The same year which saw these sudden and unexpected successes in Spain

was marked by still more complete success against the French in other

parts of Europe. Marlborough was determined to wipe out the bad

impression which the inactivity of the last campaign had caused. His own

ardent wish was to march with the army as he had in the Blenheim

campaign, and to throw himself into Italy, where the critical position

of affairs still continued. Finding it impossible to gratify this wish,

he determined that he would at least do something vigorous in Flanders

which might serve as a diversion to his friend Eugene in Italy. Bringing

his army therefore across the lines which he had broken the year before

in the neighbourhood of the sources of the little river Gheet, he came

in sight of Villeroi, with whose army the Elector of Bavaria, having

lost all troops of his own, was now serving. The place where the armies

met was Ramillies. Thither Villeroi had drawn his troops, with the

intention of covering Namur, which Marlborough's advance seemed to

threaten. The French general had received instructions to risk a battle

to save that town, and therefore afforded Marlborough the opportunity he

so much desired. The French army was very strongly posted upon a range

of heights forming a semicircle round the sources of the little Gheet

river. Their right almost touched the Mehaigne river, and was covered by

the villages of Tavière and Ramillies. Across it ran an old road known

as the road of Queen Brunehaud, closely adjoining which, in the highest

part of the position, was a barrow known as the Tomb of Ottomond: from

this point the position swept round till it terminated at the village of

Autre-Eglise, being covered from that point by the Gheet and the marshes

in which it rises. The steepness of the heights at Autre-Eglise, and the

river and marsh in its front, rendered the position almost impregnable,

but at the same time made it difficult for the troops stationed there to

act upon the offensive. Marlborough at once saw that he had the

advantage of occupying the inside of a circle, so that to any given

point the movement of his troops was shorter than that of his enemy's

could be. He saw also that the Tomb of Ottomond was the key of the

position. If this was once in his possession, the whole line of the

enemy could be enfiladed. He ordered therefore a vigorous but false

assault on Autre-Eglise. His feint succeeded; both the French generals

rode to that part of the field, believing it to be the point of danger.

Then Marlborough ordered the real attack to be made in the neighbourhood

of Tavière, Ramillies, and the road of Brunehaud. He was enabled to draw

troops from his right to strengthen his left in their attack, and after

some warm fighting, especially about the village of Ramillies, the

position was forced, the English troops formed at right angles to their

original position, and pressed onward along the high ground occupied by

the enemy. Villeroi and the Elector found it impossible to save the day.

Fresh difficulty was caused by the breaking down of the French baggage

as it was withdrawing northwards towards Judoigne. Thus interrupted, the

retreat became a rout; the enemy were pursued far beyond Judoigne to

within two leagues of Louvain. They did not even rest there; a hurried

consultation was held by torchlight in the market-place, and the flight

immediately continued towards Brussels. The river Dyle, which

Marlborough had failed to pass the preceding year, was thus left open.

The consequences of this victory were unexpectedly great. Brussels

opened its gates to the advancing conquerors; King Charles was

proclaimed King in the capital of the Spanish Netherlands; even the line

of the Scheldt was deserted, and Ghent, Bruges, and Oudenarde, fell into

the hands of the allies; the great naval strongholds, Antwerp and

Ostend, which had before now sustained memorable sieges, surrendered,

the one on account of some quarrel within its walls, the other because

of its inability to withstand the advancing allies. The list of

conquests is concluded by the strongholds of Menin and Ath. In fact the

effect of the battle was to drive the French entirely out of the

Netherlands; Mons and Namur being the only towns of importance still

remaining in their hands.

[Sidenote: Saves Eugene in Italy.]

The battle even influenced affairs in Italy. The complete

disorganization of the French army in Flanders made a change of

commanders imperatively necessary. Vendome, regarded in some ways as the

ablest French general, was summoned from Italy, where he had been acting

successfully against Eugene. He had driven the Imperial army to retreat

behind the Adige; the Milanese had thus been cleared, and Piedmont

conquered with the exception of Turin. Into that last fortress the

unfortunate Duke had withdrawn. For the purpose of taking it, a

well-appointed army, under the Duke de la Feuillade, son-in-law of

Chamillart the war minister, but without other claims to the command,

crossed the Alps and invested the town. It was of the last importance

that it should be relieved, and Eugene determined upon a march, bold

even to rashness, for the purpose. Crossing the Po not far from its

mouth, he followed the river upwards upon its south bank. The obstacles

he encountered were many; but Vendome at this critical moment was

recalled to Flanders, and Marsin and the Duke of Orleans, who took the

command, allowed Eugene to cross river after river without opposition,

contenting themselves with following his movements upon the opposite

bank of the river. At length Eugene approached Turin, formed a junction

with the Duke of Savoy, whom the laxity of the siege had allowed to

leave the city with 10,000 men, and passing beyond Turin, turned his

back upon France, and marched against the investing army. The siege had

been carried on without skill, the lines were of immense length, and

severed into various sections by the numerous rivers which join the Po

in the neighbourhood of Turin. Orleans was eager to lead the troops out

of the trenches and risk a pitched battle, which, as the French had a

considerable advantage in numbers, might easily have resulted in

Eugene's defeat. He was overruled by Marsin, who unexpectedly produced a

commission as commander-in-chief, and the army awaited the assault in

their trenches. Even in this position they were badly commanded. Three

generals, issuing sometimes contradictory orders, prevented the proper

concentration of troops, and when Eugene marched against that section of

the works which lay between the Doria and the Stura, not more than a

third of the French army is said to have been ready to oppose him. The

route of the French was complete, 200 guns, and much stores and money,

fell a prey to the victors (Sept. 7). The effect of the victory was

greater than the victory itself. It was found impossible to lead the

broken troops into the Milanese; they fell back in confusion behind the

Alps, thus leaving the force on the Adige to be surrounded by enemies.

Piedmont returned to its allegiance, and in fact the whole of Italy was

irretrievably lost to France, and compelled to join the Grand Alliance.

[Sidenote: The disasters of the French in 1706]

[Sidenote: make Louis desire peace.]

[Sidenote: Marlborough rejects his terms.]

The disasters of France had been continuous. Blenheim had secured

Germany, and in this year of 1706, Ramillies had been followed by the

conquest of the whole of the Netherlands, Turin by the conquest of the

whole of Italy, the relief of Barcelona by the occupation of Madrid by

the allied forces, although they had subsequently been compelled to fall

back towards Valencia. So great were the French disasters that Louis

began to think of treating, and suggested as terms on which peace might

be made a new Partition Treaty, by which he would consent to acknowledge

Queen Anne in England, to give the Dutch the barrier they demanded, to

grant great commercial advantages to the maritime powers, and to

surrender Spain and the Indies to the Archduke Charles, if only he could

preserve for his grandson Philip a kingdom in Italy consisting of Milan,

Naples, and Sicily. These terms were very attractive to the Dutch, who

thought they had already secured all they required, but were by no means

satisfactory to the Emperor, who saw that the barrier given to the Dutch

must of necessity be taken from the Spanish dominions in the

Netherlands, and therefore from his brother:[3] nor to Marlborough, who,

though he confessed he did not believe that the King of France would

ever make peace without securing some kingdom for his grandson, was

desirous for his own sake to continue the war, and thought the French

demand for the Milanese after the great victories which had been won

unreasonable. With some difficulty he persuaded Heinsius to reject the

terms, and the war proceeded on its course. It might have been better to

have accepted Louis' terms. Never again were the affairs of the allies

in so prosperous a condition, although the continuation of the war

undoubtedly told in their favour by the gradual exhaustion it produced

in France.

[Sidenote: The tide of victory turns.]

[Sidenote: Almanza. April 25, 1707.]

[Sidenote: Stolhofen. May 22.]

[Sidenote: Toulon. Aug. 20.]

It seemed indeed in the course of the next year as if the tide of

victory had wholly turned. Peterborough had returned to Spain, and

viewing the altered state of affairs, was now as eager to act on the

defensive as he had been before to urge an advance upon Madrid. His

advice was again disregarded. The introduction of Sunderland into the

ministry at home was unfavourable to him, and he was recalled, leaving

the command of Spain in the somewhat incompetent hands of Das Minas and

Galway. These generals, determining to act on the offensive, marched out

of Valencia towards Madrid, but were met near Almanza by the lately

reinforced army of Berwick, and suffered a complete defeat. The

consequence was the loss of Valencia and Saragossa, so that Charles was

only able to maintain himself in the province of Catalonia. The battle

of Almanza was fought on the 25th of April. On the 22nd of the following

month, Marshal Villars completely surprised the Margrave of Bareuth, who

had succeeded the late Margrave Louis of Baden in command of the

Imperial troops on the Rhine. The lines of Stolhofen, which had been so

long held against the French, were taken and destroyed. Nor was the

advance of the allied army of Italy into the south of France more

successful. Eugene and the Duke of Savoy reached Toulon and besieged it.

But sickness had much decreased the number of the allies; a considerable

detachment had been sent to complete the conquest of Naples, and the

appearance of Marshal Tessé with a large army, and the threat of an

assault upon their rear, induced them to raise the siege and retire

beyond the Alps. Nor was there anything done in Flanders to redeem the

ill-success which had met the allied arms elsewhere. Marlborough in vain

attempted to bring the French to a pitched battle. The Dutch had lost

confidence after receiving the news of Almanza and Stolhofen, and

renewed their old dilatory policy; the rains also somewhat impeded the

campaign, which was closed without any important event.

[Sidenote: Marlborough diverts Charles XII.]

One valuable diplomatic service, however, Marlborough had performed.

Charles XII. of Sweden was in the midst of his victorious career. Having

defeated the Russians at Narva, he had succeeded in driving Augustus,

Elector of Saxony, from the throne of Poland, and entering Saxony

itself, was now in the neighbourhood of Leipsic. Sweden was the old ally

of France, and Louis did not let Charles forget it. For a moment there

seemed a chance that Charles would follow in the footsteps of Gustavus

Adolphus, throw himself and his victorious army into Germany, and ruin

the cause of the allies. To deter him from this step Marlborough visited

him at his camp, and successfully directed his ambition towards his old

enemies the Russians, against whom he shortly marched to meet his ruin

at the battle of Pultowa.

[Sidenote: Threatened invasion of Scotland. 1708.]

The beginning of the ensuing year was marked by a new incident in the

war. The hopes of Louis were raised by the reports of the general

discontent prevalent in Scotland; a large portion of that nation had

seen with dislike the late completion of the Union, and assurances were

brought to France of the readiness of the Jacobite party to rise in

arms. An invasion was determined on and actually set on foot. The fleet

was all ready to sail, when Prince James Edward, afterwards called the

Old Pretender, but now known by the name of the Chevalier de St. George,

who was to accompany it, was taken ill of the measles. The expedition

was postponed for some weeks, and these weeks were enough to destroy its

chance of success. Byng with a powerful fleet appeared in the Channel,

troops were brought over from the Continent and others collected in

England, and though the little squadron succeeded in eluding the fleet

and reached the Firth of Forth, there was no sign of a general rising of

the Jacobites, and it had to return from its fruitless expedition, glad

to escape with safety.

[Sidenote: Campaign of 1708.]

[Sidenote: Marlborough's plan.]

This threatened invasion had of course retained Marlborough in England.

It was not till somewhat late that he could join the army. With a slight

change of generals the war continued its old course. Villars was

employed to reduce Piedmont, Berwick and the Elector of Bavaria were on

the Rhine, Spain had been intrusted to the Duke of Orleans, while in

Flanders, which was this year selected as the great battlefield, Vendome

was to oppose Marlborough, having with him as nominal commander-in-chief

the Duke of Burgundy, the heir to the French throne. Marlborough had

again formed a great scheme for the campaign. His intention was that the

Elector of Hanover, who after the defeat of Stolhofen had taken command

of the Imperial troops, should remain on the Rhine, and that Eugene,

with whom he again longed to act in co-operation, should form a new army

and assist him on the Moselle. The two generals met in April at the

Hague, and there agreed that they would make an ostensible plan for the

invasion of Lorraine, but that they should in fact join their two

armies, and act rapidly and decisively to complete the conquest of the

Netherlands. Eugene met with infinite difficulties in forming his new

army, and Marlborough was still singlehanded when Vendome began an

offensive movement.

The French army had been concentrated at Mons, on the south-west of the

Netherlands. It thence advanced northward towards Brussels. Fearing for

the capital, Marlborough took up a position to cover it, but suddenly

the French marched off eastward, and threatened Louvain. This was,

however, but a feint. The real intention of the French was to act upon

the western frontier, upon the river Scheldt. The Dutch had made

themselves highly unpopular in the Netherlands since they had had

possession of that province; the disaffected inhabitants of the great

towns on the Scheldt had opened correspondence with Vendome, and were

prepared to surrender their cities to him. Having therefore drawn

Marlborough towards Louvain, he suddenly marched westward to Alost,

across the front of the English army, sending forward on his march

detachments, to which Ghent and Bruges surrendered without a struggle.

As the town of Oudenarde, somewhat higher up the river, would complete

the security of these new acquisitions, it was determined to besiege it.

Marlborough had followed close upon the heels of the French, circling

round Brussels so as to defend the capital. He had not ceased to urge

Eugene to join him with his troops, which, according to agreement,

should have been with him many weeks before. The delay was no fault of

the Prince's; he was already hurrying to join Marlborough, when, hearing

that it was his intention to fight a battle in defence of Oudenarde, and

unable to bring up his troops, he hastened forward alone and joined the

English army. Between Marlborough's army and Oudenarde ran the river

Dender, which the French determined to hold to cover the siege. Alost,

which lies a little to the north of Oudenarde, they already possessed;

at about an equal distance to the south, also on the river Dender, was

the entrenched camp of Lessines. Could they occupy this they would be in

a good position to cover the siege. Marlborough foresaw their intention,

and determined to forestall them. Although the river between Lessines

and Alost makes a considerable curve, and Marlborough, on the convex

side of it, had almost twice the distance to traverse that the French

had, he pushed on with such rapidity that he secured Lessines and the

passage of the river before the French columns appeared in sight. It

was now evident to the French generals that Marlborough intended to

fight. They drew in their detachments, and marched rapidly to cross the

Scheldt at Gavre, to the north of Oudenarde. Marlborough marched direct

upon that city, so that the converging lines of march would speedily

meet. It was known that there was much disputing and ill-feeling between

Vendome and the Duke of Burgundy, and that the latter Prince intended,

if possible, to avoid an engagement. With all speed Marlborough sent

forward General Cadogan to secure the passage of the river, and prepare

bridges for his army. After he had performed this duty, Cadogan rode

forward to reconnoitre, and saw the French troops crossing at Gavre,

and, in ignorance of the immediate vicinity of the English, quietly

sending out foragers. With such troops as he had he drove in the

outlying posts of the enemy, who now, apprised of the approach of

Marlborough, found a battle inevitable.

[Sidenote: Battle of Oudenarde. July 11, 1708.]

A little to the north of Oudenarde the river Norken joins the Scheldt,

after a course almost parallel to that river. Between the Norken and the

Scheldt an irregular semicircle of hills sweeps with the convex side of

one of its arms at Oudenarde, while the other, surmounted by the village

Oycke, overhangs the Norken; it contains in its hollow two little brooks

which fall into the Scheldt just north of Oudenarde. On the other side

of these brooks, closing the opening of the semicircle, is an irregular

mass of rising ground sloping away northward towards the junction of the

Scheldt and Norken. Vendome gave orders to occupy this irregular mass

and the valleys of the brooks, the arm of the semicircle between

Oudenarde and the course of the brooks being occupied by Cadogan. But

the Duke of Burgundy counter-ordered his commands, and arranged his

troops upon what was doubtless a stronger position, the range of hills

beyond the Norken. But though stronger for defence, it was much less

favourable for an offensive battle. These contradictory commands cost

the French their first loss. Seven battalions of their troops having

pushed forward towards Oudenarde as far as Eyne, were fallen upon and

destroyed by Cadogan, who thus crossed the brook and ascended the

irregular high land beyond it. Had Vendome's order been carried out the

position of Cadogan would have been very precarious. He was almost

unsupported, although Marlborough was coming to his assistance with some

cavalry, which he led forward for several miles at a gallop. As it was,

however, the English army came up by degrees, and took position with

their left on the semicircle of hills, and their right supporting

Cadogan beyond the brook. Thwarted in his first schemes, Vendome now

wished to remain beyond the Norken, knowing that the enemy were wearied

with a long march (it was already four in the afternoon), and that he

would have an opportunity of withdrawing quietly in the night towards

France. The Duke of Burgundy again thwarted him. He commanded the right

wing, and insisted upon sending his troops forward across the Norken

into the valleys where the brooks ran. The country was there broken up

with enclosures, and a fierce hand-to-hand battle was fought with the

English right, which Marlborough had intrusted to Eugene. The exhibition

of all the English cavalry upon the high lands beyond the brooks held

the French left entirely in check; and while Eugene and the English were

disputing the hedges and enclosures in the valley, Marlborough, passing

to the left, observed that the extremity of the semicircle, which

overhung the Norken and was occupied by the village of Oycke, was

unguarded by the French. He caused Overkirk with the Dutch reserve to

march round the hills to occupy this point, and thus completely envelop

the French right. The effect was the total annihilation of that part of

the French army, and it was owing to an accident alone that any part of

it escaped. The two extremes of the enveloping English line came so

close together, that in the darkness they fired upon each other. The

mistake was happily soon discovered, but fearing a repetition of the

accident, the general gave orders rather to let the French escape than

to run the risk of renewing such a disaster. Some 9000 men thus broke

through at a gap in the semicircle of hills near the Castle of Bevere,

and made their escape to France. The rest of the beaten army retired

toward Ghent.

[Illustration: Battle of Oudenard. July 11th, 1708.]

[Sidenote: Siege of Lille. Dec. 9, 1708.]

Both armies were speedily reinforced. Eugene's troops arrived from the

Moselle, and joined the English; Berwick, with part of the army of the

Rhine, which had been observing them, reinforced the French, but the

relative numbers of the troops were not much changed. Marlborough and

Eugene had now to settle upon a further plan of action. Before them lay

the great city of Lille, one of the earliest conquests of Louis XIV.,

newly fortified with all the skill of Vauban. That the allies should

cross the frontier and enter France was speedily determined. But while

Marlborough suggested the bold plan of leaving troops to mask Lille,

while the main army marched direct to Paris, Eugene, though by no means

a timid general, urged the more regular course of besieging and

capturing the great fortress which lay in their way before proceeding

further. The arguments in favour of this plan were too plausible to be

disregarded. It was decided that while Eugene in person undertook the

siege, Marlborough should command the covering army. Even to bring the

siege material to the spot was a matter of no small difficulty; the

artillery alone required 16,000 horses, and the progress of the siege

was watched by a French army of 100,000. When these preliminary

difficulties were triumphantly overcome, there still remained the great

fortress itself, occupied by 15,000 men, under the able command of

Boufflers. At one time the Dutch deputies were so alarmed at the

slowness of the progress made that they urged the renunciation of the

project. One of the greatest difficulties experienced by the allied

commanders was the provisioning of the army; the land communication with

Brussels was entirely cut off, all provisions had to be brought from

Ostend, whither they had been conveyed by sea. The French determined to

interrupt this line of communication also, and to destroy one of the

convoys which had been intrusted to General Webb, with a most

insufficient detachment of troops. It has been suggested that

Marlborough was here playing one of his old tricks, that, in his

jealousy of Webb, he wished for his destruction, and had intentionally

exposed him to this danger. If such was the case he was thoroughly

disappointed. When the French troops fell upon the convoy at Wynendale,

Webb made a most gallant defence and beat them off. The very slight

notice taken by Marlborough in his despatches of this gallant action

gives some colour to the rumour. The victory of Wynendale was at all

events the turning-point of the siege; from this time rapid progress was

made. On the 22nd of October Boufflers found it necessary to capitulate

for the town, while retaining the citadel, and on the 9th of December he

marched out of his last stronghold with all the honours of war. The

reconquest of Ghent and Bruges followed upon the fall of Lille.

[Sidenote: Capture of Port Mahon.]

In other directions the war had been languid. In Spain only had anything

been done. There Stanhope had taken the command in conjunction with

Staremberg, the Imperial general, and had succeeded without much

difficulty in capturing Port Mahon in Minorca, a place then regarded as

more valuable than Gibraltar, and of the highest importance as affording

a safe winter harbour for the English fleet in the Mediterranean.

[Sidenote: Exhaustion of France. 1709.]

[Sidenote: Louis offers to treat.]

[Sidenote: High demands of the allies.]

[Sidenote: Rejected by Louis.]

A History of England, Period III. Constitutional Monarchy · 第 11 / 78 段