SOCIALISTS OF ITALY FIRM.

Manifesto Resenting German Mission of Herr Sudekum Issued by Socialist

Party at Rome, Sept. 3.

We are Socialists, and we do not hesitate to proclaim that the sending

of a Socialist mission from Germany to Italy at this moment cannot be

free from insidious suspicion; and as such it offends the dignity and

the independence of Italian socialism, and offends it so much more

because international socialism knows that on German Socialists depended

the lesser or greater efficacy in the action of international socialism

to arrest the provocative struggle of armaments promoted by Germany, and

thus to prevent war.

It offends it so much more because the German Socialist Party, assuming

for the justification of the aggressive policy of Germany and Austria

the same arguments as the Kaiser's diplomacy, has lost the right to

attach itself to the ties of international socialism.

We have thus far kept silent, not to disturb the neutrality proclaimed

since the outbreak of the war by the Italian people, irrevocably decided

not to dishonor themselves before the world and before history in giving

aid to Austria and Germany, and requiring peace after two years of war

in Lybia.

Today, however, we are no longer able to be silent in the presence of

German Socialist activity encouraging the obscure play of diplomatic

intrigues on the part of the Governments of the ex-Triple Alliance,

which tends to move Italian neutrality toward the tortuous and perilous

paths of indirect co-operation. We want to affirm that our wishes are

for the immediate cessation of the war without conquerors or conquered.

But if now this hope is vain, we express our desire that this infamous

war may be concluded by the defeat of those who have provoked it; the

Austrian and German Empires, since the empires of Austria and Germany

form the rampart of European reaction, even more than Russia, which is

shaken by democratic and Socialist forces, which have shown that they

know how to attempt a heroic effort of liberation; since if the German

and Austrian Empires emerge victorious from the war it will mean the

triumph of military absolutism in its most brutal expression, of a

barbarian horde massacring, devastating, destroying, and conquering in

violation of every treaty and right and law.

Nor do the German Socialists give us any confidence of knowing how to

restrain this; in the past they have only been able to realize

advantageous contrasts of labor and to attain gigantic election results

without exercising any influence in the policy of their own country.

The defeat of the German Empire may instead offer German socialism the

opportunity of emerging from its voluntary impotence and redeem itself

by breaking down the feudal political régime of the empire, taking away

from Russian absolutism the assistance it has hitherto enjoyed, and

contributing to alter decisively the aims of all European policy.

Since, finally, the victory of the French Republic, now imbued with

genuine socialism, and that of England, where the truest democracy

flourishes, signifies the victory of a European political régime open to

all social conquests and desiring peace, it signifies the agreement

between States at last free and nationally reinforced by the limitation

of armaments and the substitution of a system of national militia for

defense in the place of hordes professionally organized for aggression,

which would imply the liberation as well of the German people.

Therefore, under actual conditions, while nearly the whole of Europe is

at war, we may well raise our cry of horror and of protest; but our

protest strikes only those who desired the war, not those who submit to

it to defend themselves against oppression.

In this war is outlined on one side the defense of European reaction, on

the other the defense of all revolutions, past and future, brought about

by historical necessity stronger than the intentions of Governments. And

because of this we must confirm that there remains for us only one way

of being internationalists--namely, to declare ourselves loyally in

favor of whoever fights the empires of reaction, just as the Italian

Socialists residing in Paris have understood that one way only remains

to be anti-militarist--to arm and fight against the empires of

militarism.

This is our answer as Italian Socialists to the German Socialists.

* * * * *

[Illustration: KEIR HARDIE, M.P.,

British Representative International Socialist Bureau.]

New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2 Who Began the War, and Why? · 第 205 / 211 题