attention had been drawn to the fact that in a great number of
corporate towns many of the electors who had the right to join in
choosing members for Parliament had no voice at all in the management of
their own local affairs. It was clearly for the interest of the reform
party to remove this abuse, and to secure still stronger support from
the middle class of citizens among whom their strength already lay. In
1833 a commission of ten members had been issued to inquire into the
condition of the corporations of England and Wales. Nominated during the
first days of the popular triumph, and with a party object, it was
natural that the commissioners should be drawn entirely from the ranks
of the reformers. Their report was therefore open to the charge of
onesidedness, but it brought a state of things to light which thoroughly
justified the Government in introducing a great measure of reform. The
constitution, originally popular, of the English boroughs had in lapse
of time been completely altered. The rights of citizenship, originally
belonging to all fully qualified freemen residing within the borough,
had been gradually confined to a small class technically spoken of as
the Freemen, many of whom were so decayed as not only to pay no rates,
but in some cases to be themselves dependent on the poor rates. The
government of the town and administration of the corporate property,
and, before the Reform Bill, the election of parliamentary
representatives, had in some instances fallen into the hands of an
exclusive council, who had the right of filling up the vacancies in its
own numbers. A variety of circumstances had contributed to these
changes. Birth, marriage, apprenticeship, or membership of some guild,
originally tests of residence, had after a time acted so as to exclude
large numbers of residents from the ranks of the freemen. Wealth
introduced a division of classes, and unchecked encroachment on the part
of the wealthy had gone still further to exclude many from their rights.
Political reasons had induced the Crown to seek the support of the
boroughs in Parliament, and, especially in the time of the Tudors, new
charters had been granted which placed the local government entirely in
the hands of self-elected councils, much more easily handled for
political purposes than widespread constituencies. The same process had
been continued by the Stuarts. James II. even went further, and his
attempt to nominate corporations of boroughs was not the least of the
causes of the Revolution. Though the project failed, the close
corporation system was continued both by Whigs and Tories, who found
their political advantage in it. This perversion of municipal
arrangements for political purposes had been attended with many
practical abuses. In the first place, the corporations, which had in
their hands the government of large and important towns, by no means
represented the property, intelligence, or population of those towns.
Thus in Ipswich, of 2000 ratepayers only 287 belonged to the
corporation. At Cambridge, out of 20,000 inhabitants, only 118 were
freemen, while of the property, which was valued at £25,000, only £2100
was the property of freemen. In Norwich, £25,500 was the value of the
rated property, £18,200 of this belonged to those who were not freemen.
Again, these self-elected governors constantly misappropriated the
corporate funds, which, as the gross income of the corporations was
£366,000, was a matter of considerable importance; the corporate offices
were filled by favour, the charities employed for the purchase of votes,
and large sums spent upon feasting and other useless shows, while the
townsmen at large were rated for all local purposes. The distribution of
these rates again was in the hands of the same people who exacted them,
and no account of how they were employed could be obtained. To cure this
general state of corruption was the intention of the new measure.
[Sidenote: The Municipal Reform Bill. Sept. 7, 1835.]
The measure included 178 boroughs. It began by marking out their
boundaries, where possible in accordance with the boundaries of the
electoral borough. The object of the Bill was not to centralize, but on
the contrary to improve local administration; it was not therefore
proposed to withdraw business from the hands of the corporation, with
the exception of the administration of charities and church funds, which
were respectively placed in the hands of trustees named by the Lord
Chancellor and of the ecclesiastical commissioners. It was the nature of
the corporation itself which was to be improved. In accordance with the
principle of the Whig party, the new governing bodies were to be elected
by constituencies of considerable breadth, but confined to the middle
classes. A three years' residence and payment of the poor and borough
rates was to be the qualification of an elector. By them the new
governing body, called the town council, was chosen, which together with
the constituency formed the corporation. To committees of the town
council were intrusted the administration of the various branches of
local government. To the whole body collectively was given the
management of the borough funds, the proper expenditure of which was to
be guaranteed by a publication of the accounts, properly audited by
auditors not themselves town councillors. The Government reserved in its
own hand the right of appointing justices of the peace and paid
magistrates when required. Though the change was sweeping, and seemed
somewhat to affect the rights of property, the abuses were so glaring
that the Bill easily passed the Lower House. In the Lords several
amendments were passed against the Government, especially one retaining
their old privilege to existing freemen, but somewhat to the
disappointment of the Tories, the Commons accepted the amendment, and
the Bill was passed on the 7th of September.
[Sidenote: Foreign diplomacy of Palmerston.]
So absorbing had been the interest of domestic questions that foreign
affairs had been somewhat disregarded. Yet from time to time they had
come before the public attention, and were in themselves of considerable
importance. They had fallen chiefly into the hands of Lord Palmerston, a
disciple of Canning's, and therefore by principle an upholder of peace
and of the doctrine of non-intervention, but inspired also as his master
had been with an admiration and love for the institutions of
constitutional monarchy, which led him into a line of conduct which it
is difficult to harmonize with his professed principles. The most
striking characteristic of our foreign policy in his hands was the close
apparent union with France in opposition to the three Eastern powers,
which Palmerston still regarded as tainted with the old principle of the
Holy Alliance, and of one of which, namely Russia, he was sensitively
mistrustful on all points connected with the policy of the East of
Europe. The sympathy between England and France was inevitable. In some
sense the kings of the two countries were both citizen kings, the great
change which had taken place in England was the counterpart of the
Revolution of July. In both countries it was the middle class which had
just obtained the predominance. In both countries there was the same
character of government, and both expressed the same desire for peace.
At the same time the questions which agitated Western Europe were all
more or less connected with the establishment of that form of government
which both countries admired.
[Sidenote: Absorption of Poland. 1831.]
The influence of the Revolution of July had, as has been mentioned,
spread far and wide over Europe, but had made itself most prominently
felt in Belgium, which had broken loose from its enforced connection
with Holland, and in Poland, which rose in insurrection to free itself
from the rule of Russia. With Poland England had little to do. In the
existing state of circumstances, though the sympathy of all classes was
strongly with the Poles, armed interference was not to be thought of,
and it was impossible to prevent the total subjugation of that gallant
nation, after a very brave but ineffectual attempt to withstand the
might of Russia. The fall of Warsaw sealed its fate; it was
incorporated, contrary to all the stipulations of the Treaty of Vienna,
with the Russian empire.
[Sidenote: Formation of Belgium.]
But Belgium was nearer home. Its creation into a strong kingdom had been
the pet scheme of English diplomatists; it was impossible to leave it to
be overwhelmed by Holland, in conjunction with the Eastern powers, or to
be absorbed by France. The difficult duty of the English minister was so
to undo the work of his predecessors as if possible to prevent a war
which would inevitably have arisen in either of the above cases, and so
to preserve the independence of the Belgians that they might yet serve
in some degree to fulfil the object of the negotiators of Vienna, as a
check upon the power of France. To gain these ends he induced the five
great powers to send representatives to a Congress in London. The first
difficulty was to restrain the ambitious desires of France, where the
propagandist and conquering spirit seemed for the moment to have been
reawakened by the late revolution. The original plan of mediation was
rejected by the King of the Netherlands, who, trusting to the assistance
of Russia, invaded Belgium, and was only dislodged by the appearance of
a French army. After a period of some anxiety, the firmness of
Palmerston was successful in causing the withdrawal of the French
troops, and the rejection of the crown by the King's son the Duc de
Nemours. The immediate danger of war being thus averted, the London
Conference drew up twenty-four articles (Nov 15, 1831), on which, though
they were not thoroughly acceptable to either party, it was determined
to insist. They specified the limits of the new kingdom more favourably
for Holland than had been the case in the preceding and rejected scheme,
and settled the division of the public debt. Upon the understanding that
these arrangements were final, Prince Leopold, the husband of the late
Princess Charlotte, accepted the throne, not however, as Palmerston was
careful to explain, as the English candidate, but as a man generally
acceptable to the powers. He shortly rendered his position more secure
by marrying a daughter of the French King. But the difficulties did not
end with his acceptance of the throne; the King of the Netherlands
continued to refuse the proferred terms, till at length the two Western
powers lost patience, and unable to procure the assistance of the other
members of the Conference, took the matter into their own hands, laid an
embargo on the Dutch ships, blockaded the mouth of the Scheldt, and
laid siege to Antwerp with a French army. After a very gallant defence,
Antwerp yielded, and though the final settlement between the countries
was postponed till 1839, a provisional armistice was entered into which
practically put an end to the difficulties.
[Sidenote: Affairs of Portugal.]
As important as Belgium were the affairs of Portugal and Spain. Don
Miguel had pursued his career of cruelty and folly. Acts of
unjustifiable violence committed on the subjects of France had compelled
the French Government, in July 1831, to send a squadron to the Tagus to
obtain satisfaction, a measure which threatened for an instant serious
consequences, as the English Government still felt itself pledged to
uphold Portugal, its old ally. Fortunately Miguel was too foolish to see
his opportunity. Still worse behaviour towards some English subjects
brought a British fleet to Portugal in the following spring also to
demand satisfaction. It became certain that the two Western powers would
act in union there as they had already done in Belgium. While continuing
nominally a strict neutrality, all sorts of volunteer assistance was
allowed to join Don Pedro, when in July 1832 he landed at Oporto, again
to assert the claims of his young daughter. An Englishman commanded his
fleet, a Frenchman his army, and his troops were largely composed of
volunteers from both nations. On the other hand, the French Legitimists,
with Marshal Bourmont at their head, crowded to assist Don Miguel. For a
while Don Pedro's expedition met with poor success; he could barely make
good his position in Oporto, but in the middle of the next year, Admiral
Sartorius having given place to Napier, the tide of victory changed,
Miguel's fleet was destroyed off St. Vincent, and before the end of June
Lisbon was in the hands of the Queen's adherents. For some while longer
the strife was continued; but the Whigs could boast that the question
was practically settled, and constitutional government established,
although the assertion they made that they had held a strict neutrality,
and without helping either side had allowed them to fight the matter
out, was scarcely consistent with truth.
[Sidenote: Affairs of Spain.]
The success of constitutional principles in Portugal was speedily
followed by events which produced the same results in Spain. The law of
succession in that country had been again and again changed; the liberal
constitution of 1812 had excluded females; Ferdinand in 1830 had again
admitted them to the succession, but, frightened by a dangerous illness,
and under pressure from the priests, he subsequently withdrew this
decree, thus leaving his brother Don Carlos, an extreme absolutist, heir
to the throne. The return of health brought him under other influences.
He had married a young Neapolitan Princess, Christina, by whom he had
two daughters, and through her influence he was induced, in 1832, to
re-establish the old law, settling the crown on his daughter Isabella.
In September 1832 he died, and when Isabella was proclaimed Queen and
Christina Regent, Carlos met with considerable sympathy, especially
among the clergy, the peasantry and the old nobility, as they considered
him tricked out of his inheritance by Christina's influence. But
Christina had sense enough to throw herself heartily upon the side of
the Liberal government, and rallied round her all the friends of
constitutionalism in Spain and elsewhere. Thus there were in each of the
neighbouring countries of the Peninsula a young Queen representing
constitutional principles, opposed to an uncle with absolutist views
claiming the throne. The Queen was successful in Spain; the Cortes was
summoned under a Liberal minister, and Don Carlos was driven from the
country. The similarity of their positions made the cause of the two
Princes one, and Carlos betook himself to Don Miguel, who was still
after his expulsion from Lisbon lying at Santarem. Lord Palmerston saw
in this position of affairs an opportunity for carrying out his great
object, of supporting constitutionalism and aiming a blow against the
absolute powers of the East. He arranged, early in the year 1834, a
Quadruple Alliance, primarily between Spain and Portugal, for the
purpose of expelling the claimants to both countries from the Peninsula,
a movement which was to be supported in case of necessity by a French
army and an English fleet.
[Sidenote: The Quadruple Alliance. 1834.]
[Sidenote: Unavailing against Russian advance.]
[Sidenote: Treaty of Unkiar Skelesi.]
Thus, as in the affairs of Belgium, France and England had been
successful in thwarting the Eastern powers and establishing a
constitutional power, so now again they had induced Spain and Portugal
to add their weight to the constitutional cause. "I reckon this to be a
great stroke," said Palmerston; "in the first place it will settle
Portugal, and go some way to settle Spain also, but what is of more
permanent and essential importance, it establishes a quadruple alliance
between the States of the West, which will serve as a powerful
counterpoise to the Holy Alliance of the East." The treaty did in fact
at once put an end to the opposition of Don Miguel. A Spanish army
marched to attack him on the rear, and he surrendered, and promised to
leave the Peninsula. In the affairs of Spain the treaty was not so
effectual. Don Carlos escaped in an English ship, to return subsequently
and carry on a civil war, which lasted till 1840. During that period the
English, though still preserving external neutrality, allowed an
English legion, under the command of Sir De Lacy Evans, to go to the
assistance of the Queen, whose final triumph he materially assisted in
gaining. The whole fruit of the Whig foreign policy, and of the
friendship with France, which the similarity of feeling in the two
countries had engendered, was to consolidate for the time the West of
Europe upon constitutional principles, in well-defined opposition to the
East. But this had not been done without the exertion of an amount of
influence, and an indirect employment of physical force, which could
scarcely be honestly veiled under the name of neutrality; nor had the
joint influence of the two countries been sufficient to check the growth
of Russia in the East. Mahomet Ali, the Pasha of Egypt, had formed the
idea of creating an Arabian monarchy from portions of the Turkish
Empire. His adopted son and heir, Ibrahim Pasha, overran the whole of
Syria, and, in 1832, seemed on the highroad to Constantinople. In its
extremity the Porte applied to Russia for assistance, and although the
French Ambassador contrived a temporary arrangement with the Pasha which
postponed for a time the interference of the Russians, the further
advance of Ibrahim compelled a renewed demand for help, and finally, on
July 8, 1833, most of the demands of Mahomet Ali were granted, and the
Treaty of Unkiar Skelesi was signed with Russia, which opened the
Bosphorus to the Russians, and closed the Dardanelles to the ships of
war of other nations; the protests of England and France remained
entirely unheeded.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: Retrospect of affairs in India.]
Palmerston's dislike to the advance of Russia in the East rested not
only on his general antipathy to the prince, whom he regarded as the
head of the absolutist party, but arose from the feeling that it was
necessary to secure our road to India, which has been the chief spring
of the policy of England in the Mediterranean, and indeed, that nothing
should interfere with our Indian possessions, became yearly more
important. Uninfluenced in its general course by the changes of parties,
the Indian Empire had been steadily increasing for the last thirty
years. Though Wellesley's view stated broadly, that England must be the
one great power of India, was not accepted by several of his successors,
without wish of their own they had been compelled to act much as he
would have acted, constantly to increase the English dominions, and to
complete the system of subsidiary treaties with those powers which were
still allowed a separate existence.
[Sidenote: Cornwallis. Jul-Oct. 1805. Sir G. Barlow. 1805-1807.]
[Sidenote: Lord Minto. 1807-1813.]
[Sidenote: Capture of Batavia and Mauritius.]
[Sidenote: Check of the Sikhs.]
[Sidenote: Mutiny at Madras.]
Lord Cornwallis' second tenure of office, interrupted by his speedy
death, was too brief to allow him to reverse his predecessor's policy,
as seems to have been his intention. Nor was the government of Sir
George Barlow, one of the civil servants of the Company, who devoted
himself chiefly to the financial business of his office, of sufficient
length to produce much effect. But during the rule of Lord Minto, sent
out to replace him by the Grenville administration in 1807, some events
of importance took place. Of these the most important were the capture
of the Dutch and French possessions in the East, the check which was
given to the rising kingdom of the Sikhs in the Punjaub, and the strange
incident of a mutiny of the English officers in Madras. In July 1810 the
Island of Bourbon was taken with little loss, and in the following
November, General Abercrombie, with an expedition consisting of troops
from Bengal and Madras, attacked the Isle of France; within three days
of his reaching the island he succeeded in overcoming all opposition,
the island was surrendered, and the last remnant of French power in the
East disappeared. In February of the same year the possessions of
Holland, then forming a part of the French Empire, were also attacked,
and in 1811 a considerable army was landed in Java. Batavia at once
surrendered, but it was not till after a severe battle with the Dutch
General Jansens, and the loss of about a thousand men, that the island
was subdued; it was intrusted to the government of Mr. Raffles,
afterwards Sir Stamford, and was much improved under his hands, but at
the Peace of Vienna it was restored with most other colonial conquests.
It has been believed that its value and wealth were not thoroughly known
or appreciated by the ministry at the time. It was the interest of the
European war also which brought Lord Minto's government into contact
with powers on the north-east of India. A French embassy to Persia,
really directed against the Russians, was thought to have reference to
an intended attack upon India, which was known to have been at an
earlier time a favourite project of Napoleon's. It became therefore
necessary for the English Government to attempt to secure the friendship
of the Affghans and the Sikhs. This latter race, originally organized in
a sort of confederacy, had been gradually brought under the subjection
of one family, the representative of which was now Runjeet Singh. In
their dread of the French, the English were for a while blind to his
encroachments even on the east of the Sutlej, but as events in Europe
showed that Napoleon's Eastern dreams were for the present over, a
firmer tone was adopted, and in 1809 the appearance of English troops
proved to Runjeet that his hopes of further conquest were futile, and he
consented to enter into a treaty of perpetual friendship. The mutiny at
Madras was somewhat similar to that which Clive had suppressed in the
Bengal army. The withdrawal of an allowance known as the tent contract
was the immediate cause of the disaffection, but there had been for some
time discontent among the officers, unfortunately supported by some
whose age and position gave them influence over their juniors. General
Macdowell, having been refused a seat in the Council, had thrown up his
command, and was returning to England in disgust. He entered into an
unseemly quarrel with the Quartermaster-General, Colonel Munro, and
published a general order declaring that had he remained in India he
would have brought him to a court-martial. The Government, in great
anger, suspended those officers who had assisted in publishing the
general order, and finding them largely supported by their
fellow-officers, proceeded to remove a considerable number from their
command. This was followed by an open mutiny which broke out in
Hyderabad, Seringapatam, and elsewhere. At Seringapatam the mutineers
were suppressed by force of arms, elsewhere they came to their senses,
and accepted the conditions imposed on them by Lord Minto, who had come
to Madras to attempt to meet the difficulty. Lord Minto returned to
England in 1813, after an honourable discharge of his duties, and was
succeeded by the Earl of Moira, afterwards Marquis of Hastings.
[Sidenote: Marquis of Hastings. 1813-1823.]
[Sidenote: War with Nepaul.]
[Sidenote: War with the Pindaries and Mahrattas.]