conduct. They suspected Harley's design, and determined to drive him
from the ministry. Both parties felt that the crisis had arrived. One
or other of them must become predominant. They both determined to make
their power felt, and by a strange manœuvre the extremes of both
sides joined to attack the ministry. The chief points of attack were the
naval administration,--which, as it implicated her husband, was always a
tender point with the Queen,--and the determination of Marlborough to
pursue the course William had marked out, and to carry on the war
chiefly in Flanders. It was in this session of Parliament, which began
on October 23, 1707, that the joint assault upon the Government was
made. The maladministration of the navy was the chief topic, but the
Tories also introduced a motion in the House of Lords, recommending a
change of the seat of war from Flanders to Spain, where the battle of
Almanza had lately proved disastrous to the allied armies. Marlborough
pointed out in vain that this would produce an immediate peace with the
Dutch, who would feel their country open to invasion from France; and
although the Whigs, pledged as they were to support the policy of
William, could not join in such a motion, Somers drew up a declaration,
embodying both the disapprobation felt for the management of the fleet,
and as much of the Tory feeling in favour of a change in the seat of war
as was possible for his party to accept. The declaration stated that "it
is the opinion of this Committee that no peace can be honourable or safe
to her Majesty or her allies, if Spain and the West Indies be suffered
to continue in the power of the house of Bourbon." But the manœuvre
of the Whigs in joining in the assault against Government had been
successful; it was not necessary to press the hostile resolution.
Godolphin had been thoroughly frightened, and recognized the necessity
of breaking up the unnatural friendship and of allying himself with one
or other of the great parties. With the war still continuing he could
not but choose the Whigs. At once entering into negotiations with the
chief of that party, he induced Somers, as President of the Committee
charged with the duty of throwing the late resolutions into the form of
an address, to change the resolutions, by a slight alteration in the
words, from an attack upon Government into a pledge for the continuation
of the war till the French had been entirely broken. The suggested
resolutions mentioned the West Indies, reflecting on the comparative
weakness of our naval efforts, and Spain, implying a change of the scene
of war. The introduction of the words "or any other part of the Spanish
monarchy," entirely destroyed these hostile allusions. The Whigs had
shown their power, it was no longer possible to refuse them their
reward. It became necessary to break with Harley and the moderate
Tories. The discovery that a man of the name of Gregg, a clerk in
Harley's office, was in treasonable correspondence with France, threw
some suspicions on his master's fidelity, and Marlborough and Godolphin
agreed on Harley's dismissal. The Queen was more difficult to move. It
required a threat of resignation on the part of the ministers to induce
her to give up one who, as she believed, thought entirely with her on
Church matters, but she was not yet free from the influence of the
Churchills, and she yielded. With him retired St. John, Harcourt, and
Mansell, whose places were taken by Boyle, a zealous Whig, as Secretary
of State, John Smith as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Robert Walpole
as Secretary of War. Marlborough and Godolphin had apparently triumphed
by means of the Whigs, but their victory was won at the price of the
Queen's favour and of submission to the dictation of the Whig party, who
at once set to work to secure office for themselves; nor were they
scrupulous in the means they used, the threat that they would turn their
assault on the naval administration directly and by name upon her
husband, then on his deathbed, induced the Queen to remove Pembroke and
give the Presidency of the Council to Somers. Sunderland, though himself
a minister, intrigued with the Scotch Jacobites to throw out the
ministerial candidates at the election of Peers held in accordance with
the Union. To all this the General and Treasurer had to submit. The
administration was completed upon a Whig basis, when Orford was forced
upon the Queen as head of the Admiralty.
[Sidenote: Insecurity of Marlborough's position.]
Marlborough was fully alive to the insecurity of his position. It is
often attributed, though perhaps without sufficient reason, to the
desire to keep up his personal ascendancy, that he refused the terms
offered by Louis; and in the following year the disastrous victory of
Malplaquet has also been considered a political battle. A truer view of
the case seems to be that, afraid of taking any decided steps, he chose
to occupy merely the position of an agent of Government, and obey even
against his own convictions the dictation of the Whig party. At the same
time, he made two desperate efforts to obtain a position independent of
home politics--he applied to the Archduke Charles for the office of
Governor of the Low Countries, which would have produced about £60,000 a
year, and he also demanded from Queen Anne the position of Captain
General for life. In both cases his efforts failed. As far as England
was concerned, he probably owed his disappointment chiefly to the
conduct of his wife. Finding herself supplanted by Mrs. Masham, she
lost all command of her temper, and perpetually outraged the feelings of
the Queen by her violent complaints.
[Sidenote: Fall of the Whigs. 1710.]
[Sidenote: Dr. Sacheverell.]
[Sidenote: Dismissal of Sunderland and Godolphin. Aug. 8.]
[Sidenote: Harley's Tory ministry. Nov.]
The triumph of the Whigs, which had seemed so complete, was of very
short duration. Their fall was caused by a fault which had been too
prevalent among them since the Revolution--whenever they had the upper
hand, they became dictatorial and overbearing. Already they had made
themselves distasteful to the Queen by the eagerness with which they had
forced themselves into power, and an unnecessary exhibition of that
power rendered them distasteful to the people. A certain Dr. Henry
Sacheverell, a strong upholder of the doctrine of non-resistance, had
preached two sermons, one at the Assizes of Derby, one before the mayor
and aldermen at St. Paul's. The mayor, who sympathized with his views,
suggested that he should print the sermons, and though the common
council, when consulted, declined to authorize this step, the preacher
acted on the mayor's suggestion and published both. They became a sort
of political manifesto, which was largely circulated through the
country. The Whigs were naturally angry at this semi-official production
of doctrines subversive of all the principles of the Revolution. They
determined to take notice of the sermons, and, foolishly disregarding
the advice of Somers, they proceeded by the extraordinary method of
impeachment instead of the common process of law. This naturally raised
the foolish utterances of a clergyman to the dignity of a party
question; and when they further insisted upon a ceremonious hearing in
Westminster Hall, the trial became the fashionable topic of the day. The
excitement throughout England was very great. All other public business
came to a standstill, and when the Lords, though they found Sacheverell
guilty, took a very moderate view of his guilt, and punished him only
with three years' suspension, the verdict was regarded as a virtual
acquittal, and celebrated as a party triumph. The exhibition of feeling
called forth by this trial proved both to the Queen and to her secret
advisers how great a hold the Tory party had upon the country.
Encouraged by Harley, who loved an underhand intrigue, and by his
creature Mrs. Masham, she proceeded to act upon her new-found knowledge,
and it became evident how formidable the power of the Crown still was.
Without consulting Godolphin, she made the Duke of Shrewsbury Lord
Chamberlain. Godolphin, instead of resigning at this marked act of
distrust, put up with the affront. Still further emboldened by this
weakness, the Queen dismissed Lord Sunderland, whom she had always
disliked, and followed up the blow by the dismissal of Godolphin
himself. The office of Lord Treasurer was for the time kept in abeyance,
but Harley was made Chancellor of the Exchequer, and was virtually Prime
Minister. For a little while Harley attempted negotiations with the
Whigs, who still retained office, but finding them impracticable, he
determined to rest upon the Tories only, induced the Queen to dissolve
Parliament, and formed an entirely Tory ministry, the most important
members of which were Harcourt, who became Lord Chancellor, Rochester,
Lord President, and St. John, who succeeded Boyle as Secretary of State.
[Sidenote: Conference at Gertruydenberg. 1710.]
It was with this ministry that Louis attempted to renew the interrupted
negotiations of 1709. The battle of Malplaquet and the fall of Mons had
forced him to this course, and to consent that a congress should be held
at Gertruydenberg. At first Holland refused to treat except upon the
preliminaries of the preceding year, and they still demanded the
assistance of Louis in ejecting his grandson the King of Spain. Finally,
both English and Dutch seemed to have waived this point, but the
opposition of Austria and Savoy rendered any general negotiation
impossible, and the war was resumed.
[Sidenote: The war in Spain.]
In Flanders it produced nothing beyond the capture of Douay, but in
Spain it was of more importance. There Stanhope succeeded with some
difficulty in inducing his colleague Staremberg and the Archduke Charles
to advance towards Madrid. They defeated the Spaniards, from whom French
assistance was withdrawn during the negotiations, at Almenara and
Saragossa. They pushed on into Castile, and again occupied Madrid. Thus,
inasmuch as the war had been fairly successful, it was in favour of the
Whigs, although the successes having been chiefly in Spain (the
pursuance of the war in which country was a part of the Tory programme),
they were less important politically than they would have been had they
taken place in Flanders. But whatever advantage the Whigs might have
obtained from the war was neutralized when, before the end of the year,
events occurred in Spain which entirely altered the complexion of
affairs in that country. Stanhope's hopes for a successful issue of his
enterprise were based on the active co-operation of the army of
Portugal. Philip, with his Spanish army, having retired northwards,
there was nothing to prevent the junction of the two armies. But, in
spite of the entreaties of the English general, the Portuguese would not
move, and as the hope of any successful issue to the negotiations
dwindled, Louis again allowed assistance to be sent to Spain, and a
considerable army, which the national spirit of the Castilians had
formed round Philip, was placed under the able command of Vendome. He at
once saw the necessity for preventing the proposed union; and his
advance to the Bridge of Almaraz rendered it henceforward impossible.
Stanhope was for wintering in Castile, and the army withdrawing from the
capital amidst the joyful shouts of the inhabitants, took up a position
in accordance with Stanhope's wishes. But the Archduke Charles, who was
as uxorious as his rival, could not bear separation from his wife, and
hurried home with upwards of 2000 cavalry, the arm in which the allied
troops were already overmatched. When it became evident that no hope was
to be expected from Portugal, the general saw that to winter in Castile
was impossible, and withdrew towards Aragon. But Vendome, smarting under
the disgrace he had suffered at Oudenarde, outdid himself. With extreme
rapidity, he pressed upon his enemy, who was retreating in two parallel
armies, one under Staremberg, the other under Stanhope. With vastly
superior forces he came upon the latter general, as he was resting his
troops at Brihuega, without the least notion of the close approach of
Vendome. Stanhope made a most gallant defence, expecting to be relieved
by Staremberg, but hours passed by, and for some unexplained reason,
Staremberg did not appear; thus having continued his defence till
ammunition failed, Stanhope was compelled to capitulate. The surrender
was already completed before Staremberg appeared. His slowness had
ruined his cause, but he did what he could to re-establish it; and at
Villa Viciosa a great battle was fought, in which both parties claimed
the victory. But no fresh victory could have given Vendome more perfect
success. Staremberg was obliged to fall back, and reached Barcelona with
7000 men only, the relics of the army which had been so triumphant in
the earlier part of the year.
[Sidenote: Harley's policy for peace]
[Sidenote: and restoration of the Stuarts.]
The elections, made while the ferment of the trial of Sacheverell was
still unsubdued, produced a strong Tory majority. And it was thus,
strong at home and assisted by disaster abroad, that Harley and his
Government were able to set on foot their change of policy, and in spite
of the failure of the preliminaries at Gertruydenberg, to enter into
negotiations for a final peace. It seems probable that from the first
Harley's policy was directed to the restoration of the Stuarts, as well
as to a return to the main feature of their foreign policy, friendship
with France. It is of course possible that his intercourse with the
Jacobites was merely intended to secure his parliamentary position, but
certainly his conduct was quite in accordance with the belief that he
was in earnest. The tortuous and underhand manner in which the peace was
first set on foot points in this direction, still more so do the letters
of the Abbé Gaultier, written in the year 1710, which declare that the
new ministry had a great consideration for the Pretender, and that some
members of it were working for him only. The restoration of the Stuarts
would be rendered easier by three things. In the first place it was
scarcely possible without the assistance of France. This seems to
explain, better than the mere wish to follow the traditional Tory policy
of peace, the immediate steps taken to put an end to the war, and the
very favourable terms granted to Louis after his disasters. Secondly, it
could not be undertaken without the support of the High Church party,
which was very strong. This explains the constant support given by the
Government to that party. And thirdly, the success of such a scheme
would have been best secured by the assistance of Marlborough, who was
known to have already frequently intrigued with the Court of St.
Germains. On the other hand the Duke would be the most formidable
opponent. Steps were therefore taken to secure his assistance, and when
that was found impossible, his complete ruin became the object to be
sought.
[Sidenote: Marlborough only anxious to keep his place.]
On his return from his somewhat unfruitful campaign, Marlborough seemed
inclined, with his usual selfishness, to submit to anything for the
continuation of his personal position. We are told by St. John that he
expressed his sorrow for his former wrong step in joining the Whigs. He
even attempted to soften the angry vehemence of his wife, but her fate
was in fact determined by the personal feelings of the Queen. No
entreaties of the Duke, who even threw himself on his knees before her,
could induce the Queen to go back from her wish to deprive the Duchess
of all her offices. She was compelled to surrender her gold key, and
left her apartments at St. James's, having first gratified her spite by
carrying off the brass locks and marble chimney-pieces. The Duke
himself, though he had suffered many indignities, was permitted to
continue the conduct of the war, being assured that he should be well
supported.
[Sidenote: Secret peace negotiations.]
Having thus for the time secured themselves from his opposition, the
Government proceeded to open secret negotiations with the Court of
Versailles. The agent employed was a priest named Gaultier, who had been
Tallard's chaplain, and was a warm friend of the Pretender's cause.
This sudden idea of peace was most unexpected and welcome to the French.
"Asking us whether we wished for peace," says Torcy, "was like asking a
sick man whether he wishes to recover." Gaultier returned with the
message that Louis could not, so soon after the failure of the late
treaty, suggest peace to the Dutch, but he would gladly listen to the
mediation of England; a shrewd answer, which at once tended towards
separating England from her allies. The knowledge that a peace with
France was likely, and that all further help from England was hopeless,
induced a French refugee of the name of Guiscard, who had been prominent
in arranging attacks upon France and assistance to the rebels in the
Cevennes, to turn traitor. His correspondence was discovered, and in
despair, upon being examined in the Council, he determined to revenge
himself upon the authors of his misfortune, and stabbed Harley with a
penknife. Harley's popularity was raised still higher by this attack on
him; he was made Earl of Oxford, and shortly after, on the supposed
success of his financial scheme for incorporating the public creditors
into a company to trade in the South Seas, was made Lord Treasurer. The
High Church temper of the time was further illustrated by the passage of
a Bill for erecting fifty new churches in London, and of the Occasional
Conformity Act, now proposed in the House of Lords which had always
previously obstructed it.
[Sidenote: Marlborough's plans for the campaign of 1712.]
The negotiations opened by Gaultier were also continued, Prior was sent
to Paris, and a more specific scheme was set on foot than had been
produced by the verbal negotiations of the spring, although, unmoved or
ignorant of the action of the Government, Marlborough was attempting to
continue his great career. He had planned a combined movement with
Eugene against Villars, who had constructed lines near Arras and Cambrai
so strong that he boastfully said he had brought Marlborough to the "non
plus ultra." The vigour of the campaign was checked by the withdrawal of
Eugene, who was required to superintend and guard the Electoral Diet at
Frankfort, which had been summoned to elect the successor to the Emperor
Joseph, who had died on the 17th of April. It was Marlborough's
intention to reduce Bouchain and Le Quesnoy, to winter in France, and in
the spring press forward towards Paris. His schemes were only partially
successful, owing principally to the slowness of the Imperialists. By
some skilful manœuvres he succeeded in passing the formidable lines,
and besieged and took Bouchain, but was unable to carry his great
project further.
[Sidenote: Proposed terms of peace.]
On his arrival in Paris, Prior found that Louis had authority to treat
for Spain as well as for himself, and proceeded to explain the
conditions demanded. England no longer insisted upon the surrender of
the Spanish crown, but would be satisfied with the pledge that the two
crowns should never be united; Gibraltar, Minorca, and Newfoundland must
be secured to England; Dunkirk demolished, and four towns granted for
trade in South America. Great commercial advantages must be granted both
to the English and Dutch, and fortified towns given as barriers for the
Dutch in the Low Countries, and for Austria on the Rhine. All this was
as yet kept profoundly secret. The negotiation was subsequently
transferred to London, and there, in September, eight preliminary
articles were drawn up. Louis was to acknowledge Anne and the Protestant
succession; a new treaty of commerce was to be made; Dunkirk was to be
demolished, some fair equivalent being given; Gibraltar, Minorca, and
Newfoundland, with the exception of some fishing rights, were to be
secured to the English. In addition to this, the Assiento, or grant of
the slave trade with America, was withdrawn by Spain from France and
given to England. A second set of preliminaries was prepared for
Holland, omitting the chief advantages gained by England, but
introducing stipulations to secure a barrier and to prevent the junction
of the crowns of France and Spain. The Dutch, though much dissatisfied
with the desertion of the English, were compelled to give in their
adhesion, and Utrecht was appointed as the place where the conference
was to be held. Austria was even more outspoken in its anger, and the
Imperial minister in London, who was rash enough to express the
indignation of his Court in a published appeal to the people, was
compelled to leave the country.
[Sidenote: Attack on Marlborough on his return.]
[Sidenote: Parliament, Dec. 7.]
Affairs had reached this point when Marlborough returned from his
campaign. Entering into communication with his old friends the Whigs, he
found that they had formed a coalition with a section of the Tories
under Nottingham, who was much displeased at having been excluded from
all the late ministerial arrangements. Marlborough's object was no doubt
to join the strongest side. The present position of the Whig party
seemed to him so promising that he gave it his adhesion. Nor was he
mistaken as things then stood. On the opening of Parliament, Nottingham
moved, as an amendment to the Address, the old Tory resolution that no
peace could be safe or honourable to Great Britain or Europe if Spain or
the West Indies were allotted to any branch of the Bourbons, and after a
hot discussion succeeded in beating the Government by a majority of
eight. In the House of Commons, on the other hand, the Government
commanded a large majority. Harley and St. John had now to consider what
steps to take against this hostile coalition in the Lords. They
determined, in the first place, to strike a heavy blow at Marlborough,
and the report of a Commission which had been issued to examine into the
public accounts afforded them an opportunity of doing so. Basing its
assertion on the deposition of Sir Solomon Medina, who had contracted to
supply the army in Flanders with bread, the Commission reported that the
Duke had received on those contracts large sums of money, amounting on
the whole to £63,000, while his secretary, Cardonnel, had also received
large douceurs. It also declared that Marlborough had received 2½ per
cent. on all subsidies to foreign troops, amounting on the whole to
£177,000. Acting on this report, the ministry stripped Marlborough of
all his offices. Marlborough was so notoriously avaricious, and his
character was so mean, that these charges seemed to the public probable;
but, in fact, his reply was tolerably complete. The bread money had
habitually been received by every commander-in-chief in Flanders, and
had been expended chiefly in obtaining information as to the enemies'
plans. The percentage on the subsidies was a free gift from the princes
to whom they were paid, and Marlborough had not accepted them without
the royal warrant. In the state of feeling at the time these excuses
were not much regarded. Having got rid of their most powerful enemy, the
ministry made use of the royal prerogative to neutralize the influence
of the Lords. Twelve new Peers were created, which gave them a permanent
majority.
[Sidenote: Command of the army given to Ormond. 1712.]
[Sidenote: The Queen announces the treaty. June 6.]
Having by these strong measures secured their position in Parliament,
Harley and St. John proceeded with their negotiations. There was some
difficulty with regard to the prosecution of the war while the Congress
was sitting. The command had been given to the Duke of Ormond, a man of
strong Jacobite principles; he was privately instructed not to undertake
any offensive operations against the French, and he consequently
informed Villars that he need not be afraid of attacks from the English,
although the pressure which Eugene put upon him was so strong that he
could not refuse to join in the siege of Quesnoy. His strange lukewarm
prosecution of the war, which seemed rather like friendship than
hostility, did not pass unnoticed in England. But all complaints were
answered by the assertion that the Queen would shortly lay before
Parliament the conditions of a peace. In fact, she was only waiting till
Philip of Spain should have made up his mind whether to accept an
equivalent for the Spanish crown, and retain his rights on France, or
remain where he was and renounce those claims. When the answer arrived,
preferring the latter alternative, the Queen went down to the House and
explained the proposed treaty. Though violently opposed, addresses of
confidence were carried.
[Sidenote: Peace of Utrecht. 1713.]