notice of Parliament and nation which was destined to play an important
part and to take the place of the American contest as a party test. This
was the question of Catholic relief. The laws still existing against the
members of the Roman Catholic religion were most severe in character.
They had been enacted chiefly in the reign of William III., when England
was still in mortal terror of the restoration of the malign influence of
the Stuarts and their religion, and they bore the marks of their origin;
many of them were indeed, as Dunning said in seconding the motion for
their repeal, a disgrace to humanity. Sir George Savile, member for
Yorkshire and a great Whig leader, moved the repeal of some of them; he
had no intention, he said, of touching the whole penal code against
Catholics, and was willing to substitute a test; but he moved the repeal
of some of the most obnoxious laws. These were the law which punished
the celebration of Catholic worship as felony in a foreigner, as high
treason in a native, and the laws by which the estates of Popish heirs
educated abroad passed to the next Protestant heir, by which a
Protestant heir could take possession of his father's or other
relative's estate during the lifetime of the real proprietor, and by
which Papists could acquire property only by descent. The first law was
so monstrous, and the others so evidently tended to foster the worst
forms of family division and public informing, that their repeal met
with little opposition. Dundas, Lord Advocate, promised a similar Bill
for Scotland. This was the beginning of opposition. The Scotch were
indignant at any sign of toleration, and organized a resistance which
speedily spread into England. The Protestants found a mouthpiece in Lord
George Gordon, a young man of slender intellect, and nearly mad on
religious topics; although his principles were so unsettled that he died
a Jew, he now threw himself with frenzied vehemence into the Protestant
movement. The King, with his usual power of sympathizing with the
narrower views of his people, took up the same side, and during the
remainder of the reign Catholic emancipation served as a test by which
to try whether his ministers would be subservient or not.
[Sidenote: America rejects conciliatory offers.]
Meanwhile the Commissioners under the Conciliatory Bills had reached
America (May 1778). It was at once plain that they were too late. The
French alliance had been made known, and the Americans were as yet full
of enthusiasm for their allies. For a time the influence of Washington
had been shaken. His toilsome but inglorious work of reconstituting the
army of Valley Forge had been unfavourably contrasted with the brilliant
success of Saratoga; Gates, a man in every way his inferior, had been
set up as his rival, and placed at the head of a war committee, which
overruled Washington's advice and wishes. But the ridiculous failure of
a plan which, in the interests of the French, the committee had
suggested for attacking Canada had brought the Congress to reason, and
their trust in Washington had been restored. The division of interests
which had threatened the rising republic was thus healed, and the
Commissioners found a unanimous feeling against entertaining their
suggestions. Nor had the success of the English been such as to assist
their views. After a winter idly spent in Philadelphia, Sir William Howe
had been succeeded by Clinton, who had found it necessary to withdraw
his army to New York, which with Rhode Island were the sole possessions
left to England. The answer which the Commissioners received was
therefore very decided. No such questions as were raised could be
considered till the fleets and armies of England were withdrawn or the
independence of the colonies acknowledged. The Commissioners could only
retire, leaving behind them a manifesto threatening the utmost
severities of war.
[Sidenote: Effect of the alliance between America and France.]
But, in spite of the confidence which the French alliance aroused in the
minds of the Americans, the immediate effect of the treaty was not
advantageous to them. A joint attack upon Rhode Island brought to light
the dislike and jealousy between the new allies which Chatham had
foreseen. The timely arrival of the English fleet compelled the French
admiral, d'Estaing, to leave the coast. The Americans thought themselves
deserted and gave up the siege. Their general, Sullivan, published an
indignant general order, and addressed to d'Estaing a sharp
remonstrance. In deep dudgeon, he ceased for the rest of the year to
assist the Americans, and acted wholly for French interests, trying to
excite a national sympathy in Canada, and finally sailing away to the
West Indies. For the time the French were almost as unpopular with the
colonists as the English. In other respects the year's campaign was
rather in favour of England. Georgia was occupied by an expedition sent
from New York, and the Island of St. Lucia was captured from the French.
But the object of the alliance was really obtained, for the war was no
longer confined to America.
[Sidenote: Weakness of North's ministry.]
Resting on the support of the King, and backed in its American policy by
the general feeling of the nation, North's ministry, in spite of the
poor success which had attended our arms in America, had hitherto had an
appearance of strength. It was now, after a struggle of a few years, to
succumb to a succession of difficulties which brought to light its
inherent inefficiency. The extension of the sphere of the war brought
the first danger. A powerful fleet had been sent into the Channel under
Keppel, which at the mere rumour of the approach of a superior fleet of
the French retired. When strongly reinforced, it brought the enemy to
action off Ushant, but after some hours' fighting the two fleets
withdrew, without the slightest advantage on either side; not one ship
of either nation had struck. To shield himself from the natural
indignation felt at so ridiculous a result, Keppel tried to throw the
blame on Pallisser, his second in command. As Keppel was in opposition,
and Pallisser a Lord of the Admiralty, the recriminations of the
admirals were taken up by their respective parties, and a vehement
parliamentary war arose. At length Keppel succeeded in obtaining a court
martial, but the people as well as the Parliament had joined in the
quarrel; there were violent demonstrations in his favour, and the case
being in fact prejudged, the trial ended in his triumphant acquittal. A
far less complete and unqualified sentence of approval awaited Pallisser
when he in turn was tried. Already it was evident that the hold of
North's ministry was shaken; it had now to face a direct attack in
Parliament. Burgoyne and Howe, both members of the House of Commons,
were eager to throw all the blame of the recent miscarriages upon the
shoulders of the Government; and an attack on the Admiralty was so
successful, that Lord Sandwich was only rescued by a narrow majority
from censure by the declaration of Lord North that he would resign were
the censure carried. In his difficulties Lord North made some overtures
to the Whigs, but all negotiations were rendered abortive by the
restrictions placed on them by the King, who would indeed allow new
ministers to be introduced, but would hear of no new measures. With the
fatal facility which marred his character, North yielded to the King's
stronger will, and remained in office against his own convictions, a
mere official to carry out the policy of his master. His difficulties
were further increased when Spain followed in the wake of France and
also declared war; and the united fleets of the two countries assembled,
apparently with the intention of invading England. In spite of a
considerable exhibition of national spirit, it was all Sir Charles
Hardy, who had command of the Channel fleet, could do to cover the coast
of England and postpone a general engagement. Fortunately, though the
allies were vastly superior in numbers, their ships were ill supplied
and scarcely seaworthy, and they found it necessary to withdraw to their
respective countries, leaving the Channel free.
[Sidenote: Difficulties in Ireland.]
But it was not only from abroad that dangers were gathering round
England. The Irish, whom the people and Government of England have
always regarded as a colony, and treated in the same spirit of jealous
selfishness that had alienated the Americans, began to think of
following the example of these colonists. Their trade had always been
avowedly governed and confined to suit, not Irish, but English
interests. In addition to the usual restrictions, they had been
suffering from an embargo on their provision trade with America, and
their other industries were sinking in the general depression. When they
saw Lord North proposing conciliatory measures, and promising relaxation
of trade restrictions to America, they not unnaturally began to raise
their claims to similar indulgences. Their requests were so reasonable
that some small relief was given, but Lord North was afraid to carry out
to the full a policy of free trade in face of the vigorous opposition of
the great trading cities of England, where, with true commercial
selfishness, any chance of a new competitor was regarded with vehement
dislike. Burke was brave enough to speak heartily in favour of the
Irish, in spite of instructions from his Bristol constituents; his
bravery cost him his seat at the next election. With their fair claims
thus trifled with, the Irish again learnt a lesson from America. What
could not be got by asking might be yielded to an armed nation. On the
pretext of an intended attack by the French on Belfast, soldiers were
demanded. But Ireland had been denuded of troops for the American war;
no troops could be sent. The inhabitants had now their excuse for arming
themselves. Quite without disturbance, and with loyal protestations,
volunteer corps sprang up all over the country; by the end of the year,
in spite of the influence of Government, they numbered 50,000 men. In
the presence of this army, with the Dublin companies in arms before the
doors, the Irish Parliament of 1779 met. The national cause had found an
energetic and eloquent leader in Henry Grattan. He moved an amendment to
the address, demanding free trade as the national right of Ireland. The
amendment passed unopposed, and was carried by the volunteers in triumph
to the castle. Encouraged by this success, backed by the armed force
around them, and by the populace of the city, the Parliament proceeded
to the strong measure of granting supplies for six months only. Such
events at once attracted attention in England, and votes of censure were
moved by the Opposition on the Irish policy of the Government. But Lord
North had also learnt wisdom from American affairs, and early in 1780
he passed Bills acknowledging the commercial equality of Ireland and a
free export of their chief commodities.
[Sidenote: Difficulties from the reform spirit in England.]
But even Ireland was by no means the last of Lord North's troubles. The
feeling against government by influence had been steadily on the
increase. With characteristic selfishness, the mass of the people had
sympathized with the war, which seemed to some rebellion against the
natural supremacy of Englishmen, and which others saw clearly was a
revolt against that commercial system which they regarded as the chief
safeguard of their own interests. But want of success, increased
taxation, and a diminution of trade, began to change the current of
opinion, and men observed with jealousy the impossibility of carrying
any measure against the influence of the Court. The King had completely
triumphed, and by means of his friends, his pensioners, contractors, and
sinecurists, could at all times command a large majority in Parliament.
The Whigs, finding that influence which they had so long wielded thus
transferred to other hands, began to see the enormity of such a system,
and the great leaders of the party, whose territorial power was very
great, put themselves at the head of a reform movement which soon became
important. In the autumn of 1779 motions for economical reform were
brought into the House of Lords. They were rejected; but in December the
general feeling, and the determination of the Whigs to create an
organization outside the House, were shown by a great meeting in York,
attended by a large majority of the freeholders of the county. This
influential meeting was followed by others of the same sort in many
counties, and the organizers of the party went so far as to establish
committees of correspondence on the model of the committees in America.
Twenty-three counties and many large towns, in spite of the constant
opposition of the Government, sent up petitions like the one agreed to
in Yorkshire, demanding a reduction in exorbitant emoluments and the
abolition of sinecures. Sir George Savile presented the Yorkshire
petition on the 8th of February, and three days afterwards Burke
introduced a great measure for economical reform of which he had already
given notice. Lord North found it so impossible to oppose him, that the
Bill passed almost unanimously into Committee. It there, however,
encountered a most vigorous resistance, and was finally destroyed
piecemeal. But the movement, once started, continued its course. Mr.
Crewe introduced a Bill to deprive revenue officers of their votes, and
Sir Philip Clerke another for the exclusion of contractors from the
House. Outside the House the pressure became heavier and heavier, till
at length, on the 6th of April, after a great meeting of the people of
Westminster, where Fox had harangued, and which was thought sufficiently
dangerous to demand the presence of troops, Dunning rose in the House,
and after blaming the ministry for their underhand obstruction to
Burke's Bill, produced the startling resolution, that "it is the opinion
of this Committee that the influence of the Crown has increased, is
increasing, and ought to be diminished." This resolution, with a very
slight alteration, he was enabled to carry against Government by a
majority of eighteen. It was followed by two other resolutions in the
same direction, one declaring the right of the House to reform the Civil
List, the other that the abuses complained of should be immediately
redressed. Both were carried. But when the House again met, and he
proceeded to more detailed motions, Dunning found that the corrupt body
he addressed, though willing enough to affirm abstract resolutions, had
no real liking for reform. His majorities rapidly diminished, and
finally no action was taken upon the resolutions which he had carried.
[Sidenote: The Lord George Gordon riots. June 1780.]
[Sidenote: Trial of Lord George Gordon.]
Scarcely had the ministry managed to escape from Dunning's resolutions
when a new danger came upon them. This time they did not stand alone.
All parties in the House had to join to repel a common enemy. It has
been mentioned that a measure of Sir George Savile's for the alleviation
of the penal laws against Roman Catholics had been carried, and that the
motion of introducing a similar measure for Scotland had caused much
displeasure in that country. The feeling spread, and Protestant
associations formed themselves throughout England, and fixed upon the
crackbrained Lord George Gordon for their chief and representative. The
agitation had been kept up during the last year, and now Lord George
wanted a great demonstration and petition to be got up. He declined to
present the petition unless accompanied by 20,000 followers, who were to
meet in St. George's Fields, adorned with blue cockades. Instead of
20,000, some 60,000 men were present, and proceeded to march across
London Bridge to the Parliament House. There, in Palace Yard, they held
their position unmolested, while they attacked and ill used any
obnoxious Peers, or broke into the lobby of the Lower House, and, with
their excitement kept alive by addresses which Lord George delivered
from the staircase above, demanded that their petition should be at once
attended to. Lord George was brought to some reason by a threat of
personal violence if he continued his foolish behaviour, and the
military at length arriving, the immediate precincts of the Parliament
House were cleared. But though foiled in their wish to intimidate the
House, the mob were by no means satisfied, and the unaccountable and
timorous delay on the part of the executive, whether ministry or
magistrates, allowed the riot to reach such a height that it could be
with difficulty controlled. That night the chapels of the Sardinian and
Bavarian embassies were burnt, and after a day of comparative quiet, the
mob, finding itself unopposed, proceeded to renewed acts of violence.
For four days London was in its hands. The prisons were broken open,
Catholic chapels burnt and sacked, the shops of Catholic tradesmen
pillaged, and the houses of those who were known to be favourable to the
Catholic claims either destroyed, as those of Lord Mansfield and Sir
George Savile, or kept in a state of siege. Johnson tells us how he saw
the mob, quietly and undisturbed, destroying the sessions house in the
Old Bailey. Horace Walpole found Lord Hertford's house barricaded and
the lord himself and his sons loading their muskets in expectation of an
assault. On the 7th the tumult rose to its height. This was the fifth
day of the riots. The town was so intimidated that blue flags and strips
of blue were shown on most houses, and few came out without the blue
cockade. The rioters had long since passed from under the control of
their religious leaders, and were guided by leaders of their own. On
this day more than one attack was made on the Bank, headed by a fellow
mounted on a brewer's horse, with a harness of the chains of Newgate
jingling about him. More chapels were sacked, more prisons opened. No
less than thirty-six fires were blazing at once. The most fearful scene
was in Holborn, where Mr. Langdale's distillery was broken open and set
on fire. There, amid the flames fed by constant supplies of spirit, the
wretched rioters flew upon the liquor, drinking the gin from pails, or
lying grovelling and lapping it from the kennel; many died of actual
drunkenness, many more perished helplessly in the flames. It was time
that something should be done, yet the ministry and magistrates alike
shrank from doing anything. There was a notion abroad that the military
might not act till an hour after the Riot Act had been read by a
magistrate, and courageous magistrates could not be found; nor was it
forgotten that on previous occasions soldiers had been harshly treated
by juries for over zeal. The emergency was one which well suited the
dogged and courageous character of the King. On the 7th he summoned a
Privy Council, and put to it the question whether the soldiers might be
employed without the machinery of the Riot Act. None of the members of
the Council would take the responsibility of recommending such a course,
and the Council had almost separated without doing anything, when George
called upon Wedderburn, who was present as legal assessor, to state the
view of the common law. He unhesitatingly said that a soldier did not
cease to be a citizen, and might, and should, interfere to prevent acts
of felony. This was all the King required. There were 10,000 troops in
London, and he now felt he might act energetically. Orders were sent to
Lord Amherst, the commander-in-chief, to that effect, and that evening
and during the night such vigorous measures were taken that the mob was
at once crushed and the crisis over. The numbers killed and wounded by
the military were not less than 500, and probably very many more, as
many were carried off privately. Undoubtedly the King's decision on this
occasion saved London. Of the prisoners some twenty-nine were executed.
The Lord Mayor was tried and convicted of criminal negligence. Lord
George Gordon was arrested and foolishly tried for high treason.
Wedderburn had meanwhile become Lord Chief Justice, and before him he
was tried. The Judge's address was more like the pleading of an advocate
than the charge of a judge, and people felt it so; the turn of feeling
also had a little changed, and Lord George was acquitted. He died, a
Jew, in 1793 of gaol distemper caught in Newgate, where he had been
confined for libelling the Queen of France. When the House of Commons
again assembled the gigantic Protestant petition was considered. It was
met by five resolutions, the joint work of the political enemies Burke
and North, which declared the continual approval of the Commons of the
late Act of Toleration.
[Sidenote: Gleams of success.]
[Sidenote: Rodney's victory.]
[Sidenote: Capture of Charleston.]
[Sidenote: The interest of the war passes to the South.]
In the midst of these difficulties at home there had been some rays of
comfort from the success of both fleet and army abroad. Early in the
year Rodney had been placed in command of a fleet which was to act in
the West Indies. On his way out he had instructions to relieve
Gibraltar, which had been closely invested since the beginning of the
war with Spain. While carrying out these orders he met the Spanish fleet
off Cape St. Vincent and gained over it a complete victory. Four line of
battle-ships were taken, four destroyed, only four made their escape.
Gibraltar was then relieved, and Minorca also, so that Rodney could
write home that the English were masters of the Mediterranean. He thence
proceeded on his way to the West Indies, where De Guichen, with the
French and Spanish fleets, could not be brought to an engagement, and
where for the time nothing was done. Though Rodney's successes and
those of Admiral Digby in the Bay of Biscay were somewhat neutralized by
the entire destruction of our West and East India fleets, ably planned
and carried out by the Spaniards off the Azores, they raised the spirits
of the Government, coupled as they were with cheering news from the
army. Just as the Gordon riots were suppressed, information arrived that
Charleston, the capital of South Carolina, had fallen into our hands. On
several occasions during the war the eyes of the commanders had been
turned southward. The feeling of loyalty was less shaken there than in
the more northern provinces, and it seemed desirable that the efforts of
England should not be confined to one little spot along the whole of the
enormous seaboard of America. Savannah in Georgia had already been
taken, and in pursuance of a general plan for acting on a more extended
basis, Clinton moved with the bulk of his army from New York and
besieged Charleston. The siege was carried on with vigour and skill, and
General Lincoln found himself obliged to surrender. Clinton set actively
to work to reduce the Carolinas. Virginia, one of the centres of
disaffection, would thus be between two fires, and something more
tangible might be effected than had yet been done by the army at New
York. In fact, the interest of the war was now transferred to the South,
for though Washington and the main American army still lay about New
York, its effect there was only to neutralize the English army opposed
to it, while the active operations which led to the end of the war were
carried on at Carolina and Virginia.
[Sidenote: England alone against all Europe.]
[Sidenote: War with the Dutch.]
[Sidenote: Armed neutrality of the North.]