The Revolution entirely abolished the _ancien regime_, and in the first
instance whatever remained of feudalism. The Constituent Assembly, in
the course of its immense work of settlement, wished to draw
distinctions, abolishing absolutely, without indemnity, all rights which
had amounted in the beginning to a usurpation and could not be
justified, e.g. serfdom and seigniorial courts of justice. On the other
hand, it declared subject to redemption such feudal charges as had been
the subject of contract or of a concession of lands. But as it was
almost impossible to discover the exact origin of various feudal
rights, the Assembly had proceeded to do this by means of certain legal
assumptions which sometimes admitted of a proof to the contrary. It
carefully regulated the conditions and rate of repurchase, and forbade
the creation in the future of any perpetual charge which could not be
redeemed: a principle that has remained permanent in French law. This
was a rational and equitable solution; but in a period of such violent
excitement it could not be maintained. The Legislative Assembly declared
the abolishment without indemnity of all feudal rights for which the
original deed of concession could not be produced; and to produce this
was, of course, in most cases impossible. Finally, the Convention
entirely abolished all feudal rights, and commanded that the old deeds
should be destroyed; it maintained on the contrary, though subject to
redemption, those tenures and charges which were solely connected with
landed property and not feudal.
With feudalism had been abolished serfdom. Further, the Constituent
Assembly suppressed nobility; it even forbade any one to assume and bear
the titles, emblems and arms of nobility. Thus was established the
equality of citizens before the law. The Assembly also proclaimed the
liberty of labour and industry, and suppressed the corporations of
artisans and workmen, the _jurandes_ and _maitrises_, as Turgot had
done. But, in order to maintain this liberty of the individual, it
forbade all associations between workers, or employers, fearing that
such contracts would again lead to the formation of corporations similar
to the old ones. It even forbade and declared punishable, as being
contrary to the declaration of the rights of man and the citizen,
combinations or strikes, or an agreement between workmen or employers to
refuse to work or to give work except on given conditions. Such, for a
long time, was French legislation on this point.
Administrative reorganization.
The Constituent Assembly gave to France a new administrative division,
that into departments, districts, cantons and communes; and this
division, which was intended to make the old provincial distinctions
disappear, had to serve all purposes, the department being the unit for
all public services. This settlement was definitive, with the exception
of certain modifications in detail, and exists to the present day. But
there was a peculiar administrative organism depending on this
arrangement. The constitution of 1791, it is true, made the king the
titulary head of the executive power; but the internal administration of
the kingdom was not actually in his hands. It was deputed, under his
orders, to bodies elected in each department, district and commune. The
municipal bodies were directly elected by citizens duly qualified; other
bodies were chosen by the method of double election. Each body consisted
of two parts: a council, for deliberative purposes, and a _bureau_ or
_directoire_ chosen by the council from among its numbers to form the
executive. These were the only instruments for the general
administration and for that of the direct taxes. The king could, it is
true, annul the illegal acts of these bodies, but not dismiss their
members; he could merely suspend them from exercising their functions,
but the matter then went before the Legislative Assembly, which could
maintain or remit the suspension as it thought fit. The king had not a
single agent chosen by himself for general administrative purposes. This
was a reaction, though a very exaggerated one, against the excessive
centralization of the _ancien regime_, and resulted in an absolute
administrative anarchy. The organization of the revolutionary government
partly restored the central authority; the councils of the departments
were suppressed; the Committee of Public Safety and the "representatives
of the people on mission" were able to remove and replace the members of
the elected bodies; and also, by an ingenious arrangement, national
agents were established in the districts. The constitution of the year
III. continued in this course, simplifying the organization established
by the Constituent Assembly, while maintaining its principle. The
department had an administration of five members, elected as in the
past, but having executive as well as deliberative functions. The
district was suppressed. The communes retained only a municipal agent
elected by themselves, and the actual municipal body, the importance of
which was considerably increased, was removed to the canton, and
consisted of the municipal agents from each commune, and a president
elected by the duly qualified citizens of the canton. The Directory was
represented in each departmental and communal administration by a
commissary appointed and removable by itself, and could dismiss the
members of these administrations.
Judicial system.
The Constituent Assembly decided on the complete reorganization of the
judicial organization. This was accomplished on a very simple plan,
which realized that ideal of the two degrees of justice which, as we
have noticed, was that of France under the _ancien regime_. In the lower
degrees it created in each canton a justice of the peace (_juge de
paix_), the idea and name of which were borrowed from England, but which
differed very much from the English justice of the peace. He judged,
both with and without appeal, civil cases of small importance; and, in
cases which did not come within his competency, it was his duty to try
to reconcile the parties. In each district was established a civil court
composed of five judges. This completed the judicial organization,
except for the court of cassation, which had functions peculiar to
itself, never judging the facts of the case but only the application of
the law. For cases coming under the district court, the Assembly had not
thought fit to abolish the guarantee of the appeal in cases involving
sums above a certain figure. But by a curious arrangement the district
tribunals could hear appeals from one another. With regard to penal
prosecutions, there was in each department a criminal court which judged
crimes with the assistance of a jury; it consisted of judges borrowed
from district courts, and had its own president and public prosecutor.
Correctional tribunals, composed of _juges de paix_, dealt with
misdemeanours. The Assembly preserved the commercial courts, or consular
jurisdictions, of the _ancien regime_. There was a court of cassation,
the purpose of which was to preserve the unity of jurisprudence in
France; it dealt with matters of law and not of fact, considering
appeals based on the violation of law, whether in point of matter or of
form, and if such violation were proved, sending the matter before
another tribunal of the same rank for re-trial. All judges were elected
for a term of years; the _juges de paix_ by the primary assembly of the
canton, the district judges by the electoral assembly consisting of the
electors of the second degree for the district, the members of the court
of cassation by the electors of the departments, who were divided for
the purpose into two series, which voted alternately. The Constituent
Assembly did, it is true, require professional guarantees, by proof of a
more or less extended exercise of the profession of lawyer from all
judges except the _juges de paix_. But the system was really the same as
that of the administrative organization. The king only appointed the
_commissaires du roi_ attached to the district courts, criminal
tribunals and the court of cassation; but the appointment once made
could not be revoked by him. These commissaries fulfilled one of the
functions of the old _ministere public_, their duty being to demand the
application of laws. The Convention did not change this general
organization; but it suppressed the professional guarantees required in
the case of candidates for a judgeship, so that henceforth all citizens
were eligible; and it also caused new elections to take place. Moreover,
the Convention, either directly or by means of one of its committees,
not infrequently removed and replaced judges without further election.
The constitution of the year III. preserved this system, but introduced
one considerable modification. It suppressed the district courts, and in
their place created in each department a civil tribunal consisting of
twenty judges. The idea was a happy one, for it gave the courts more
importance, and therefore more weight and dignity. But this reform,
beneficial as it would be nowadays, was at the time premature, in view
of the backward condition of means of communication.
The army.
The Constituent Assembly suppressed the militia and maintained the
standing army, according to the old type, the numbers of which were
henceforth to be fixed every year by the Legislative Assembly. The army
was to be recruited by voluntary enlistment, careful rules for which
were drawn up; the only change was in the system of appointment to
ranks; promotion went chiefly by seniority, and in the lower ranks a
system of nomination by equals or inferiors was organized. The Assembly
proclaimed, however, the principle of compulsory and personal service,
but under a particular form, that of the National Guard, to which all
qualified citizens belonged, and in which almost all ranks were
conferred by election. Its chief purpose was to maintain order at home;
but it could be called upon to furnish detachments for defence against
foreign invasion. This was an institution which, with many successive
modifications, and after various long periods of inactivity followed by
a revival, lasted more than three-quarters of a century, and was not
suppressed till 1871. For purposes of war the Convention, in addition to
voluntary enlistments and the resources furnished by the National
Guards, and setting aside the forced levy of 200,000 men in 1793,
decided on the expedient of calling upon the communes to furnish men, a
course which revived the principle of the old militia. But the Directory
drew up an important military law, that of the 6th Fructidor of the year
VI., which established compulsory military service for all, under the
form of conscription strictly so called. Frenchmen aged from 20 to 25
(_defenseurs conscrits_) were divided into five classes, each including
the men born in the same year, and were liable until they were 25 years
old to be called up for active service, the whole period of service not
exceeding four years. No class was called upon until the younger classes
had been exhausted, and the sending of substitutes was forbidden. This
law, with a few later modifications, provided for the French armies up
to the end of the Empire.
Taxation.
The Constituent Assembly abolished nearly all the taxes of the _ancien
regime_. Almost the only taxes preserved were the stamp duty and that on
the registration of acts (the old _controle_ and _centieme denier_), and
these were completely reorganized; the customs were maintained only at
the frontiers for foreign trade. In the establishment of new taxes the
Assembly was influenced by two sentiments: the hatred which had been
inspired by the former arbitrary taxation, and the influence of the
school of the Physiocrats. Consequently it did away with indirect
taxation on objects of consumption, and made the principal direct tax
the tax on land. Next in importance were the _contribution personnelle
et mobiliere_ and the _patentes_. The essential elements of the former
were a sort of capitation-tax equivalent to three days' work, which was
the distinctive and definite sign of a qualified citizen, and a tax on
personal income, calculated according to the rent paid. The _patentes_
were paid by traders, and were also based on the amount of rent. These
taxes, though considerably modified later, are still essentially the
basis of the French system of direct taxation. The Constituent Assembly
had on principle repudiated the tax on the gross income, much favoured
under the _ancien regime_, which everybody had felt to be arbitrary and
oppressive. The system of public contributions under the Convention was
arbitrary and revolutionary, but the councils of the Directory, side by
side with certain bad laws devised to tide over temporary crises, made
some excellent laws on the subject of taxation. They resumed the
regulation of the land tax, improving and partly altering it, and also
dealt with the _contribution personnelle et mobiliere_, the _patentes_,
and the stamp and registration duties. It was at this time, too, that
the door and window tax, which still exists, was provisionally
established; there was also a partial reappearance of indirect taxation,
in particular the _octrois_ of the towns, which had been suppressed by
the Constituent Assembly.
Religious liberty.
The Constituent Assembly gave the Protestants liberty of worship and
full rights; it also gave Jews the status of citizen, which they had not
had under the _ancien regime_, together with political rights. With
regard to the Catholic Church, the Assembly placed at the disposal of
the nation the property of the clergy, which had already, in the course
of the 18th century, been regarded by most political writers as a
national possession; at the same time it provided for salaries for the
members of the clergy and pensions for those who had been monks. It
abolished tithes and the religious orders, and forbade the re-formation
of the latter in the future. The ecclesiastical districts were next
reorganized, the department being always taken as the chief unit, and a
new church was organized by the civil constitution of the clergy, the
bishops being elected by the electoral assembly of the department (the
usual electors), and the cures by the electoral assembly of the
district. This was an unfortunate piece of legislation, inspired partly
by the old Gallican spirit, partly by the theories on civil religion of
J.J. Rousseau and his school, and, together with the civic oath imposed
on the clergy, it was a source of endless troubles. The constitutional
church established in this way was, however, abolished as a state
institution by the Convention. By laws of the years III. and IV. the
Convention and the Directory, in proclaiming the liberty of worship,
declared that the Republic neither endowed nor recognized any form of
worship. Buildings formerly consecrated to worship, which had not been
alienated, were again placed at the disposal of worshippers for this
purpose, but under conditions which were hard for them to accept.
Civil law.
Criminal law.
The Assemblies of the Revolution, besides the laws which, by abolishing
feudalism, altered the character of real property, passed many others
concerning civil law. The most important are those of 1792, passed by
the Legislative Assembly, which organized the registers of the _etat
civil_ kept by the municipalities, and laid down rules for marriage as a
purely civil contract. Divorce was admitted to a practically unlimited
extent; it was possible not only for causes determined by law, and by
mutual consent, but also for incompatibility of temper and character
proved, by either husband or wife, to be of a persistent nature. Next
came the laws of the Convention as to inheritance, imposing perfect
equality among the natural heirs and endeavouring to ensure the division
of properties. Illegitimate children were considered by these laws as on
the same level with legitimate children. The Convention and the councils
of the Directory also made excellent laws on the administration of
_hypotheques_, and worked at the preparation of a Civil Code (see CODE
NAPOLEON). In criminal law their work was still more important. In 1791
the Constituent Assembly gave France her first penal code. It was
inspired by humanitarian ideas, still admitting capital punishment,
though accompanied by no cruelty in the execution; but none of the
remaining punishments was for life. Long imprisonment with hard labour
was introduced. Finally, as a reaction against the former system of
arbitrary penalties, there came a system of fixed penalties determined,
both as to its assessment and its nature, for each offence, which the
judge could not modify. The Constituent Assembly also reformed the
procedure of criminal trials, taking English law as model. It introduced
the jury, with the double form of _jury d'accusation_ and _jury de
jugement_. Before the judges procedure was always public and oral. The
prosecution was left in principle to the parties concerned, plaintiffs
or _denonciateurs civiques_, and the preliminary investigation was
handed over to two magistrates; one was the _juge de paix_, as in
English procedure at this period, and the other a magistrate chosen from
the district court and called the _directeur du jury_. The Convention,
before separating, passed the _Code des delits et des peines_ of the 3rd
Brumaire in the year IV. This piece of work, which was due to Merlin de
Douai, was intended to deal with criminal procedure and penal law; but
only the first part could be completed. It was the procedure established
by the Constituent Assembly, but further organized and improved.
_The Consulate and the Empire._--The constitutional law of the Consulate
and the Empire is to be found in a series of documents called later the
_Constitutions de l'Empire_, the constitution promulgated during the
Hundred Days being consequently given the name of _Acte additionnel aux
Constitutions de l'Empire_. These documents consist of (1) the
Constitution of the 22nd Frimaire of the year VIII., the work of Sieyes
and Bonaparte, the text on which the others were based; (2) the
_senatus consulte_ of the 16th Thermidor in the year X., establishing
the consulate for life; and (3) the _senatus consulte_ of the 28th
Floreal in the year XII., which created the Empire. These constitutional
acts, which were all, whether in their full text or in principle,
submitted to the popular vote by means of a _plebiscite_, had all the
same object: to assure absolute power to Napoleon, while preserving the
forms and appearance of liberty. Popular suffrage was maintained, and
even became universal; but, since the system was that of suffrage in
many stages, which, moreover, varied very much, the citizens in effect
merely nominated the candidates, and it was the Senate, playing the part
of _grand electeur_ which Sieyes had dreamed of as his own, which chose
from among them the members of the various so-called elected bodies,
even those of the political assemblies. According to the constitution of
the year VIII., the first consul (to whom had been added two colleagues,
the second and third consuls, who did not disappear until the Empire)
possessed the executive power in the widest sense of the word, and he
alone could initiate legislation. There were three representative
assemblies in existence, elected as we have seen; but one of them, the
Corps Legislatif, passed laws without discussing them, and without the
power of amending the suggestions of the government. The Tribunate, on
the contrary, discussed them, but its vote was not necessary for the
passing of the law. The Senate was the guardian and preserver of the
constitution; in addition to its role of _grand electeur_, its chief
function was to annul laws and acts submitted to it by the Tribunate as
being unconstitutional. This original organization was naturally
modified during the course of the Consulate and the Empire; not only did
the emperor obtain the right of directly nominating senators, and the
princes of the imperial family, and grant dignitaries of the Empire that
of entering the Senate by right; but a whole body, the Tribunate, which
was the only one which could preserve some independence, disappeared,
without resort having been had to a plebiscite; it was modified and
weakened by _senatus consulte_ of the year X., and was suppressed in
1807 by a mere _senatus consulte_. The importance of another body, on
the contrary, the _conseil d'etat_, which had been formed on the
improved type of the ancient _conseil du roi_, and consisted of members
appointed by Napoleon and carefully chosen, continually increased. It
was this body which really prepared and discussed the laws; and it was
its members who advocated them before the Corps Legislatif, to which the
Tribunate also sent orators to speak on its behalf. The ministers, who
had no relation with the legislative power, were merely the agents of
the head of the state, freely chosen by himself. Napoleon, however,
found these powers insufficient, and arrogated to himself others, a fact
which the Senate did not forget when it proclaimed his downfall. Thus he
frequently declared war upon his own authority, in spite of the
provisions to the contrary made by the constitution of the year VIII.;
and similarly, under the form of _decrets_, made what were really laws.
They were afterwards called _decrets-lois_, and those that were not
indissolubly associated with the political regime of the Empire, and
survived it, were subsequently declared valid by the court of cassation,
on the ground that they had not been submitted to the Senate as
unconstitutional, as had been provided by the constitution of the year
VIII.
Administrative changes under Consulate and Empire.
This period saw the rise of a whole new series of great organic laws.
For administrative organization, the most important was that of the 28th
Pluviose in the year VIII. It established as chief authority for each
department a prefect, and side by side with him a _conseil general_ for
deliberative purposes; for each _arrondissement_ (corresponding to the
old _district_) a sub-prefect (_sous-prefet_) and a _conseil
d'arrondissement_; and for each _commune_, a mayor and a municipal
council. But all these officials, both the members of the councils and
the individual agents, were appointed by the head of the state or by the
prefect, so that centralization was restored more completely than ever.
Together with the prefect there was also established a _conseil de
prefecture_, having administrative functions, and generally acting as a
court of the first instance in disputes and litigation arising out of
the acts of the administration; for the Constituent Assembly had removed
such cases from the jurisdiction of the civil tribunals, and referred
them to the administrative bodies themselves. The final appeal in these
disputes was to the _conseil d'etat_, which was supreme judge in these
matters. In 1807 was created another great administrative jurisdiction,
the _cour des comptes_, after the pattern of that which had existed
under the _ancien regime_.
Judicial changes.
Judicial organization had also been fundamentally altered. The system of
election was preserved for a time in the case of the _juges de paix_ and
the members of the court of cassation, but finally disappeared there,
even where it had already been no more than a form. The magistrates were
in principle appointed for life, but under the Empire a device was found
for evading the rule of irremovability. For the judgment of civil cases
there was a court of first instance in every arrondissement, and above
these a certain number of courts of appeal, each of which had within its
province several departments. The separate criminal tribunals were
abolished in 1809 by the _Code d'Instruction Criminelle_, and the
magistrates forming the _cour d'assises_, which judged crimes with the
aid of a jury, were drawn from the courts of appeal and from the civil
tribunals. The _jury d'accusation_ was also abolished by the _Code
d'Instruction Criminelle_, and the right of pronouncing the indictment
was transferred to a chamber of the court of appeal. The correctional
tribunals were amalgamated with the civil tribunals of the first
instance. The _tribunal de cassation_, which took under the Empire the
name of _cour de cassation_, consisted of magistrates appointed for
life, and still kept its powers. The _ministere public_ (consisting of
imperial _avocats_ and _procureurs_) was restored in practically the
same form as under the _ancien regime_.
Taxation.
The former system of taxation was preserved in principle, but with one
considerable addition: Napoleon re-established indirect taxation on
articles of consumption, which had been abolished by the Constituent
Assembly; the chief of these were the duties on liquor (_droits reunis_,
or excise) and the monopoly of tobacco.
The Concordat.
The Concordat concluded by Napoleon with the papacy on the 26th Messidor
of the year IX. re-established the Catholic religion in France as the
form of worship recognized and endowed by the state. It was in principle
drawn up on the lines of that of 1516, and assured to the head of the
French state in his dealings with the papacy the same prerogatives as
had formerly been enjoyed by the kings; the chief of these was that he
appointed the bishops, who afterwards had to ask the pope for canonical
institution. The territorial distribution of dioceses was preserved
practically as it had been left by the civil constitution of the clergy.
The state guaranteed the payment of salaries to bishops and cures; and
the pope agreed to renounce all claims referring to the appropriation of
the goods of the clergy made by the Constituent Assembly. Later on, a
decree restored to the _fabriques_ (vestries) such of their former
possessions as had not been alienated, and the churches which had not
been alienated were restored for the purposes of worship. The law of the
18th Germinal in the year X., ratifying the Concordat, reasserted, under
the name of _articles organiques du culte catholique_, all the main
principles contained in the old doctrine of the liberties of the
Gallican Church. The Concordat did not include the restoration of the
religious orders and congregations; Napoleon sanctioned by decrees only
a few establishments of this kind.
The university.
One important creation of the Empire was the university. The _ancien
regime_ had had its universities for purposes of instruction and for the
conferring of degrees; it had also, though without any definite
organization, such secondary schools as the towns admitted within their
walls, and the primary schools of the parishes. The Revolution
suppressed the universities and the teaching congregations. The
constitution of the year III. proclaimed the liberty of instruction and
commanded that public schools, both elementary and secondary, should be
established. Under the Directory there was in each department an _ecole
centrale_, in which all branches of human knowledge were taught.
Napoleon, developing ideas which had been started in the second half of
the 18th century, founded by laws and decrees of 1806, 1808 and 1811 the
Universite de France, which provided and organized higher, secondary and
primary education; this was to be the monopoly of the state, carried on
by its _facultes_, _lycees_ and primary schools. No private educational
establishment could be opened without the authorization of the state.
The Codes.
But chief among the documents dating from this period are the Codes,
which still give laws to France. These are the Civil Code of 1804, the
_Code de Procedure Civile_ of 1806, the _Code de Commerce_ of 1807, the
_Code d'Instruction Criminelle_ of 1809, and the _Code Penal_ of 1810.
These monumental works, in the elaboration of which the _conseil d'etat_
took the chief part, contributed, to a greater or less extent, towards
the fusion of the old law of France with the laws of the Revolution. It
was in the case of the _Code Civil_ that this task presented the
greatest difficulty (see CODE NAPOLEON). The _Code de Commerce_ was
scarcely more than a revised and emended edition of the _ordonnances_ of
1673 and 1681; while the _Code de Procedure Civile_ borrowed its chief
elements from the _ordonnance_ of 1667. In the case of the _Code
d'Instruction Criminelle_ a distinctly new departure was made; the
procedure introduced by the Revolution into courts where judgment was
given remained public and oral, with full liberty of defence; the
preliminary procedure, however, before the examining court (_juge
d'instruction_ or _chambre des mises en accusation_) was borrowed from
the _ordonnance_ of 1670; it was the procedure of the old law, without
its cruelty, but secret and written, and generally not in the presence
of both parties. The _Code Penal_ maintained the principles of the
Revolution, but increased the penalties. It substituted for the system
of fixed penalties, in cases of temporary punishment, a maximum and a
minimum, between the limits of which judges could assess the amount.
Even in the case of misdemeanours, it admitted the system of extenuating
circumstances, which allowed them still further to decrease and alter
the penalty in so far as the offence was mitigated by such
circumstances. (See further under NAPOLEON I.)
Constitutional monarchy.
_The Restored Monarchy._--The Restoration and the Monarchy of July,
though separated by a revolution, form one period in the history of
French institutions, a period in which the same regime was continued and
developed. This was the constitutional monarchy, with a parliamentary
body consisting of two chambers, a system imitated from England. The
same constitution was preserved under these two monarchies--the charter
granted by Louis XVIII. in 1814. The revolution of 1830 took place in
defence of the charter which Charles X. had violated by the
_ordonnances_ of July, so that this charter was naturally preserved
under the "July Monarchy." It was merely revised by the Chamber of
Deputies, which had been one of the movers of the revolution, and by
what remained of the House of Peers. In order to give the constitution
the appearance of originating in the will of the people, the preface,
which made it appear to be a favour granted by the king, was destroyed.
The two chambers acquired the initiative in legislation, which had not
been recognized as theirs under the Restoration, but from this time on
belonged to them equally with the king. The sittings of the House of
Peers were henceforth held in public; but this chamber underwent another
and more fundamental transformation. The peers were nominated by the
king, with no limit of numbers, and according to the charter of 1814
their appointment could be either for life or hereditary; but, in
execution of an ordinance of Louis XVIII., during the Restoration they
were always appointed under the latter condition. Under the July
Monarchy their tenure of office was for life, and the king had to choose
them from among twenty-two classes of notables fixed by law. The
franchise for the election of the Chamber of Deputies had been limited
by a system of money qualifications; but while, under the Restoration,
it had been necessary, in order to be an elector, to pay three hundred
francs in direct taxation, this sum was reduced in 1831 to two hundred
francs, while in certain cases even a smaller amount sufficed. In order
to be elected as a deputy it was necessary, according to the charter of
1814, to pay a thousand francs in direct taxation, and according to that
of 1830 five hundred francs. From 1817 onwards there was direct
suffrage, the electors directly electing the deputies. The idea of those
who had framed the charter of 1814 had been to give the chief influence
to the great landed proprietors, though the means adopted to this end
were not adequate: in 1830 the chief aim had been to give a
preponderating influence to the middle and lower middle classes, and
this had met with greater success. The House of Peers, under the name of
_cour des pairs_, had also the function of judging attempts and plots
against the security of the state, and it had frequently to exercise
this function both under the Restoration and the July Monarchy.
This was a period of parliamentary government; that is, of government by
a cabinet, resting on the responsibility of the ministers to the Chamber
of Deputies. The only interruption was that caused by the resistance of
Charles X. at the end of his reign, which led to the revolution of July.
Parliamentary government was practised regularly and in an enlightened
spirit under the Restoration, although the Chamber had not then all the
powers which it has since acquired. It is noteworthy that during this
period the right of the House of Peers to force a ministry to resign by
a hostile vote was not recognized. By the creation of a certain number
of new peers, a _fournee de pairs_, as it was then called, the majority
in this House could be changed when necessary. But the government of the
Restoration had to deal with two extreme parties of a very opposite
nature: the _Ultras_, who wished to restore as far as possible the
_ancien regime_, to whom were due the acts of the _chambre introuvable_
of 1816, and later the laws of the ministry of Villele, especially the
law of sacrilege and that voting compensation to the dispossessed
nobles, known as the _milliard des emigres_; and on the other hand the
_Liberals_, including the Bonapartists and Republicans, who were
attached to the principles of the Revolution. In order to prevent either
of these parties from predominating in the chamber, the government made
a free use of its power of dissolution. It further employed two means to
check the progress of the Liberals; firstly, there were various
alterations successively made in the electoral law, and the press laws,
frequently restrictive in their effect, which introduced the censorship
and a preliminary authorization in the case of periodical publications,
and gave the correctional tribunals jurisdiction in cases of press
offences. The best electoral law was that of 1817, and the best press
laws were those of 1819; but these were not of long duration. Under the
July Monarchy parliamentary government, although its machinery was
further perfected, was not so brilliant. The majorities in the Chamber
of Deputies were often uncertain, so much so, that more than once the
right of dissolution was exercised in order to try by new elections to
arrive at an undivided and certain majority. King Louis Philippe, though
sober-minded, wished to exercise a personal influence on the policy of
the cabinet, so that there were then two schools, represented
respectively by Thiers and Guizot, one of which held the theory that
"the king reigns but does not govern"; while the other maintained that
he might exercise a personal influence, provided that he could rely on a
ministry supported by a majority of the Chamber of Deputies. But the
weak point in the July Monarchy was above all the question of the
franchise. A powerful movement of opinion set in towards demanding an
extension, some wishing for universal suffrage, but the majority
proposing what was called the _adjonction des capacites_, that is to
say, that to the number of qualified electors should be added those
citizens who, by virtue of their professions, capacity or acquirements,
were inscribed after them on the general list for juries. But the
government obstinately refused all electoral reform, and held to the law
of 1831. It also refused parliamentary reform, by which was meant a rule
which would have made most public offices incompatible with the position
of deputy, the Chamber of Deputies being at that time full of
officials. The press, thanks to the Charter, was perfectly free, without
either censorship or preliminary authorization, and press offences were
judged by a jury.
The system of the Empire retained.
In another respect also the Restoration and the July Monarchy were at
one, the second continuing the spirit of the first, viz. in maintaining
in principle the civil, legal and administrative institutions of the
Empire. The preface to the charter of 1814 sanctioned and guaranteed
most of the legal rights won by the Revolution; even the alienation of
national property was confirmed. It was said, it is true, that the old
nobility regained their titles, and that the nobility of the Empire kept
those which Napoleon had given them; but these were merely titles and
nothing more; there was no privileged nobility, and the equality of
citizens before the law was maintained. Judicial and administrative
organization, the system of taxation, military organization, the
relations of church and state, remained the same, and the university
also continued to exist. The government did, it is true, negotiate a new
Concordat with the papacy in 1817, but did not dare even to submit it to
the chambers. The most important reform was that of the law concerning
recruiting for the army. The charter of 1814 had promised the abolition
of conscription, in the form in which it had been created by the law of
the year VI. The law of the 10th of March 1818 actually established a
new system. The contingent voted by the chambers for annual
incorporation into the standing army was divided up among all the
cantons; and, in order to furnish it, lots were drawn among all the men
of a certain class, that is to say, among the young Frenchmen who
arrived at their majority that year. Those who were not chosen by lot
were definitely set free from military service. The sending of
substitutes, a custom which had been permitted by Napoleon, was
recognized. This was the type of all the laws on recruiting in France,
of which there were a good number in succession up to 1867. On other
points they vary, in particular as to the duration of service, which was
six years, and later eight years, under the Restoration; but the system
remained the same.
The Restoration produced a code, the _Code forestier_ of 1827, for the
regulation of forests (_eaux et forets_). In 1816 a law had abolished
divorce, making marriage indissoluble, as it had been in the old law.
But the best laws of this period were those on finance. Now, for the
first time, was introduced the practice of drawing up regular budgets,
voted before the year to which they applied, and divided since 1819 into
the budget of expenditure and budget of receipts.
Together with other institutions of the Empire, the Restoration had
preserved the exaggerated system of administrative centralization
established in the year VIII.; and proposals for its relaxation
submitted to the chambers had come to nothing. It was only under the
July Monarchy that it was relaxed. The municipal law of the 21st of
March 1831 made the municipal councils elective, and extended widely the
right of voting in the elections for them; the _maires_ and their
assistants continued to be appointed by the government, but had to be
chosen from among the members of the municipal councils. The law of the
22nd of June 1833 made the general councils of the departments also
elective, and brought the _adjonction des capacites_ into effect for
their election. The powers of these bodies were enlarged in 1838, and
they gained the right of electing their president. In 1833 was granted
another liberty, that of primary education; but in spite of violent
protestations, coming especially from the Catholics, secondary and
higher education continued to be a monopoly of the state. Many organic
laws were promulgated, one concerning the National Guard, which was
reorganized in order to adapt it to the system of citizen
qualifications; one in 1832 on the recruiting of the army, fixing the
period of service at seven years; and another in 1834 securing the
status of officers. A law of the 11th of June 1842 established the great
railway lines. In 1832 the _Code Penal_ and _Code d'Instruction
Criminelle_ were revised, with the object of lightening penalties; the
system of extenuating circumstances, as recognized by a jury, was
extended to the judgment of all crimes. There was also a revision of
Book III. of the _Code de Commerce_, treating of bankruptcy. Finally,
from this period date the laws of the 3rd of May 1841, on expropriation
for purposes of public utility, and of the 30th of June 1838, on the
treatment of the insane, which is still in force. Judicial organization
remained as it was, but the amount of the sum up to which civil
tribunals of the first instance could judge without appeal was raised
from 1000 francs to 1500, and the competency of the _juges de paix_ was
widened.
_The Second Republic and the Second Empire._--From the point of view of
constitutional law, the Second Republic and the Second Empire were each
in a certain sense a return to the past. The former revived the
tradition of the Assemblies of the Revolution; the latter was obviously
and avowedly an imitation of the Consulate and the First Empire.
Republican constitution of 1848.
The provisional government set up by the revolution of the 24th of
February 1848 proclaimed universal suffrage, and by this means was
elected a Constituent Assembly, which sat till May 1849, and, after
first organizing various forms of another provisional government, passed
the Republican constitution of the 4th of November 1848. This
constitution, which was preceded by a preface recalling the Declarations
of Rights of the Revolution, gave the legislative power to a single
permanent assembly, elected by direct universal suffrage, and entirely
renewed every three years. The executive authority, with very extensive
powers, was given to a president of the Republic, also elected by the
universal and direct suffrage of the French citizens. The constitution
was not very clear upon the point of whether it adopted parliamentary
government in the strict sense, or whether the president, who was
declared responsible, was free to choose his ministers and to retain or
dismiss them at his own pleasure. This gave rise to an almost permanent
dispute between the president, who claimed to have his own political
opinions and to direct the government, and the Assembly, which wished to
carry on the traditions of cabinet government and to make the ministers
fully responsible to itself. Consequently, in January 1851, a solemn
debate was held, which ended in the affirmation of the responsibility of
ministers to the Assembly. On the other hand, the president, though very
properly given great power by the constitution, was not immediately
eligible for re-election on giving up his office. Now Louis Napoleon,
who was elected president on the 10th of December 1848 by a huge
majority, wished to be re-elected. Various propositions were submitted
to the Assembly in July 1851 with a view to modifying the constitution;
but they could not succeed, as the number of votes demanded by the
constitution for the convocation of a Constituent Assembly was not
reached. Moreover, the Legislative Assembly elected in May 1849 was very
different from the Constituent Assembly of 1848. The latter was animated
by that spirit of harmony and, in the main, of adhesion to the Republic
which had followed on the February Revolution. The new assembly, on the
contrary, was composed for the most part of representatives of the old
parties, and had monarchist aspirations. By the unfortunate law of the
31st of May 1850 it even tried by a subterfuge to restrict the universal
suffrage guaranteed by the constitution. It suspended the right of
holding meetings, but, on the whole, respected the liberty of the press.
It was especially impelled to these measures by the growing fear of
socialism. The result was the _coup d'etat_ of the 2nd of December 1851.
A detail of some constitutional importance is to be noticed in this
period. The _conseil d'etat_, which had remained under the Restoration
and the July Monarchy an administrative council and the supreme arbiter
in administrative trials, acquired new importance under the Second
Republic. The ordinary _conseillers d'etat_ (_en service ordinaire_)
were elected by the Legislative Assembly, and consultation with the
_conseil d'etat_ was often insisted on by the constitution or by law.
This was the means of obtaining a certain modifying power as a
substitute for the second chamber, which had not met with popular
approval. During its short existence the Second Republic produced many
important laws. It abolished the penalty of death for political crimes,
and suppressed negro slavery in the colonies. The election of
_conseillers generaux_ was thrown open to universal suffrage, and the
municipal councils were allowed to elect the _maires_ and their
colleagues. The law of the 15th of March 1850 established the liberty of
secondary education, but it conferred certain privileges on the Catholic
clergy, a clear sign of the spirit of social conservatism which was the
leading motive for its enactment. Certain humanitarian laws were passed,
applying to the working classes.
Constitution of Jan. 14, 1852.
Restoration of the Empire.
The empire liberal.
With the _coup d'etat_ of the 2nd of December 1851 began a new era of
constitutional plebiscites and disguised absolutism. The proclamations
of Napoleon on the 2nd of December contained a criticism of
parliamentary government, and formulated the wish to restore to France
the constitutional institutions of the Consulate and the Empire, just as
she had preserved their civil, administrative and military institutions.
Napoleon asked the people for the powers necessary to draw up a
constitution on these principles; the plebiscite issued in a vast
majority of votes in his favour, and the constitution of the 14th of
January 1852 was the result. It bore a strong resemblance to the
constitution of the First Empire after 1807. The executive power was
conferred on Louis Napoleon for ten years, with the title of president
of the Republic and very extended powers. Two assemblies were created.
The conservative Senate, composed of _ex officio_ members (cardinals,
marshals of France and admirals) and life members appointed by the head
of the state, was charged with the task of seeing that the laws were
constitutional, of opposing the promulgation of unconstitutional laws,
and of receiving the petitions of citizens; it had also the duty of
providing everything not already provided but necessary for the proper
working of the constitution. The second assembly was the _Corps
Legislatif_, elected by direct universal suffrage for six years, which
passed the laws, the government having the initiative in legislation.
This body was not altogether a _corps des muets_, as in the year VIII.,
but its powers were very limited; thus the general session assured to it
by the constitution was only for three months, and it could only discuss
and put to the vote amendments approved by the _conseil d'etat_; the
ministers did not in any way come into contact with it and could not be
members of it, being responsible only to the head of the state, and only
the Senate having the right of accusing them before a high court of
justice. The _conseil d'etat_ was composed in the same way and had the
same authority as it had possessed from the year VIII. to 1814; and it
was the members of it who supported projected laws before the Corps
Legislatif. To this was added a Draconian press legislation; not only
were press offences, many of which were mere expressions of opinion,
judged not by a jury but by the correctional tribunals; but further,
political papers could not be founded without an authorization, and were
subject to a regular administrative discipline; they could be warned,
suspended or suppressed without a trial, by a simple act of the
administration. The constitution of January 1852 was still Republican in
name, though less so than that of the year VIII. The period
corresponding with the Consulate was also shorter in the case of Louis
Napoleon. The year 1852 had not come to an end before a _senatus
consulte_, that of the 10th of November, ratified by a plebiscite,
re-established the imperial rank in favour of Napoleon III.; it also
conferred on him certain new powers, especially with reference to the
budget and foreign treaties; thus various cracks, which experience had
revealed in the original structure of the Empire, were filled up. This
period was called that of the _empire autoritaire_. Further features of
it were the free appointment of the _maires_ by the emperor, the oath of
fidelity to him imposed on all officials, and the legal organization of
official candidatures for the elections. Two measures marked the highest
point reached by this system: the _loi de surete generale_ of the 27th
of February 1858, which allowed the government to intern in France or
Algeria, or to exile certain French citizens, without a trial. The other
was the _senatus consulte_ of the 17th of February 1858, which made the
validity of candidatures for the Corps Legislatif subject to a
preliminary oath of fidelity on the part of the candidate. But for
various causes, which cannot be examined here, a series of measures was
soon to be initiated which were gradually to lead back again to
political liberty, and definitively to found what has been called the
_empire liberal_. One by one the different rules and proceedings of
parliamentary government as it had existed in France regained their
force. The first step was the decree of the 24th of November 1860, which
re-established for each ordinary session the address voted by the
chambers in response to the speech from the throne. In 1867 this
movement took a more decisive form. It led to a new constitution, that
of the 21st of May 1870, which was again ratified by popular suffrage.
While maintaining the Empire and the imperial dynasty, it organized
parliamentary government practically in the form in which it had
operated under the July Monarchy, with two legislative chambers, the
Senate and the Corps Legislatif, the consent of both of which was
necessary for legislation, and which, together with the emperor, had the
initiative in this matter. The laws of the 11th of May 1868 and the 6th
of June 1868 restored to a certain extent the liberty of the press and
of holding meetings, though without abolishing offences of opinion, or
again bringing press offences under the jurisdiction of a jury. Laws of
the 22nd and 23rd of July 1870 gave the _conseils generaux_, whose
powers had been somewhat widened, the right of electing their
presidents, and provided that the _maires_ and their colleagues should
be chosen from among the members of the municipal councils.
Economic and social reforms under the Second Empire.
Commercial treaties.
The legislation of the Second Empire led to a considerable number of
reforms. Its chief aim was the development of commerce, industry and
agriculture, and generally the material prosperity of the country. The
Empire, though restricting liberty in political matters, increased it in
economic matters. Such were the decrees and laws of 1852 and 1853
relating to land-banks (_etablissements de credit foncier_) and that of
1857 on trade-marks, those of 1863 and 1867 on commercial companies,
that of 1858 on general stores (_magasins generaux_) and warrants, that
of 1856 on drainage, that of 1865 on the _associations syndicales de
proprietaires_, that of 1866 on the mercantile marine. The law of the
14th of June 1865 introduced into France the institution, borrowed from
England, of cheques. But of still greater importance for economic
development than all these laws were the treaties concluded by the
emperor with foreign powers, in order to introduce, as far as possible,
free exchange of commodities; the chief of these, which was the model of
all the others, was that concluded with Great Britain on the 23rd of
January 1860. Moreover, the law of the 25th of May 1864 admitted for the
first time the right of strikes and lock-outs among workmen or
employers, annulling articles 414 and following of the _Code Penal_,
which had so far made them a penal offence, even when not accompanied by
fraudulent practices, threats or violence, tending to hinder the liberty
of labour. The superannuation fund (_caisse des retraites pour la
vieillesse_), supported by voluntary payments from those participating
in it, which had been created by the law of the 18th of June 1850, was
reorganized and perfected, and a law of the 11th of July 1868
established, with the guarantee of the state, two funds for voluntary
insurance, one in case of death, the other against accidents occurring
in industrial or agricultural employment. A decree of 1863 established
in principle the freedom of bakeries, and another in 1864 that of
theatrical management.
Reforms in the criminal law.
Civil legislation.
Taxation and army.
Criminal law was the subject of important legislation. Two codes were
promulgated on special points, the codes of military justice for the
land forces (1857) and for the naval forces (1858). But the common law
was also largely remodelled. A law of the 10th of June 1858, it is true,
created certain new crimes, with a view to protecting the members of the
imperial family, and that of the 17th of July 1856 increased the powers
and independence of the _juges d'instruction_; but, on the other hand,
useful improvements were introduced by laws of 1856 and 1865, and
notably with regard to precautionary detention and provisional release
with or without bail. A law of the 20th of May 1863 organized a simple
and rapid procedure, copied from that followed in England before the
police courts, for summary jurisdiction. A law of 1868 permitted the
revision of criminal trials after the death of the condemned person. But
the most far-reaching reforms took place in 1854, namely, the abolition
of the total loss of civil rights which formerly accompanied
condemnation to imprisonment for life, and the law of the 30th of May on
penal servitude (_travaux forces_) which substituted transportation to
the colonies for the system of continental convict prisons. Finally, in
1863, there was a revision of the _Code Penal_, which, in the process of
lightening penalties, made a certain number of crimes into
misdemeanours, and in consequence transferred the judgment of them from
the assize courts to the correctional tribunals. In civil legislation
may be noted the law of the 23rd of March 1855 on hypothecs (see CODE
NAPOLEON); that of the 22nd of July 1857, which abolished seizure of the
person (_contrainte par corps_) for civil and commercial debts; and
finally, the law of the 14th of July 1866, on literary copyright. The
system of taxation was hardly modified at all, except for the
establishment of a tax on the income arising from investments (shares
and bonds of companies) in 1857, and the tax on carriages (1862). On the
1st of February 1868 was promulgated an important military law, which,
however, passed the Corps Legislatif with some difficulty. It asserted
the principle of universal compulsory military service, at least, in
time of war. It preserved, however, the system of drawing lots to
determine the annual contingent to be incorporated into the standing
army; the term of service was fixed at five years, and it was still
permissible to send a substitute. But able-bodied men who were not
included in the annual contingent formed a reserve force called the
_garde nationale mobile_, each department organizing its own section.
These _gardes mobiles_, though they were not effectively organized or
exercised under the Empire, took part in the war of 1870-71.
Definitive establishment of the Republic.
_The Third Republic._--The Third Republic had at first a provisional
government, unanimously acclaimed by the people of Paris. It was
accepted by France, exercised full powers, and sustained by no means
ingloriously a desperate struggle against the enemy; a certain number of
its _decrets-lois_ are still in force. After the capitulation of Paris,
a National Assembly was elected to treat with Germany. It was elected in
accordance with the electoral law of 1849, which had been revived with a
few modifications, and it met at Bordeaux to the number of 753 members
on the 13th of February 1871. It was a sovereign assembly, since France
had no longer a constitution, and for this very reason it claimed from
the outset constituent powers; the Republican party at the time,
however, contested this claim, the majority in the assembly being
frankly monarchist, though divided as to the choice of a monarch. But
for some time the National Assembly either could not or would not
exercise this power, and up to 1875 affairs remained in a provisional
state, legalized and regulated this time by the Assembly. This was an
application, though unconscious, of a form of government which M. Grevy
had proposed to the Constituent Assembly in 1848. There was a single
assembly, with one man elected by it as head of the executive power (the
first to be elected was M. Thiers, who received the title of president
of the Republic in August 1871), who was responsible to the Assembly and
governed with the help of ministers chosen by himself, who were also
responsible to it. Thiers fell on the 24th of May 1873. His place was
taken by Marshal MacMahon, on whom the Assembly later conferred, in
November 1873, the position of president of the Republic for seven
years, when the refusal of the comte de Chambord to accept the tricolour
in place of the white flag of the Bourbons had made any attempt to
restore the monarchy impossible. Henceforth the definitive adoption of
the Republican form of government became inevitable, and the opinion of
the country began to turn in this direction, as was shown by the
elections of deputies which took place to fill up the gaps occurring in
the Assembly. The Assembly, however, shrank from the inevitable
solution, and when a discussion was begun in January 1875 on the
projected constitutional laws prepared by the _commission des trente_,
the only proposals made by the latter were for a more complete
organization of the powers of one man, Marshal MacMahon. But on the 30th
of January 1875 was adopted, by 353 votes to 352, an amendment by M.
Wallon which provided for the election of an indefinite succession of
presidents of the Republic; this amounted to a definitive recognition of
the Republic. In this connexion it has often been said that the Republic
was established by a majority of one. This is not an accurate statement,
for it was only the case on the first reading of the law; the majority
on the second and third readings increased until it became considerable.
There was a strong movement in the direction of a reconciliation between
the parties; and there had been a _rapprochement_ between the
Republicans and the Right Centre. At the end of February were passed and
promulgated two constitutional laws, that of the 25th of February 1875,
on the organization of the public powers, and that of the 24th of
February 1875, on the organization of the senate. In the middle of the
year they were supplemented by a third, that of the 16th of July 1875,
on the relations between the public powers.
The French Constitution.
Thus was built up the actual constitution of France. It differs
fundamentally, both in form and contents, from previous constitutions.
As to its form, instead of a single methodical text divided into an
uninterrupted series of articles, it consisted of three distinct laws.
As to matter, it is obviously a work of an essentially practical nature,
the result of compromise and reciprocal concessions. It does not lay
down any theoretical principles, and its provisions, which were arrived
at with difficulty, confine themselves strictly to what is necessary to
ensure the proper operation of the governmental machinery. The result is
a compromise between Republican principles and the rules of
constitutional and parliamentary monarchy. On this account it has been
accused, though unjustly, of being too monarchical. Its duration, by far
the longest of any French constitution since 1791, is a sign of its
value and vitality. It is in fact a product of history, and not of
imagination. Its composition is as follows. The legislative power was
given to two elective chambers, having equal powers, the vote of both of
which is necessary for legislation, and both having the right of
initiating and amending laws. The constitution assures them an ordinary
session of five months, which opens by right on the second Tuesday in
January. One house, the Chamber of Deputies, is elected by direct
universal suffrage and is entirely renewed every four years; the other,
the Senate, consists of 300 members, divided by the law of the 27th of
February 1875 into two categories; 75 of the senators were elected for
life and irremovable, and the first of them were elected by the National
Assembly, but afterwards it was the Senate itself which held elections
to fill up vacancies. The 225 remaining senators were elected by the
departments and by certain colonies, among which they were apportioned
in proportion to the population; they are elected for nine years, a
third of the house being renewed every three years. The electoral
college in each department which nominated them included the deputies,
the members of the general council of the department and of the councils
of the arrondissements, and one delegate elected by each municipal
council, whatever the importance of the commune. This was practically a
system of election in two and, partly, three degrees, but with this
distinguishing feature, that the electors of the second degree had not
been chosen purely with a view to this election, but chiefly for the
exercise of other functions. The most important elements in this
electoral college were the delegates from the municipal councils, and by
giving one delegate to each, to Paris just as to the smallest commune in
France, the National Assembly intended to counterbalance the power of
numbers, which governed the elections for the Chamber of Deputies, and,
at the same time, to give a preponderance to the country districts. The
75 irremovable senators were another precaution against the danger from
violent waves of public opinion. The executive power was entrusted to a
president, elected for seven years (as Marshal MacMahon had been in
1873), by the Chamber and the Senate, combined into a single body under
the name of National Assembly. He is always eligible for re-election,
and is irresponsible except in case of high treason. His powers are of
the widest, including the initiative in legislation jointly with the two
chambers, the appointment to all civil and military offices, the
disposition, and, if he wish it, the leadership of the armed forces, the
right of pardon, the right of negotiating treaties with foreign powers,
and, in principle, of ratifying them on his own authority, the consent
of the two chambers being required only in certain cases defined by the
constitution. The nomination of _conseillers d'etat_ for ordinary
service, whom the National Assembly had made elective, as in 1848, and
elected itself, was restored to the president of the Republic, together
with the right of dismissing them. But these powers he can only exercise
through the medium of a ministry, politically and jointly responsible to
the chambers, and forming a council, over which the president usually
presides.
The French Republic is essentially a parliamentary republic. The right
of dissolving the Chamber of Deputies before the expiration of its term
of office belongs to the president, but in order to do so he must have,
besides a ministry which will take the responsibility for it, the
preliminary sanction of the Senate. The Senate is at the same time a
high court of justice, which can judge the president of the Republic and
ministers accused of crimes committed by them in the exercise of their
functions; in these two cases the prosecution is instituted by the
Chamber of Deputies. The Senate can also be called upon to judge any
person accused of an attempt upon the safety of the state, who is then
seized by a decree of the president of the Republic, drawn up in the
council of ministers. Possible revision of the constitution is provided
for very simply: it has to be proposed as a law, and for its acceptance
a resolution passed by each chamber separately, by an absolute majority,
is necessary. The revision is then carried out by the Senate and the
Chamber of Deputies to form a National Assembly. There have been two
revisions since 1875. The first time, in 1879, it was simply a question
of transferring the seat of the government and of the chambers back to
Paris from Versailles, where it had been fixed by one of the
constitutional laws. The second time, in 1884, more fundamental
modifications were required. The most important point was to change the
composition and election of the Senate. With a view to this, the new
constitutional law of the 14th of August 1884 abolished the
constitutional character of a certain number of articles of the law of
the 24th of February 1875, thus making it possible to modify them by an
ordinary law. This took place in the same year; the 75 senators for life
were suppressed for the future by a process of extinction, and their
seats divided among the most populous departments. Further, in the
electoral college which elects the senators, there was allotted to the
municipal councils a number of delegates proportionate to the number of
members of the councils, which depends on the importance of the commune.
The law of the 14th of August 1884 also modified the constitution in
another important respect. The law of the 25th of February 1875 had
admitted the possibility not only of a partial, but even of a total
revision, which could affect and even change the form of the state. The
law of the 14th of August 1884, however, declared that no proposition
for a revision could be accepted which aimed at changing the republican
form of government. The composition of the Chamber of Deputies was not
fixed by the constitution, and consequently admitted more easily of
variation. Since 1871 the mode of election has oscillated between the
_scrutin de liste_ for the departments and the _scrutin uninominal_ for
the arrondissements. The organic law of the 30th of November 1875 had
established the latter system; in 1885 the _scrutin de liste_ was
established by law, but in 1889 the _scrutin d'arrondissement_ was
restored; and in this same year, on account of the ambitions of General
Boulanger and the suggestion which was made for a sort of plebiscite in
his favour, was passed the law on plural candidatures, which forbids
anyone to become a candidate for the Chamber of Deputies in more than
one district at a time.
Working of the constitution.
The system established by the constitution of 1875 has worked
excellently in some of its departments; for instance, the mode of
electing the president of the Republic. Between 1875 and 1906 there were
seven elections, sometimes under tragic or very difficult conditions;
the election has always taken place without delay or obstruction, and
the choice has been of the best. The high court of justice, which has
twice been called into requisition, in 1889 and in 1899-1900, has acted
as an efficient check, in spite of the difficulties confronting such a
tribunal when feeling runs high. Parliamentary government in the form
set up by the constitution, besides the criticism to which this system
is open in all countries where it is established, even in England, met
with special difficulties in France. In the first place, the useful but
rather secondary role assigned to the president of the Republic has by
no means satisfied all those who have occupied this high office. Two
presidents have resigned on the ground that their powers were
insufficient. Another, even after re-election, had to withdraw in face
of the opposition of the two chambers, being no longer able to obtain a
parliamentary ministry. It is difficult, however, to accept the theory
of an eminent American political writer, Mr John W. Burgess,[1] that in
order to attain to a position of stable equilibrium, the French Republic
ought to adopt the presidential system of the United States. In France
this sharp division between the two powers has never been observed
except in those periods when the representative assemblies were
powerless, under the First and Second Empires. It is true that the
apparent multiplicity of parties and their lack of discipline, together
with the French procedure of _interpellations_ and the orders of the day
by which they are concluded, make the formation of homogeneous and
lasting cabinets difficult; but since the end of the 19th century there
has been great progress in this respect. Another difficulty arose in
1896. The Senate, appealing to the letter of the constitution and
relying on its elective character, claimed the right of forcing a
ministry to resign by its vote, in the same way as the Chamber of
Deputies. The Senate was victorious in the struggle, and forced the
ministry presided over by M. Leon Bourgeois to resign; but the precedent
is not decisive, for in order to gain its ends the Senate had recourse
to the means of refusing to sanction the taxes, declining to consider
the proposals for the supplies necessary for the Madagascar expedition
so long as the ministry which it was attacking was in existence. The
weakest point in the French parliamentary organism is perhaps the right
of dissolution. It is difficult of application, for the reason that the
president must obtain the preliminary consent of the Senate before
exercising it; moreover, this valuable right has been discredited by its
abuse by Marshal MacMahon in the campaign of the 16th of May 1877, on
which occasion he exercised his right of dissolution against a chamber,
the moderate but decidedly republican majority in which he was
re-elected by the country.
Reforms under the Third Republic.
The religious congregations.
Education.
Separation of church and state.
The legislative reforms carried out under the Third Republic are very
numerous. As to public law, it is only possible to mention here those of
a really organic character, chief among which are those which safeguard
and regulate the exercise of the liberties of the individual. The law of
the 30th of June 1881, modified in 1901, established the right of
holding meetings. Public meetings, whether for ordinary or electoral
purposes, may be held without preliminary authorization; the law of 1881
prescribed a declaration made by a certain number of citizens enjoying
full civil and political rights, which is now remitted. The only really
restrictive provision is that which does not allow them to be held in
the public highway, but only in an enclosed space. But this is made
necessary by the customs of France. The law of the 21st of July 1881 on
the press is one of the most liberal in the world. By it all offences
committed by any kind of publication are submitted to a jury; the
punishment for the mere expression of obnoxious opinions is abolished,
the only punishment being for slander, libel, defamation, inciting to
crime, and in certain cases the publication of false news. The law of
the 1st of July 1901 established in France the right of forming
associations. It recognizes the legality of all associations strictly so
called, the objects of which are not contrary to law or to public order
or morality. On condition of a simple declaration to the administrative
authority, it grants them a civil status in a wide sense of the term.
Religious congregations, on the contrary, which are not authorized by a
law, are forbidden by this law. This was not a new principle, but the
traditional rule in France both before and after the Revolution, except
that under certain governments authorization by decree had sufficed. As
a matter of fact the unauthorized congregations had been tolerated for a
long time, although on various occasions, and especially in 1881, their
partial dissolution had been proclaimed by decrees. The law of 1901
dissolved them all, and made it an offence to belong to such a
congregation. The members of unauthorized congregations, and later, in
1904, even those of the authorized congregations, were disqualified from
teaching in any kind of establishment. The liberty of primary education
was confirmed and reorganized by the law of the 30th of October 1886,
which simply deprived the clergy of the privileges granted them by the
law of 1850, though the latter remains in force with regard to the
liberty of secondary education. A law passed by the National Assembly
(July 12, 1875) established the liberty of higher education. It even
went beyond this, for it granted to students in private _facultes_ who
aspired to state degrees the right of being examined before a board
composed partly of private and partly of state professors. The law of
the 18th of March 1880 abolished this privilege. Another law, that of
the 22nd of March 1882, made primary education obligatory, though
allowing parents to send their children either to private schools or to
those of the state; the law of the 16th of June 1881 established secular
(_laique_) education in the case of the latter. The Third Republic also
organized secondary education for girls in lycees or special colleges
(_colleges de fille_). Finally, a law of the 10th of July 1896 dealing
with higher education and the faculties of the state reorganized the
universities, which form distinct bodies, enjoying a fairly wide
autonomy. A law of the 19th of December 1905, abrogating that of the
18th Germinal in the year X., which had sanctioned the Concordat,
proclaimed the separation of the church from the state. It is based on
the principle of the secular state (_etat laique_) which recognizes no
form of religion, though respecting the right of every citizen to
worship according to his beliefs, and it aimed at organizing
associations of citizens, the object of which was to collect the funds
and acquire the property necessary for the maintenance of worship, under
the form of _associations cultuelles_, differing in certain respects
from the associations sanctioned by the law of the 1st of July 1901, but
having a wider scope. It also handed over to these regularly formed
associations the property of the ecclesiastical establishments formerly
in existence, while taking precautions to ensure their proper
application, and allowed the associations the free use of the churches
and places of worship belonging to the state, the departments or the
communes. If no _association cultuelle_ was founded in a parish, the
property of the former _fabrique_ should devolve to the commune. But
this law was condemned by the papacy, as contrary to the church
hierarchy; and almost nowhere were _associations cultuelles_ formed,
except by Protestants and Jews, who complied with the law. After many
incidents, but no church having been closed, a new law of the 2nd of
January 1907 was enacted. It permits the public exercise of any cult, by
means of ordinary associations regulated by the law of the 1st of July
1901, and even of public meetings summoned by individuals. Failing all
associations, either _cultuelles_ or others, churches, with their
ornaments and furniture, are left to the disposition of the faithful and
ministers, for the purpose of exercising the cult; and, on certain
conditions, the long use of them can be granted as a free gift to
ministers of the cult.
Administrative changes.
Among the organic laws concerning administrative affairs there are two
of primary importance; that of the 10th of August 1871, on the
_conseils generaux_, considerably increased the powers and independence
of these elective bodies, which have become important deliberative
assemblies, their sessions being held in public. The law of 1871 created
a new administrative organ for the departments, the _commission
departmentale_, elected by the council-general of the department from
among its own members and associated with the administration of the
prefect. The other law is the municipal law of the 5th of April 1884,
which effected a widespread decentralization; the _maires_ and their
_adjoints_ are elected by the municipal council.
Reorganization of the army.
The war of 1870-71 necessarily led to a modification of the military
organization. The law of the 25th of July 1872 established the principle
of compulsory service for all, first in the standing army, the period of
service in which was fixed at five years, then in the reserve, and
finally in the territorial army. But the application of this principle
was by no means absolute, only holding good in time of war. Each annual
class was divided into two parts, by means of drawing lots, and in time
of peace one of these parts had only a year of service with the active
army. The previous exemptions, based either on the position of supporter
of the family (as in the case of the son of a widow or aged father, &c.)
or on equivalent services rendered to the state (as in the case of young
ecclesiastics or members of the teaching profession), were preserved,
but only held good for service in the active army in times of peace.
Finally, the system of conditional engagement for a year allowed young
men, for the purposes of study or apprenticeship to their profession,
only to serve a year with the active army in time of peace. By this
means it was sought to combine the advantages of an army of veterans
with those of a numerous and truly national army. But the conditional
volunteering (_volontariat conditionnel_) for a year was open to too
great a number of people, and so brought the system into discredit. As
those who profited by it had to be clothed and maintained at their own
expense, and the sum which they had to furnish for this purpose was
generally fixed at 1500 francs, it came to be considered the privilege
of those who could pay this sum. A new law of the 15th of July 1889
lessened the difference between the two terms which it attempted to
reconcile. It reduced the term of service in the active army to three
years, and the exemptions, which were still preserved, merely reduced
the period to a year in times of peace. The same reduction was also
granted to those who were really pursuing important scientific,
technical or professional studies; the system was so strict on this
point that the number of those who profited by those exemptions did not
amount to 2000 in a year. This was a compromise between two opposing
principles; the democratic principle of equality, being the stronger,
was bound to triumph. The law of the 21st of March 1905 reduced the term
of service in the active army to two years, but made it equal for all,
admitting of no exemption, but only certain facilities as to the age at
which it had to be accomplished.
Justice and taxation.
In 1883 the judicial _personnel_ was reorganized and reduced in number.
With the exception of a few modifications the main lines of judicial
organization remained the same. In 1879 the conseil d'etat was also
reorganized. The whole fabric of administrative jurisdiction was
carefully organized, and almost entirely separated from the active
administration.
The system of taxation has remained essentially unaltered; we may
notice, however, the laws of 1897, 1898 and 1900, which abolished or
lessened the duties on so called _hygienic_ drinks (wine, beer, cider),
and the financial law of 1901, which rearranged and increased the
transfer fees, and established a system of progressive taxation in the
case of succession dues.
Labour legislation.
The labour laws, which generally partook of the nature both of public
and of private law, are a sign of our times. Under the Third Republic
they have been numerous, the most notable being: the law of the 21st of
March 1884 on professional syndicates, which introduced the liberty of
association in matters of this kind before it became part of the common
law (see TRADE UNIONS); the law of the 9th of April 1898 on the
liability for accidents incurred during work, and those which have
completed it; that of the 22nd of December 1892 on conciliation and
arbitration in the case of collective disputes between employers and
workmen; that of the 29th of June 1893 on the hygiene and safeguarding
of workers in industrial establishments, and the laws which regulate the
work of children and women in factories; finally, that of the 15th of
July 1893 on free medical attendance (see LABOUR LEGISLATION).
Criminal law.
As to criminal law, there have been more than fifty enactments, mostly
involving important modifications, due to more scientific ideas of
punishment, so that we may say that it has been almost entirely recast
since the establishment of the Third Republic. The separate system
applied in cases of preventive detention and imprisonment for short
periods; liberation before the expiry of the term of sentence, subject
to the condition that no fresh offence shall be committed within a given
time; transportation to the colonies of habitual offenders; the
remission of the penalty in the case of first offenders, and the lapsing
of the penalty when a certain time has gone by without a fresh
condemnation; greater facilities for the rehabilitation of condemned
persons, which now became simply a matter for the courts, and occurred
as a matter of course at the end of a certain time; such were the chief
results of this legislation. Finally, the law of the 8th of December
1897 completely altered the form of the preliminary examination before
the _juge d'instruction_, which had been the weakest point in the French
criminal procedure, though it was still held in private; the new law
made this examination really a hearing of both sides, and made the
appearance of counsel for the defence practically compulsory.
As to private law, both civil and commercial, we could enumerate between
1871 and 1906 more than a hundred laws which have modified it, sometimes
profoundly, and have for the most part done very useful work without
attracting much attention. They are generally examined and drawn up by
commissions of competent men, and pass both chambers almost without
discussion. There have, however, been a few which aroused public
interest and even deep feeling. Firstly, there was the law of the 27th
of July 1884, and those which completed it; this law re-established
divorce, which had been abolished since 1816, but only permitted it for
certain definite causes determined by law. On the other hand, the law of
the 6th of February 1893 increased the liberty and independence of a
woman who was simply judicially separated, in order to encourage
separation, as opposed to divorce, when the conditions allowed it. The
law of the 25th of March 1896 on the succession of illegitimate
children, who were recognized by the parents, treated them not in the
same way as legitimate children, but gave them the title of heirs in the
succession of their father and mother, together with much greater rights
than they had possessed under the _Code Civil_. The law of the 24th of
July 1899, on the protection of children who are ill-treated or morally
neglected, also modified some of the provisions of the law as applied to
the family, with a view to greater justice and humanity. Finally, on the
occasion of the centenary of the _Code Civil_ (see CODE NAPOLEON), a
commission, composed of members of the chambers, magistrates, professors
of law, lawyers, political writers, and even novelists and dramatic
authors, was given the task of revising the whole structure of the code.
See generally Adhemar Esmein, _Cours elementaire d'histoire du droit
francais_ (6th ed., 1906); J. Brissand, _Cours d'histoire generale du
droit francais public et prive_ (1904); Ernest Glasson, _Histoire du
droit et des institutions en France_ (1887-1904); Paul Viollet,
_Histoire des institutions politiques et administratives de la France_
(3rd ed., 1903); Fustel de Coulanges, _Histoire des institutions
politiques de l'ancienne France_; Jacques Flach, _Les Origines de
l'ancienne France_ (1875-1889); Achille Luchaire, _Histoire des
institutions monarchiques de la France sous les premiers Capetiens_
(2nd ed., 1900); Hippolyte Taine, _Les Origines de la France
contemporaine_ (1878-1894); Adhemar Esmein, _Elements de droit
constitutionnel francais et compare_ (4th ed., 1906); Leon Duguit et
Henry Monnier, _Les Constitutions et les principales lois politiques
de la France depuis 1789_ (1898). (J. P. E.)