the House was directed against the old Whig leaders and against the
House of Lords. Impeachments were hurried on against Lord Portland, Lord
Orford, Lord Somers, and Montague, who had now become Lord Halifax.
Against each of these the main charge was the share they had taken in
the Partition treaties. But, in the case of Portland and Montague, there
were additional charges in reference to the grants and dilapidations of
the royal revenue, for which they were said to be answerable; while
against Somers and Orford was alleged a ridiculous story concerning
their participation in the notorious exploits of Captain Kidd. This man
had been sent out by private enterprise to destroy piracy in the Indian
Sea, and had there himself turned pirate. Both Somers and Orford had
subscribed to the original enterprise. Somers, as Chancellor, had sealed
Kidd's commission. It was now ridiculously suggested that they had all
along known of his piratical intentions. But, while sending up these
impeachments, the Commons felt absolutely certain that the Whig majority
of the Lords would at once acquit their victims, for it was well
understood that the measure was not one of justice but one of faction;
they therefore passed an unjustifiable address to the King, praying him
to dismiss the four Peers from his Council, even before the impeachments
were heard. The House of Lords produced a counter address. The Commons
demanded longer time to complete their impeachments, but the Peers were
determined to bring a matter on which their judgment was in fact
foregone to a speedy issue, and had now both law and right on their
side. They therefore positively refused to extend the time, and the 17th
of June was fixed for Lord Somers's trial. Westminster Hall was fitted
up with the usual preparations for impeachment. The Lords marched in all
pomp to their judgment-seat. The Commons, declaring they had been denied
justice, refused to appear. There were no accusers, and Somers was
declared acquitted.
[Sidenote: The Kentish Petition.]
[Sidenote: The Legion Memorial.]
But many signs had begun to show themselves in the country which induced
William to believe that the popular opinion was turning, and he ventured
to put an end to the very dangerous fight between the Houses by a
prorogation (June 24). What is known as the Kentish Petition was the
great sign of this changed feeling. This petition had been sent up by
the Grand Jury of Kent. It hinted that public business had been
neglected, and the pursuit of personal vengeance substituted, and humbly
deprecated the least mistrust of the King, and implored the House to
give effect to its loyal addresses by turning them into Bills of supply.
So arbitrary was the House of Commons at this time in the assertion of
its privilege, that it was only by consenting to remain outside the
House, and be personally answerable for their document, that the five
gentlemen who brought up this petition were able to get it presented at
all (May 8). It raised a storm of anger, was voted scandalous, infamous
and seditious, and the five gentlemen were dismissed to prison. But
their cause was taken up by the whole Liberal party, and the desires
expressed in the petition were brought before the public in much more
forcible language in a memorial written by Defoe, and called from its
signature "The Legion Memorial." This expression of opinion could not
but have been gratifying to the King.
[Sidenote: The Grand Alliance.]
Hope was indeed again opening before him. Not only could he feel certain
of some support, however weak, at home, but the persistent retention on
the part of Louis, in spite of all their clamours, of the Dutch barrier
fortresses and the 15,000 troops he had captured had begun to rouse the
war spirit of that people. Left more free to act now that Parliament was
prorogued, William at once despatched 10,000 troops into Holland, under
command of Marlborough, and before long went thither himself, to lay the
foundation of a Grand Alliance between England, Holland, and the
Emperor. This treaty was completed in September. But the terms of it
proved surely how low William's hopes still were. It only declared that
it was desirable that satisfaction should be given to the Emperor on
account of the succession of Spain, and pledges given for the security
of England and her allies. It allowed two months for peaceful
negotiations. After that time the contracting powers pledged themselves
to attempt the recovery by force of arms of Milan for Austria, and of
the barrier fortresses for Holland.
[Sidenote: Death of James II.]
[Sidenote: Louis acknowledging the Pretender. Sept. 16.]
At this moment James II. of England lay dying. With all Europe
submitting with ill-dissembled dislike to the late acquisition of Spain
by the Bourbons, and ready to take any opportunity for disturbing the
newly-appointed King, to acknowledge, in contravention of the Treaty of
Ryswick, the young Prince of Wales as King of England, was a step full
of danger for the French King. It could not have been hidden from Louis,
as it certainly was not hidden from his ministers, that the real
strength of his present position was the depressed condition of William,
thwarted by his factious Parliament; and Louis must have known that
nothing was more likely to change that weakness into strength than a
violation of the Peace of Ryswick,--the destruction of the one great
advantage which England had gained by nine years' expenditure of blood
and treasure. But the influence of Madame de Maintenon, who had been won
over to the interest of the Stuarts, and a certain theatrical
magnanimity which seldom deserted Louis, proved stronger than prudence.
At the deathbed of James he promised to uphold the claims of his son,
and three days afterwards the young Prince was formally acknowledged by
the whole Court as King of England.
[Sidenote: Rouses English patriotism.]
[Sidenote: New Parliament and Ministry.]
No better news could have reached William. Again, as in the time of his
first landing in England, his enemy had done more for him than any skill
or diplomacy of his own could effect. The whole nation burst into a
flame. Patriotic and loyal addresses came pouring in upon him. Public
bodies in all parts of the country passed resolutions full of affection
for him. The conduct of the late majority was denounced as factious
wrangling, and the cause of the great insult which had been laid on the
country; and the connection between the Tory party and Louis seemed to
be rendered plain when the French ambassador was found seated at supper
in a well-known Jacobite tavern surrounded by the most ardent members of
the Tory party. The King seized the moment of excitement, and, though
conscious of the delays it would entail, at once dissolved Parliament. A
struggle such as has seldom been seen excited England from end to end,
and everywhere it became evident that the reckless conduct of Louis had
secured the restoration of the Whigs. London returned four Whig members,
Wharton again won back his supremacy in Buckingham, even the virulent
Howe was defeated and lost his seat in Gloucestershire. The flame of
indignation still blazed high when William met his new Parliament on the
last day of the year, and, in words of unusual fire, bade them drop
their factious disputes, and know no other distinction than that of
those who were for the Protestant religion and the present
Establishment, and of those who meant a Popish prince and a French
government. The ministry was largely changed. Godolphin left the
Treasury to make room for Lord Carlisle; Manchester was made Secretary
instead of Hedges, and other Whig Lords were admitted to the Privy
Council. It is true that the unanimity was by no means perfect. The
Tories were still strong in the House. There was still some fear of the
ultimate return of the Stuarts. But the Government was strong enough to
pass a Bill for attainting the pretended Prince of Wales, and a still
more important Bill abjuring the house of Stuart, and pledging those who
took the oath to uphold in turn each successor named in the Act of
Settlement. The acceptance of this oath was made requisite for every
employment either in Church or State.
[Sidenote: Death of William.]
It was thus in the full flush of a new victory, with hopes high, and
with a well-grounded belief that his life's work of opposition to the
encroachments of the French would not after all be wasted, that William,
broken down by disease and suffering, died. He had long been so ill that
his life had been despaired of, but he was still able to ride. On the
20th of February, his horse, stepping upon a molehill, fell with him,
and his collar-bone was broken. This accident rendered his recovery
hopeless. He lived just long enough to express his strong desire for a
Union with Scotland, and to appoint the Commission which gave the royal
assent to the Abjuration Act. On the 8th of March, surrounded by his
faithful friends, he breathed his last.
ANNE.
1702-1714.
Born 1665 = George of Denmark.
CONTEMPORARY PRINCES.
_France._ | _Austria._ | _Spain._ | _Russia._
Louis XIV., 1643. | Leopold I., 1658. | Philip V., 1700.| Peter the
| Joseph I., 1705. | | Great,
| Charles VI., 1711. | | 1689.
_Prussia._ | _Sweden._ | _Denmark and Norway._
Frederick I., 1701. | Charles XII., 1697. | Frederick IV., 1699.
POPE.--Clement XI, 1700.
_Lord Chancellors._ _Archbishop._
Sir Nathan Wright, 1700. | Thomas Tenison, 1694.
William Cowper, 1705. |
Sir Simon Harcourt, 1710. |
_First Lords of the | _Chancellors of | _Secretaries
Treasury._ | the Echequer._ | of State._
| |
1702. Godolphin. | 1702. Henry Boyle. | 1702 Nottingham.
1710. Poulett. | 1708. John Smith. | Hedges.
1711. Harley. | 1710. Robert Harley.| 1704 Harley.
1714. Shrewsbury. | | Hedges.
| | 1706 Harley.
| | Sunderland.
| | 1708 Boyle.
| | Sunderland.
| | 1710 Boyle.
| | Dartmouth.
| | 1710 St. John.
| | Dartmouth.
| | 1713 St. John.
| | Bromley.
[Sidenote: Power of Marlborough.]
In passing to a new reign we pass to no new epoch. No new principles are
at work, no new influences visible. The same constitutional growth which
had been gradually developing itself since the Revolution makes its way
steadily onwards. The sole difference is the difference in the person of
the sovereign. In the yet unfixed state of the Constitution this might
have introduced important changes, and did in fact, by the absence of
the strong personal character of William, tend to easier and more
complete development of parliamentary action. But the importance of the
Queen was much neutralized by the complete mastery exercised over her
mind by the Duke and Duchess of Marlborough. The effect of Marlborough's
supremacy was to reproduce almost exactly the circumstances of the
former reign. Though an immoral politician, a self-seeking and
avaricious man, Marlborough was too great not to appreciate the grandeur
of William's European schemes. Thus, as far as European policy was
concerned, he passed almost completely into that King's place, pledged
both by his natural intellect and by his personal interests to pursue
very much the same course as William had taken. It is scarcely going
beyond the truth to call the earlier part of Anne's reign the reign of
the Duke of Marlborough; and he encountered exactly the same
difficulties, and was reduced to exactly the same straits, as his
predecessor had been in his attempts to carry out a national policy
without regard to party.
[Sidenote: Work of the first Parliament.]
The dissolution of Parliament had followed as a natural consequence upon
the death of the sovereign who had summoned it, and in whom it was
regarded as depending. The new position which the Parliament had
occupied since the Revolution had naturally modified that view. By a law
passed at the beginning of the eighth year of William's reign,
Parliament was allowed to sit for six months after the King's death. It
was therefore with the same Whig Parliament, which had come into
existence just after Louis had acknowledged the Prince of Wales, that
Anne's reign began. The conduct of the Parliament during the few months
of its existence was entirely free from faction. It completed and
applied the Abjuration Bill, on which it had been busy at the end of the
last reign, established an examination of public accounts, and granted
with great unanimity the same revenue as William had enjoyed; and
further, took a first step towards a measure which William had
recommended, and which the failure of the Darien scheme had rendered
almost inevitable, by passing a Bill for appointing Commissioners to
arrange, if possible, for a complete union with Scotland.
[Sidenote: Tory ministry.]
But it soon became evident that both the tendencies of the Queen and
Marlborough's views on home politics would lead to the restoration of
Tory influence. On the Duke himself and on his wife honours and offices
were freely lavished, and the new ministry was drawn almost entirely
from the Tory party. Thus Godolphin, Marlborough's son-in-law, was made
Lord Treasurer; Nottingham and Sir Charles Hedges, Secretaries of
State; Lord Normanby, shortly afterwards Duke of Buckingham, Privy Seal;
Pembroke, Lord President; Jersey was given a place in the Council; while
offices were found for Seymour and Levison Gower in the Privy Council,
from which Somers, Halifax, and Orford were excluded. Yet even already
Marlborough's intention in some degree to disregard party was shown in
the retention of some Whigs in office, among others the Duke of
Devonshire, who kept his place as Lord Steward. More important, with
regard to the future history of the reign, was the division which even
thus early began to show itself among the Tories themselves. Rochester,
who had come over from his post in Ireland, not only desired a much more
complete exclusion of the Whigs from office, but also opposed, in
pursuance of the accepted policy of the High Tories, the declaration of
war. Thus already, before the dissolution which took place on the 25th
of May, two facts, which together form the key to the political history
of the reign, were visible,--Marlborough's determination to rely upon a
mixed Government, and the disinclination of one section of the Tories to
support him in his war policy.
In pursuing the future history of the reign there are three subjects
which require special attention, the European war, the Union with
Scotland, and the parliamentary and ministerial history; and although
the war and the history of the ministry constantly affect one another,
it will probably tend to clearness if, for the first few years at all
events, these three subjects are treated separately.
[Sidenote: Beginning of the war. May 4, 1702.]
The opposition of the Tories to the war had been entirely useless. The
completion of the negotiations set on foot by William had been intrusted
to Marlborough. Immediately, at the beginning of the reign, he had gone
to the Hague, and war was declared in London, at Vienna, and at the
Hague on the 4th of May. Meanwhile so many Princes had joined the
Confederation, originally consisting of England, Holland, and Austria,
that war was declared by the Diet of the Empire. The Elector of
Brandenburg had been induced to join by the promise of the royal title;
the Elector of Hanover and the Elector Palatine had also given in their
adhesion. On the other hand, though the brother Electors of the Bavarian
House, the Elector of Bavaria and the Elector of Cologne, had at first
agreed to remain neutral, Louis felt pretty sure of the course they
would ultimately take, and of the friendship of Victor Amadeus of Savoy,
whose daughter had married the new King of Spain, and the position of
whose dominions rendered his friendship of great value, giving as it
did an access into Italy to the French.
[Sidenote: Marlborough appointed Commander.]
The Queen's love for her husband had induced her to wish that he should
be made Commander-in-chief both of the English and Dutch forces, though
utterly unfit for the post, and Marlborough seems to have honestly
attempted to procure this appointment. But the Dutch would not hear of
it, and ultimately Marlborough took the field in July as
Commander-in-chief, with Overkirk as his Lieutenant commanding the Dutch
troops.
[Sidenote: Position of Holland.]
Two points distinguish this war from the preceding one. Hitherto in all
great confederations against the French the Spanish Netherlands had been
in the hands of the confederates, but as Spain was now in close alliance
with France, it became necessary to conquer this part of the
Netherlands. And, secondly, the death of William had been followed by
the complete depression of the house of Nassau in Holland, and the
supremacy of the republican party, which by no means shared in the late
King's hatred to France, and which, from jealousy of all personal
authority, caused the general to be accompanied by field deputies, with
a right of mixing in all councils of war. This was one of the greatest
of Marlborough's difficulties, as the deputies seldom failed to hamper
him, and to throw obstacles in the way of any adventurous plans. Before
Marlborough took the field the campaign had opened. The French had
command of the Spanish Low Countries, of the Duchy of Luxemburg, and,
through the friendship of its Elector, of the territories of the Elector
Clement of Cologne, who was both Archbishop of Cologne and Bishop of
Liège. Both the Rhine and Meuse were thus in their hands and the
fortresses held by their garrisons. The whole southern frontier of
Holland, which left the sea near Ostend, crossed the mouth of the
Scheldt, and cutting off a portion of Brabant, joined the Meuse somewhat
to the north of Venloo, was thus open to them, while by way of the Rhine
they had an opportunity of attacking the Dutch provinces from the east.
While Holland was thus assailable on two sides, the advancing angle of
the French dominions exposed them in a similar manner. The valley of the
Moselle, which leads directly into the heart of Lorraine, could be
attacked either from the north or by a German army coming from the south
by way of Landau. Anxious to secure their frontier towards the Rhine,
the Dutch had early in the year besieged and taken the fortress of
Kaiserwerth, and bent chiefly upon their own security, would have
preferred to retain Marlborough and the army in the neighbourhood of
that river. But the Duke saw that the passage of the Meuse where it
makes the northern frontier of the Dutch Brabant, and an advance
southwards towards the Spanish Netherlands, would necessitate a
concentration of the French troops, and transfer the seat of war to that
province. In spite of the opposition of the Dutch, he therefore crossed
the river at Grave, and proceeded directly south into Spanish Brabant.
As he had expected, his appearance there obliged Boufflers to withdraw
from Guelders to oppose him; and although the opposition of the field
deputies prevented a general engagement, Marlborough was enabled to
secure the eastern frontier of Holland, to take the fortresses of the
Meuse,--Venloo, Ruremond, Stevensweerth, and Liège,--to overrun
Guelders, Cleves, the Electorate of Cologne, with the exception of Bonn,
the whole of the Bishopric of Liège and the Duchy of Limburg, thus
cutting off the French from the Lower Rhine.
Meanwhile an attack had been made upon France from the Upper Rhine. The
Margrave Louis of Baden, having crossed the river with the German
forces, found himself opposed by Catinat, who did not show his usual
ability, and suffered the Margrave to besiege and take Landau and to
overrun Alsace. The success of the German army was marred by the
defection of Bavaria, which, throwing aside its neutrality, declared in
favour of France. Villars was detached from Catinat's army to join the
Elector of Bavaria; and as an access was thus opened to the French into
the heart of Germany, Louis of Baden had to withdraw from his conquests,
and, turning to meet the new danger, suffered a heavy defeat at
Friedlingen.
[Sidenote: The war in Italy.]
[Sidenote: The war at sea.]
While such was the course of the war in Germany and Flanders, in Italy,
Prince Eugene of Savoy, the general of the allies, had, even in the
winter, been carrying on operations against Marshal Villeroi. That
Marshal had been taken prisoner at Cremona, and had been succeeded by
Vendome. A great but indecisive battle had been fought in August at
Luzara, after which the armies were left facing each other, the French
still occupying the Milanese. The maritime war had been as indecisive as
that upon the Continent; an English expedition under the Duke of Ormond
had been sent against Cadiz; it had failed in its original object, but
on the way home had succeeded in destroying a Spanish treasure fleet in
the Bay of Vigo. In the West Indies, an event occurred almost
unprecedented in English history. The English fleet had been defeated in
a great battle, not by the superiority of the enemy, but by the treason
of its own commanders. Admiral Benbow, who had engaged a superior force
of the enemy, after a fight of several days, was deserted by some of his
captains. Wounded and dying, he was forced to withdraw. He lived long
enough to have his captains condemned to death by court martial.
[Sidenote: Savoy and Portugal join the coalition.]
The campaign of this year was thus wholly indecisive. The English and
Dutch had secured the possession of the Rhine and the Meuse; but the
German army was threatened in front from Alsace, while its rear and
southern flank were exposed to the victorious army of Villars and the
Elector of Bavaria: in Italy the French still held the Milanese against
the attacks of Prince Eugene. But before the next campaign opened the
position of France had changed considerably for the worse. The diplomacy
of Louis had hitherto secured the predominance of French influence in
both Spain and Italy by the adhesion of Savoy and Portugal to his cause.
Victor Amadeus of Savoy had been won by the marriage of his daughter
with the King of Spain; but, situated in the midst of great powers, his
conduct was almost of necessity shifting, and his policy directed rather
to his own advantage and to the interests of Italy than to the more
general interests of Europe; the offer on the part of Austria to give up
to him the districts of Montferrat and Novara induced him to desert
Louis and to declare in favour of the Grand Alliance. The French army in
the Milanese was thus separated from France, and its energy paralyzed.
By similar means the fidelity of Portugal was also undermined. A promise
of a certain portion of the Spanish possessions both in Spain and in
America, and a treaty known as the Methuen Treaty, securing to Portugal
great advantage in her trade with England, induced her to join the Grand
Alliance. The importance of this adhesion was great, as it afforded an
opening for the allied armies to act directly against Spain, the
possession of which country was the real object of the war. Nor were
these defections the only causes of danger which beset France.
Disturbances had broken out in Louis' own dominions. The Protestants of
the Cevennes, driven to despair by the cruel conduct of the Intendant,
Marshal de Baville, and of the Catholic clergy, had broken into open
rebellion, and the irregular efforts of the Camissards, as they were
called, had become formidable under the skilful guidance of Cavalier, a
baker's lad, who showed extraordinary aptitude for partisan warfare.
[Sidenote: Campaign of 1703.]
These misfortunes on the part of France were somewhat balanced by the
defection, already mentioned, of the Elector of Bavaria; and Louis
determined to take advantage of the road to Vienna thus opened to him,
and to throw his chief efforts in that direction. Thither therefore
Villars marched through the Black Forest, having previously captured the
fortress of Kehl opposite Strasbourg. The movement, however, was only
partially successful; while Villars wished to march upon Vienna, already
threatened by an insurrection in Hungary, the Elector insisted upon
moving into the Tyrol. The peasantry of that mountainous district,
deeply attached to Austria, thwarted all his efforts to advance, and
when Louis of Baden, leaving the lines of Stolhofen, appeared in
Bavaria, the Elector was compelled to withdraw and rejoin Villars. Too
weak to defeat the Margrave, the combined generals were obliged to
content themselves with checking the German troops coming against them
from Franconia under Count Stirum at Hochstädt. Villars, who traced the
ruin of the campaign to the rejection of his advice, clamoured to be
recalled, and his place was but badly filled by Marsin.