Editorial Article in the New Yorker Volkszeitung, Aug. 28.
Who would have suspected in 1904 that Jules Guesde would come to be once
more a member of a Ministry, popular in its majority? Who would have
thought then--it was in the time of the memorable debates over
socialistic "ministerialism" in the Amsterdam Congress of the
International--that there ever could come a time when this clear-headed
and unswerving exponent of academic socialism would be forced by the
need of the hour to take a step which in ordinary circumstances would be
absolutely inconceivable for him?
And now this has actually happened. Jules Guesde, who has been
called--in contrast to the easily moved emotional Jaurès--the
stiff-necked dogmatist, is not only become Minister, but with him
another proved Socialist champion, Marcel Sembat, who for his part too
would rather have split the party than to have approved the entrance of
Millerand into the Cabinet of Waldeck Rousseau.
But now these two are sitting on the same Ministerial bench, not only
with this self-same Millerand, but with the much more deeply despised
renegade Briand, with the anti-Socialist abettor Ribot, and the
disgusting reactionary and favorite of the Czar, Pelcassi. The world
seems to be unhinged.
Yet the incomprehensible is under the existing circumstances only too
easily understood, Guesde and Sembat have taken this difficult step,
because there was no other choice for them, they had to take it. They,
as representatives of a party which had sent 102 members to the Chamber
of Deputies, could not refuse, when this was the question, to create a
Ministry for Defense.
That was the question! It was demanded of all the larger parties that
they put up their best--that is, their intellectually strongest--men for
a Cabinet whose sole task was the defense of France. When this task is
accomplished, when the war is ended in one way or the other, then the
Ministry will undoubtedly dissolve, and the Ministerial magnificance of
Comrades Guesde and Sembat will be at an end until the opportunity
offers of creating a Socialist Ministry.
France, according to all news emanating from the scene of hostilities,
is in an extraordinarily difficult situation. Should the German Army
succeed, as seems already to have been the case in two places, in
breaking through the French-Belgian-English chain of defense, then the
way to Paris is as good as open. If nothing more, at least the reported
preparations of the Parisians indicate that a siege is expected there in
the very near future; and since Paris is still the heart of France, the
taking of that city would be one with the fall of the French Republic.
If in such an hour of danger a nation calls upon its sons, there is for
them no choice; they must answer the call.
Jules Guesde and Marcel Sembat did no more than their duty!
* * * * *
"REVOLUTION!"
Cry Raised by Jean Jaurès at Session of International Socialist Bureau,
Brussels, July 29.
The diplomats negotiate. It seems that they will be satisfied to take
from Servia a little of its blood. We have, therefore, a little rest to
insure peace. But to what lesson is Europe submitted? When after twenty
centuries of Christianity, when after 100 years of the triumph of the
principles of the rights of men, how is it possible that millions of
persons, without knowing why, can kill each other?
And Germany? If she knew of the Austrian note, it is inexcusable to have
permitted such a step. And if she did not know of this Austrian note,
what is her Governmental wisdom? You have an agreement which drags you
into war and you do not know what you have been dragged for? I ask, What
people have shown so much anarchy?
Nevertheless the authorities hesitate. Let us profit by it and organize.
For us, French Socialists, our duty is simple. We do not need to impose
on our Government a policy of peace. They are practicing it. I, who have
never hesitated to bring upon my head the hatred of our patriots by my
desire to bring about a Franco-German understanding, have the right to
say that at this time the French Government desires peace.
The French Government is the best ally for peace of the English
Government, which has taken the initiative in conciliation and gives to
Russia advice of prudence and patience.
As for us, it is our duty to insist that it shall speak with force that
Russia may abstain. If unfortunately Russia does not abstain, it is our
duty to say, "We do not know of any other treaty except the one which
binds us to the human race."
This is our duty, and in expressing it we find ourselves in accord with
our German comrades who demand of their Government to see to it that
Austria moderates its acts. It is possible that the telegram of which I
spoke is due partly to that desire of the German workers. One cannot go
against the wish of four millions of enlightened consciences.
Do you know what the proletariat is? They are the men who have
collectively an affection for peace and a horror for war. The
chauvinists, the nationalists, &c., are men who have collectively an
affection for war and carnage. When they feel, however, over their heads
the menace of conflicts, or wars which may put an end to their
capitalist existence, then they remind themselves that they have friends
who seek to reduce the storm. But for the supreme masters the ground is
mined. In the drunkenness of the first battles they succeed in pulling
along the masses. In proportion as typhus completes the work of death
and misery these men will turn to the masters of Germany, France,
Russia, Austria, Italy, and so on, and will demand what reason they can
give for all those corpses. And then the revolution will tell them: Go
and demand grace from God and men.
* * * * *