Animals suffering from wounds or sickness are shipped back to the

hospital bases on the coast in herds, each being provided with a

separate covered stall, or, in case of pneumonia, with a box-stall. The

spotless buildings, with their exercise tracks and acres of green

paddocks, suggest a race-course rather than a hospital for horses

injured in war. Each hospital has its operating-sheds, its X-ray

department, its wards for special ailments, its laboratories for

preventive research work, a pharmacy, a museum which affords opportunity

for the study of the effects of sabre, shell, and bullet wounds, and a

staff of three hundred trained veterinarians. Schools have also been

established in connection with the hospitals in which the grooms and

attendants are taught the elements of anatomy, dentistry, farriery,

stabling, feeding, sanitation, and, most important of all, the care of

hoofs. All the methods and equipment employed are the best that science

can suggest and money can obtain, everything having passed the

inspection of the Duke of Portland and the Earl of Lonsdale, the two

greatest horse-breeders in England. Attached to each division of troops

in the field is a mobile veterinary section, consisting of an officer

and twenty-two men, who are equipped to render first-aid service to

wounded horses and whose duty it is to decide which animals shall be

sent to the hospitals for treatment, which are fit to return to the

front for further service, and which cases are hopeless and must be

destroyed. The enormous economic value of this system is conclusively

proved by the fact that it has reduced sickness among horses in the

British Army 50 per cent, and mortality 47 per cent.

The question that has been asked me more frequently than any other is

why the British, with upward of a million men in the field, are holding

only about fifty miles of battle-front, as compared with seventeen miles

held by the Belgians and nearly four hundred by the French. There are

several reasons for this. It should be remembered, in the first place,

that the British Army is composed of green troops, while the French

ranks, thanks to the universal service law, are filled with men all of

whom have spent at least three years with the colors. In the second

place, the British sector is by far the most difficult portion of the

western battle-front to hold, not only because of the configuration of

the country, which offers little natural protection, but because it lies

squarely athwart the road to the Channel ports—and it is to the Channel

ports that the Germans are going if men and shells can get them there.

The fighting along the British sector is, moreover, of a more desperate

and relentless nature than elsewhere on the Allied line, because the

Germans nourish a deeper hatred for the English than for all their other

enemies put together.

It was against the British, remember, that the Germans first used their

poison-gas. The first engagement of importance in which gas played a

part was the Second Battle of Ypres, lasting from April 22 until May 13,

which will probably take rank in history as one of the greatest battles

of all time. In it the Germans, owing to the surprise and confusion

created by their introduction of poison-gas, came within a hair’s

breadth of breaking through the Allied line, and would certainly have

done so had it not been for the gallantry and self-sacrifice of the

Canadian Division, which, at the cost of appalling losses, won

imperishable fame. The German bombardment of Ypres began on April 20 and

in forty-eight hours, so terrible was the rain of heavy projectiles

which poured down upon it, the quaint old city, with its exquisite Cloth

Hall, was but a heap of blackened, smoking ruins. That portion of the

Allied line to the north of the city was held, along a front of some

four miles, by a French division composed of Colonials, Algerians, and

Senegalese, stiffened by several line regiments. Late in the afternoon

of the 22d, peering above their trenches, they saw, rolling toward them

across the Flemish plain, an impalpable cloud of yellowish-green, which,

fanned by a brisk wind, moved forward at the speed of a trotting-horse.

It came on with the remorselessness of Fate. It blotted out what was

happening behind it as the smoke screen from a destroyer masks the

manœuvres of a Dreadnaught. The spring vegetation shrivelled up before

it as papers shrivel when thrown into a fire. It blasted everything it

touched as with a hand of death. No one knew what it was or whence it

came. Nearer it surged and nearer. It was within a hundred metres of the

French position ... fifty ... thirty ... ten ... and then the silent

horror was upon them. Men began to cough and hack and strangle. Their

eyes smarted and burned with the pungent, acrid fumes. Soldiers

staggered and fell before it in twos and fours and dozens as miners

succumb to fire-damp. Men, strained and twisted into grotesque, horrid

attitudes, were sobbing their lives out on the floors of the trenches.

The fire of rifles and machine-guns weakened, died down, ceased. The

whole line swayed, wavered, trembled on the verge of panic. Just then a

giant Algerian shouted: “The Boches have turned loose evil spirits upon

us! We can fight men, but we cannot fight _afrits_! Run, brothers! Run

for your lives!” That was all that was needed to precipitate the

disaster. The superstitious Africans, men from the West Coast where

voodooism still holds sway, men of the desert steeped in the traditions

and mysteries of Islam, broke and ran. The French white troops, carried

off their feet by the sudden rush, were swept along in the mad debacle.

And as they ran the yellow cloud pursued them remorselessly, like a

great hand reaching out for their throats.

An eye-witness of the rout that followed told me that he never expects

to see its like this side of the gates of hell. The fields were dotted

with blue-clad figures wearing kepis, and brown-clad ones wearing

turbans and tarbooshes, who stumbled and fell and rose again and

staggered along a few paces and fell to rise no more. The highways

leading from the trenches were choked with maddened, fear-crazed white

and black and brown men who had thrown away their rifles, their

cartridge-pouches, their knapsacks, in some cases even their coats and

shirts. Some were calling on Christ and some on Allah and some on their

strange pagan gods. Their eyes were starting from their sockets, on

their foreheads stood glistening beads of sweat, they slavered at the

mouth like dogs, their cheeks and breasts were flecked with foam. “We’re

not afraid of the Boches!” screamed a giant sergeant of zouaves, on

whose breast were the ribbons of a dozen wars. “We can fight _them_

until hell turns cold. But this we cannot fight. _Le Bon Dieu_ does not

expect us to stay and die like rats in a sewer.” Guns and gun-caissons

passed at a gallop, Turcos and _tirailleurs_ clinging to them, the

fear-crazed gunners flogging their reeking horses frantically. The

ditches bordering the roads were filled with overturned wagons and

abandoned equipment. Giant negroes, naked to the waist, tore by

shrieking that the spirits had been loosed upon them and slashing with

their bayonets at all who got in their path. Mounted officers, frantic

with anger and mortification, using their swords and pistols

indiscriminately, vainly tried to check the human stream. And through

the four-mile breach which the poison-gas had made the Germans were

pouring in their thousands. The roar of their artillery sounded like

unceasing thunder. The scarlet rays of the setting sun lighted up such a

scene as Flanders had never before beheld in all its bloody history.

Then darkness came and the sky was streaked across with the fiery trails

of rockets and the sudden splotches of bursting shrapnel. The tumult was

beyond all imagination—the crackle of musketry, the rattle of

machine-guns, the crash of high explosive, the thunder of falling walls,

the clank of harness and the rumble of wheels, the screams of the

wounded and the groans of the dying, the harsh commands of the officers,

the murmur of many voices, and the shuffle, shuffle, shuffle of

countless hurrying feet.

[Illustration:

_From a photograph copyright by M. Rol._

Machine-gun squad wearing masks as a protection against the

asphyxiating gas with which the Germans precede their attacks.

]

And through the breach still poured the helmeted legions like water

bursting through a broken dam. Into that breach were thrown the

Canadians. The story of how, overwhelmed by superior numbers of both men

and guns, choked by poison-fumes, reeling from exhaustion, sometimes

without food, for it was impossible to get it to them, under such a rain

of shells as the world had never before seen, the brawny men from the

oversea Dominion fought on for a solid week, and thereby saved the army

from annihilation, needs no re-telling here. Brigade after brigade of

fresh troops, division after division, was hurled against them but still

they battled on. So closely were they pressed at times that they fought

in little groups; men from Ontario and Quebec shoulder to shoulder with

blood-stained heroes from Alberta and Saskatchewan. At last, when it

seemed as though human endurance could stand the strain no longer, up

went the cry, “Here come the guns!” and the Canadian batteries, splashed

with sweat and mud, tore into action on the run. “Action front!”

screamed the officers, and the guns whirled like polo ponies so that

their muzzles faced the oncoming wave of gray. “With shrapnel!... Load!”

The lean and polished projectiles slipped in and the breech-blocks

snapped home. “Fire at will!” and the blast of steel tore bloody avenues

in the German ranks. But fresh battalions filled the gaps—the German

reserves seemed inexhaustible—and they still came on. At one period of

the battle the Germans were so close to the guns that the order was

given, “Set your fuses at zero!” which means that a shell bursts almost

the moment it leaves the muzzle of the gun. It was not until early on

Friday morning that reinforcements reached the shattered Canadians and

enabled them to hold their ground. Later the Northumbrian

Division—Territorials arrived only three days before from the English

training-camps—were sent to aid them and proved themselves as good

soldiers as the veterans beside whom they fought. For days the fate of

the army hung in the balance, for there seemed no end to the German

reserves, who were wiped out by whole divisions only to be replaced by

more, but against the stone wall of the Canadian resistance the men in

the spiked helmets threw themselves in vain. On May 13, 1915, after

three weeks of continuous fighting, may be said to have ended the Second

Battle of Ypres, not in a terrific and decisive climax, but slowly,

sullenly, like two prize-fighters who have fought to the very limit of

their strength.

[Illustration:

_From a photograph copyright by “The Daily Mirror.”_

A British battery in action.

]

[Illustration:

“Bodies, long months dead, rotting amid the wire entanglements.”

]

[Illustration:

_From photographs by Meurisse._

“Imagine what it must be like to sleep in a hole in the earth, into

which you have to crawl on all fours, like an animal into its lair.”

]

According to the present British system, the soldiers spend three weeks

at the front and one week in the rear—if possible, out of sound of the

guns. The entire three weeks at the front is, to all intents and

purposes, spent in the trenches, though every third day the men are

given a breathing spell. _Three weeks in the trenches!_ I wonder if you

of the sheltered life have any but the haziest notion of what that

means. I wonder if _you_, Mr. Lawyer; _you_, Mr. Doctor; _you_, Mr.

Business Man, can conceive of spending your summer vacation in a ditch 4

feet wide and 8 feet deep, sometimes with mud and water to your knees,

sometimes faint from heat and lack of air, in your nostrils the stench

of bodies long months dead, rotting amid the wire entanglements a few

yards in front of you, and over your head steel death whining angrily,

ceaselessly. I wonder if you can imagine what it must be like to

sleep—when the roar of the guns dies down sufficiently to make sleep

possible—on foul straw in a hole hollowed in the earth, into which you

have to crawl on all fours, like an animal into its lair. I wonder if

you can picture yourself as wearing a uniform so stiff with sweat and

dirt that it would stand alone, and underclothes so rotten with filth

that they would fall apart were you to take them off, your body so

crawling with vermin and so long unwashed that you are an offense to all

whom you approach—yet with no chance to bathe or to change your clothes

or sometimes even to wash your hands and face for weeks on end. I wonder

how your nerves would stand the strain if you knew that at any moment a

favorable wind might bring a gas cloud rolling down upon you to kill you

by slow strangulation, or that a shell might drop into the trench in

which you were standing in water to your knees and leave you floating

about in a bloody mess which turned that water red, or that a _Taube_

might let loose upon you a shower of steel arrows which would pass

through you as a needle passes through a piece of cloth, or that a mine

might be exploded beneath your feet and distribute you over the

landscape in fragments too small to be worth burying, or, worse still,

to leave you alive amid a litter of heads and arms and legs which a

moment before had belonged to your comrades, the horror of it all

turning you into a maniac who alternately shrieks and gibbers and rocks

with insane mirth at the horror of it all. I am perfectly aware that

this makes anything but pleasant reading, my friends, but if men of

gentle birth, men with university educations, men who are accustomed to

the same refinements and luxuries that you are, can endure these things,

why, it seems to me that you ought to be able to endure reading about

them.

[Illustration:

French high-explosive shells bursting on the German trenches.

]

The effect of some of the newer types of high-explosive shells is almost

beyond belief. For sheer horror and destruction those from the

Austrian-made Skoda howitzer, known as “Pilseners,” make the famous

42-centimetre shells seem almost kind. The Skoda shells weigh 2,800

lbs., and their usual curve is 4½ miles high. In soft ground they

penetrate 20 feet before exploding. The explosion, which occurs two

seconds after impact, kills every living thing within 150 yards, while

scores of men who escape the flying metal are killed, lacerated, or

blinded by the mere pressure of the gas. This gas pressure is so

terrific that it breaks in the roofs and partitions of bomb-proof

shelters. Of men close by not a fragment remains. The gas gets into the

body cavities and expands, literally tearing them to pieces.

Occasionally the clothes are stripped off leaving only the boots.

Rifle-barrels near by are melted as though struck by lightning. These

mammoth shells travel comparatively slowly, however, usually giving

enough warning of their approach so that the men have time to dodge

them. Their progress is so slow, indeed, that sometimes they can be

seen. Far more terrifying is the smaller shell which, because of its

shrill, plaintive whine, has been nicknamed “Weary Willie,” or those

from the new “noiseless” field-gun recently introduced by the Germans,

which gives no intimation of its approach until it explodes with a

shattering crash above the trenches. Is it any wonder that hundreds of

officers and men are going insane from the strain that they are under,

and that hundreds more are in the hospitals suffering from neuritis and

nervous breakdown? Is it any wonder that, when their term in the

trenches is over, they have to be taken out of sight and sound of battle

and their shattered nerves restored by means of a carefully planned

routine of sports and games, as though they were children in a

kindergarten?

The breweries, mills, and factories immediately behind the British lines

have, wherever practicable, been converted into bath-houses to which the

men are marched as soon as they leave the trenches. The soldiers strip

and, retaining nothing but their boots, which they deposit beside the

bathtub, they go in, soap in one hand and scrubbing-brush in the other,

the hot bath being followed by a cold shower. The underclothes which

they have taken off are promptly burned and fresh sets given to them, as

are also clean uniforms, the discarded ones, after passing through a

fumigating machine, being washed, pressed, and repaired by the numerous

Frenchwomen who are employed for the purpose, so as to be ready for

their owners the next time they return from the trenches. At one of

these improvised bath-houses thirteen hundred men pass through each day.

“What do the French think of the English?”

To every one I put that question. Summing up all opinions, I should say

that the French thoroughly appreciate the value of Britain’s sea power

and what it has meant to them for her to have control of the seas, but

they regard her lack of military preparedness and the deficiency of

technic among the British officers as inexcusable; they consider the

deep-seated opposition to conscription in England as incomprehensible;

they view the bickerings between British capital and labor as little

short of criminal; they regard the British officers who needlessly

expose themselves as being not heroic but insane. The attitude of the

British press was, in the earlier days of the war at least, calculated

to put a slight strain on the entente cordiale. Anxious, naturally

enough, to throw into high relief the exploits of the British troops in

France, the British newspapers vastly exaggerated the importance of the

British expedition, thus throwing the whole picture of the war out of

perspective. The behavior of the British officers, moreover, though

punctiliously correct, was not such as to mend matters, for they assumed

an attitude of haughty condescension which, as I happen to know, was

extremely galling to their French colleagues, most of whom had forgotten

more about the science of war than the patronizing youngsters who

officered the new armies had ever known. “To listen to you English and

to read your newspapers,” I heard a Frenchman say to an Englishman in

the Traveller’s Club in Paris not long ago, “one would think that there

was no one in France except the British Army and a few Germans.”

I have never heard any one in France suggest that the British officer is

lacking in bravery, but I have often heard it intimated that he is

lacking in brains. The view is held that he regards the war as a

sporting affair, much as he would regard polo or big-game hunting,

rather than as a deadly serious business. When the British officers in

Flanders brought over several packs of hounds and thus attempted to

combine war and hunting, it created a more unfavorable impression among

the French than if the British had lost a battle. “The British Army,” a

distinguished Italian general remarked to me shortly before Italy joined

the Allies, “is composed of magnificent material; it is well fed and

admirably equipped—but the men look on war as sport and go into battle

as they would into a game of football.” To the Frenchman, whose soil is

under the heel of the invader, whose women have been violated by a

ruthless and brutal soldiery, whose historic monuments have been

destroyed, and whose towns have been sacked and burned, this attitude of

mind is absolutely incomprehensible, and in his heart he resents it. The

above, mind you, is written in no spirit of criticism; I am merely

attempting to show you the Englishman through French eyes.

I have heard it said, in criticism, that the new British Army is

composed of youngsters. So it is, but for the life of me I fail to see

why this should be any objection. The ranks of both armies during our

Civil War were filled with boys still in their teens. It was one of

Wellington’s generals, if I remember rightly, who used to say that, for

really desperate work, he would always take lads in preference to

seasoned veterans because the latter were apt to be “too cunning.”

“These children,” exclaimed Marshal Ney, reviewing the beardless

conscripts of 1813, “are wonderful! I can do anything with them; they

will go anywhere!”

But the thing that really counts, when all is said and done, is the

_spirit_ of the men. The British soldier of this new army has none of

the rollicking, devil-may-care recklessness of the traditional Tommy

Atkins. He has not joined the army from any spirit of adventure or

because he wanted to see the world. He is not an adventurer; he is a

crusader. With him it is a deadly serious business. He has not enlisted

because he wanted to, or because he had to, but because he felt he ought

to. In ninety-nine cases out of a hundred he has left a family, a

comfortable home, and a good job behind him. And, unlike the

stay-at-homes in England, he doesn’t make the mistake of underrating his

enemy. He knows that the headlines which appear regularly in the English

papers exultantly announcing “another British advance” are generally

buncombe. He knows that it isn’t a question of advancing but of hanging

on. He knows that he will have to fight with every ounce of fight there

is in him if he is to remain where he is now. He knows that before the

Germans can be driven out of France and Belgium, much less across the

Rhine, all England will be wearing crape. He knows that there is no

truth in the reports that the enemy is weakening. He knows it because

hasn’t he vainly thrown himself in successive waves against that

unyielding wall of steel? He knows that it is going to be a long

war—probably a very long war indeed. Every British officer or soldier

with whom I have talked has said that he expects that the spring of 1916

will find them in virtually the same positions that they have occupied

for the past year. They will gain ground in some places, of course, and

lose ground in others, but the winter, so the men in the trenches

believe, will see no radical alteration in the present western

battle-line. All this, of course, will not make pleasant reading in

England, where the Government and certain sections of the Press have

given the people the impression that Germany is already beaten to her

knees and that it is all over bar the shouting. Out along the

battle-front, however, in the trenches, and around the camp-fires, you

do not hear the men discussing “the terms of peace we will grant

Germany,” or “What shall we do with the Kaiser?” They are not talking

much, they are not singing much, they are not boasting at all, but they

have settled down to the herculean task that lies before them with a

grim determination, a bulldog tenacity of purpose, which is eventually,

I believe, going to prove the deciding factor in the war. Nothing better

illustrates this spirit than the inscription which I saw on a cross over

a newly made grave in Flanders:

TELL ENGLAND, YE THAT PASS THIS MONUMENT,

THAT WE WHO REST HERE DIED CONTENT.

III

CAMPAIGNING IN THE VOSGES

The sergeant in charge of the machine-gun, taking advantage of a lull in

the rifle-fire which had crackled and roared along the trenches since

dawn, was sprawled on his back in the gun-pit, reading a magazine. What

attracted my attention was its being an American magazine.

“Where did you learn to read English?” I asked him curiously.

“In America,” said he.

“What part?” said I.

“Schenectady,” he answered. “Was with the General Electric until the war

began.”

“I’m from up-State myself,” I remarked. “My people live in Syracuse.”

“The hell you say!” he exclaimed, scrambling to his feet and grasping my

hand cordially. “I took you for an Englishman. From Syracuse, eh? Why,

that makes us sort of neighbors, doesn’t it? We ought to have a drink on

it. I suppose the Boches have plenty of beer over there,” waving his

hand in the direction of the German trenches, of which I could catch a

glimpse through a loophole, “but we haven’t anything here but water.

I’ve got an idea, though! Back in the States, when they have those Old

Home Week reunions, they always fire off an anvil or the town cannon. So

what’s the matter with celebrating this reunion by letting the Boches

have a few rounds from the machine-gun?”

Seating himself astride the bicycle saddle on the trail of the

machine-gun, he swung the lean barrel of the wicked little weapon until

it rested on the German trenches a hundred yards away. Then he slipped

the end of a cartridge-carrier into the breech.

[Illustration:

In a bomb-proof gun-pit.

“_Rrr-r-r-r-r-r-r-r-r-r-rrrip_ went the mitrailleuse, with the noise

of a million mowing-machines. The racket in the log-roofed gun-pit

was deafening.”

]

Vive la France! · 第 4 / 12 段