Union of All Parties Noted in Letter to The London Times.
_To the Editor of The Times_:
Sir: Perhaps, after an experience of ten days in which I have had
the opportunity of speaking nightly about the war to great
audiences of my fellow-countrymen in places so wide apart but so
populous and important as Hull, Aberdeen, Glasgow, Dundee, Reading,
and other towns, I may be permitted to send you a few observations
on the subject of the campaign for which I pleaded in your columns
a fortnight ago, and which has been prosecuted energetically by a
multitude of speakers ever since.
In the first place, the meetings have shown the absolute fusion of
all parties and the disappearance of all minor issues in the face
of a national crisis. In each case the chair has been taken by the
Lord Mayor or Lord Provost or civic head of the town. On the
platform have been seated members of all parties and denominations;
and Lords Lieutenant, M.P.'s of all sides, including labor members,
and representative clergy, have addressed the meetings. The
interest taken by the people has been shown by the fact that the
largest halls, though sometimes holding audiences of 3,000 to 4,000
men and more, have been unable to accommodate the crowds, and in
every case overflow meetings have had to be held.
I have not found anywhere the slightest misapprehension as to the
causes of the war. The fears that were entertained that we should
be thought to be fighting on account of Servia or some remote
international quarrel, in which we were only indirectly engaged,
are groundless. The people realize clearly that we are fighting,
not merely for our own honor and good faith, but for ourselves and
our own national existence.
Further, I think that the policies and ideals which are represented
by our opponents are becoming much more widely understood. The
circulation of books such as von Bernhardi's and the clear
exposition on many platforms and in the press of the objects
preached with such amazing frankness by German writers for at least
thirty years and treated with such characteristic indifference by
ourselves are bearing fruit, and our people realize that German
victory is inconsistent not merely with the continued existence of
such an empire as ours, but with the conception of self-respect,
humanity and freedom upon which modern civilization and democratic
government in particular take their stand.
No doubt the German proceedings in Belgium have done much to
accelerate this conviction; and the mercilessness and savagery of
the methods by which the war has been fought by them (and for which
no vestige of an apology has been forthcoming) have taught men that
here is not only an enemy to be beaten but an evil spirit to be
driven out.
The response to the appeal for recruits has, on the whole, been
wonderful and inspiriting. Employers of labor, whether on a large
or a small scale, have, as a rule, behaved with generosity both as
regards releasing their employees and in making provision for them
and their families. A good example has been set by families and
persons in leading positions. Domestic servants have come forward
in great numbers. The working class population have awakened more
slowly--as was inevitable until the nature of the war and the
urgency of the call were brought clearly home to them--but are now
responding with alacrity. The brave deeds of their countrymen in
France have proved the surest stimulus, and disaster, as, for
instance, that reported to the Gordon Highlanders, at once raised
the tide of recruits. This is a very typical and encouraging
feature, showing that all that is wanted to convert interest into
enthusiasm and to blow the embers into flame is that the case
should be brought home by the sense of patriotic achievement or
national loss.
Unquestionably the two incidents that have appealed most to the
public sentiment have been the heroic resistance and tragic
sufferings of Belgium--to be compensated by all that our national
generosity can provide and atoned for by whatever reparation the
Allies think it ultimately right to exact--and the splendid
contribution from India. These events excite the loudest cheers and
touch the deepest chords of emotion.
In some cases, where recruiting has been slow, men have been
affected by a too exclusive but quite pardonable regard for the
interests of themselves and their families. The provision made from
various sources for the bread winner who has joined the colors or
is at the front might easily be made more generous. But the outlook
for those who are wounded or disabled, or for the families of those
who lose their lives, and perhaps most of all for those who on
their return may find it difficult to secure re-employment, is
thought by many to be insufficiently assured. Private employers and
business firms have, on the whole, met the situation with
liberality; and a similar attitude on the part of the Government
would meet with its immediate reward. It is perhaps a selfish
utterance if a man is heard to say, "How am I going to come out of
it?" or still more, "What good is it going to do to me?"; but if he
put the same question on behalf of those who depend upon him for
subsistence he is entitled to a definite and a not ungenerous
reply.
Two dangers may have to be faced as the war proceeds. One is that
the nation, exhilarated by smaller successes, may think that the
war will soon be over, and that no excessive effort is therefore
required. Traces of this feeling are sometimes visible in the
published letters (how admirable, as a rule, they are!) of soldiers
at the front, telling their families to expect them back in a month
or two's time. The other danger is that, harassed by the
continuance of the struggle, or attracted by delusive offers of
peace or affected by economic or industrial conditions which have
fortunately not so far developed, a section of the nation may cry
out for peace before the victory has been consummated and before
the peril we are fighting to avert is forever destroyed.
It may be that renewed platform activity may be required as time
goes on to sustain the spirit and fortify the constancy of the
nation. In the meanwhile, speakers, from my experience, cannot do
better than dilate upon the immense magnitude of the stakes
involved, and probable long duration of the struggle, and the
supreme importance that our country should, by the strength and
effectiveness of its material contribution to the common cause,
exercise a powerful influence both upon the issue of the struggle
and in the resettlement of territories and forces which will follow
upon its conclusion. I am, Sir, yours obediently,