels.
Ite, Bedelli! Petite Virum Honorabilem!
* * * * *
The Chancellor to the Vice-Chancellor, as Mr. Roosevelt takes his
place for presentation.
Hic vir, hic est, tibi quem promitti saepius audis,
Cuius in adventum pavidi cessere cometae
Et septemgemini turbant trepida ostia Nili!
* * * * *
PRESENTATION SPEECH by DR. HENRY GOUDY, Regius Professor of Civil Law,
Fellow of All Souls College.
Insignissime Cancellarie!
Vosque Egregii Procuratores!
Saepenumero mihi et antea contigit plurimos e Republica illa illustri
oriundos, affines nostros, vobis praesentare gradum honorarium
Doctoris in Iure Civili accepturos, inter quos vel nomina
praestantissimorum hominum citare in promptu esset. Neque tamen
quemquam vel suis ipsius meritis vel fama digniorem, qui hoc titulo
donaretur, salutavi quam hunc virum quem ad vos duco.
Batavorum antiqua stirpe ortus, sicut et nomen ipsius inclitum
indicat, Americanae patriae germanum civem sese praestitit; in qua
nemo sane laudem maiorem Reipublicae suae suorum iudicio contulisse
creditur.
Tardius quidem ad Britannos fama nominis inclaruit, imprimis tum quum
certamine inter Hispanos atque suos orto alae Equitum praefectus rei
militaris sese peritissimum ostentabat. Huic autem, omnia scire
ardenti, nulla pars humanitatis supervacua aut negligenda videbatur.
Manifesto quippe declaravit, ut cum poeta loquar:
"Non sibi sed toti genitum se credere mundo,"
atque exinde annales non tantum patriae suae sed totius terrarum orbis
exemplo virtutis implere.
Quippe bis Hercule! in locum amplissimum Praesulis Reipublicae suae
electus egregio illo in statu ita se gerebat ut laudes et nomen magni
illius antecessoris, Abraham Lincoln, vel aequipararet--quorum alter
servitudinem, alter corruptionem vicit. Unde et spem licet concipere
ut viro bis summum civitatis honorem adepto accedat et denuo idem ille
honor terna vice, numero auspicatissimo, numerandus.
Fortem hospitis nostri animum et tenacem propositi novimus; felicitati
et otio non modo suorum sed etiam gentium exterarum consuluit:
bellator ipse atque idem pacis omnibus terrae gentibus firmandae
auctor indefessus, sicut et exemplum illustre praebuit nuper foedere
icto post bellum inter Iapones et Scytharum populos gestuni. Neque
idem pacem veram esse iudicavit, nisi quae iustitiae et ipsa
inniteretur; quippe civitates laude dignas negavit quibus nee in se
ipsis constaret fides et animi magnitudo.
Venatoriam artem exercuit, historiae naturalis amator; post dimissum
opus civicum requiem in Africae solitudinibus nuper quaesivit ubi in
feras terrae non minore animo, successu haud minore, ferrum exacuit
quam in malos saeculi mores saevire solitus est.
Iam tandem, laboribus functus, patriam suam repetiturus nobiscum
paulum temporis commoratur Ulysses ille alter, viarum pariter expertus
et consiliorum largitor.
Neque praetermittendum est hospitem nostrum, dum varias artes colit,
Musarum opus non neglexisse, stilo non minus quam lingua facundus;
quem nos, Academici, magnis de rebus loquentem hodie audituri sumus.
Hunc igitur praesento
Theodorum Roosevelt,
ut admittatur ad gradum Doctoris in Iure Civili honoris causa.
* * * * *
The Chancellor to Mr. Roosevelt in admitting him to the Degree.
Strenuissime, insignissime, civium toto orbe terrae hodie agentium,
summum ingentis rei publicae magistratum bis incorrupte gestum, ter
forsitan gesture, augustissimis regibus par, hominum domitor, beluarum
ubique vastator, homo omnium humanissime, nihil a te alienum, ne
nigerrimum quidem, putans, ego auctoritate Mea et totius Universitatis
admitto te ad Gradum Doctoris in Iure Civili _honoris causa_.
The Chancellor to the Bedels.
Ite, Bedelli! Ducite Doctorem Honorabilem ad Pulpitum!
* * * * *
The Chancellor will then, in English, welcome Mr. Roosevelt to
Oxford, and invite him to deliver his Lecture.
* * * * *
THE ROMANES LECTURE
* * * * *
At the close of the Lecture the Chancellor will direct the
Vice-Chancellor to dissolve the Convocation as follows:
Iamque tempus enim est, Insignissime mi Vice-Cancellarie, dissolve,
quaeso, Convocationem.
* * * * *
The Vice-Chancellor will dissolve the Convocation as follows:
Celsissime Domine Cancellarie, iussu tuo dissolvimus hanc
Convocationem.
FINIS
* * * * *
Convocation and the Romanes Lecture
TRANSLATION OF THE LATIN
THE CHANCELLOR.
The object of this Convocation is, that, if it be your pleasure,
Gentlemen of the University, the Honorary Degree of Doctor of Civil
Law may be conferred on the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, ex-President
of the United States of North America, that the long-expected Romanes
Lecture may be delivered by him, when he has been made the youngest
Doctor in the University, and that any other business should be
transacted which may belong to this Venerable House.
Is it the pleasure then of this Venerable House that the Honorary
Degree of Doctor of Civil Law should be conferred upon the Honorable
Theodore Roosevelt? Is it your pleasure, Reverend Doctors? Is it your
pleasure, Masters of the University?
* * * * *
Go, Bedels, and bring in the Honorable gentleman!
* * * * *
The Chancellor to the Vice-Chancellor.
Behold, Vice-Chancellor, the promised wight,
Before whose coming comets turned to flight,
And all the startled mouths of sevenfold Nile took fright!
* * * * *
PRESENTATION SPEECH by DR. HENRY GOUDY.
It has been my privilege to present in former years many distinguished
citizens of the great American Republic for our honorary degree of
Doctor of Laws, but none of them have surpassed in merit or obtained
such world-wide celebrity as he whom I now present to you. Of ancient
Dutch lineage, as his name indicates, but still a genuine American,
he has long been an outstanding figure among his fellow citizens. He
first became known to us in England during the Spanish-American War,
when he commanded a regiment of cavalry and proved himself a most
capable military leader. Omnivorous in his quest of knowledge, nothing
in human affairs seemed to him superfluous or negligible. In the
language of the poet, one might say of him--"Non sibi sed toti genitum
se credere mundo." Twice has he been elevated to the position of
President of the Republic, and in performing the duties of that high
office has acquired a title to be ranked with his great predecessor
Abraham Lincoln--"Quorum alter servitudinem, alter corruptionem
vicit." May we not presage that still a third time--most auspicious of
numbers--he may be called upon to take the reins of government?
With unrivalled energy and tenacity of purpose he has combined lofty
ideals with a sincere devotion to the practical needs not only of his
fellow countrymen, but of humanity at large. A sincere friend of peace
among nations--who does not know of his successful efforts to
terminate the devastating war between Russia and Japan?--he has also
firmly held that Peace is only a good thing when combined with justice
and right. He has ever asserted that a nation can only hope to survive
if it be self-respecting and makes itself respected by others.
A noted sportsman and lover of Natural History, he has recently, after
his arduous labors as Head of the State, been seeking relaxation in
distant Africa, where his onslaughts on the wild beasts of the desert
have been not less fierce nor less successful than over the
many-headed hydra of corruption in his own land.
Now, like another Ulysses, on his homeward way he has come to us for a
brief interval, after visiting many cities and discoursing on many
themes.
Nor must I omit to remind you that our guest, amid his engrossing
duties of State, has not neglected the Muses. Not less facile with the
pen than the tongue, he has written on many topics, and this afternoon
it will be our privilege to listen to him discoursing on a lofty
theme.
* * * * *
By the Chancellor.
Most strenuous of men, most distinguished of citizens to-day playing a
part on the stage of the world, you who have twice administered with
purity the first Magistracy of the Great Republic (and may perhaps
administer it a third time), peer of the most august Kings, queller of
men, destroyer of monsters wherever found, yet the most human of
mankind, deeming nothing indifferent to you, not even the blackest of
the black; I, by my authority and that of the whole University, admit
you to the Degree of Doctor of Civil Law, _honoris causa_.
* * * * *
Go, Bedels, conduct the Honorable Doctor to the Lectern!
* * * * *
Here follows the Chancellor's welcome, and the Romanes Lecture.
* * * * *
After the Lecture, the Chancellor to the Vice-Chancellor.
And now, my dear Vice-Chancellor--for it is time--be good enough to
dissolve the Convocation!
* * * * *
The Vice-Chancellor.
Exalted Lord Chancellor, at your bidding we dissolve the Convocation.
FINIS