Sir Edward Grey, Answering Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg, London,
Sept. 15.
"Does any one believe," asks the German Chancellor, "that England would
have interfered to protect Belgian freedom against France?" The answer
is that she would unquestionably have done so. Sir Edward Grey, as
recorded in the "White Paper," asked the French Government "whether it
was prepared to engage to respect the neutrality of Belgium so long as
no other power violates it." The French Government replied that they
were resolved to respect it. The assurance, it was added, had been given
several times, and had formed the subject of conversation between
President Poincaré and the King of the Belgians.
The German Chancellor entirely ignores the fact that England took the
same line about Belgian neutrality in 1870 that she has taken now. In
1870 Prince Bismarck, when approached by England on the subject,
admitted and respected the treaty obligations in relation to Belgium.
The British Government stands in 1914 as it stood in 1870; it is Herr
von Bethmann-Hollweg who refused to meet us in 1914 as Prince Bismarck
met us in 1870.
Scandinavian Neutrality.
The Imperial Chancellor finds it strange that Mr. Asquith, in his
Guildhall speech, did not mention the neutrality of the Scandinavian
countries, and suggests that the reason for the omission was some
sinister design on England's part. It is impossible for any public
speaker to cover the whole ground in each speech. The German
Chancellor's reference to Denmark and other Scandinavian countries can
hardly be considered very tactful. With regard to Denmark, the Danes are
not likely to have forgotten the parts played by Prussia and England
respectively in 1863-4, when the Kingdom of Denmark was dismembered.
And the integrity of Norway and Sweden was guaranteed by England and
France in the Treaty of Stockholm in 1855.
The Imperial Chancellor refers to the dealings of Great Britain with the
Boer republics, and suggests that she has been false therein to the
cause of freedom. Without going into controversies now happily past, we
may recall what Gen. Botha said in the South African Parliament a few
days ago when expressing his conviction of the righteousness of
Britain's cause and explaining the firm resolve of the South African
Union to aid her in every possible way. "Great Britain had given them a
Constitution under which they could create a great nationality, and had
ever since regarded them as a free people and as a sister State.
Although there might be many who in the past had been hostile toward the
British flag, he could vouch for it that they would ten times rather be
under the British than under the German flag."
Loyalty of the Empire.
The German Chancellor is equally unfortunate in his references to the
"Colonial Empire." So far from British policy having been "recklessly
egotistic," it has resulted in a great rally of affection and common
interest by all the British dominions and dependencies, among which
there is not one which is not aiding Britain by soldiers or other
contributions or both in this war.
With regard to the matter of treaty obligations generally, the German
Chancellor excuses the breach of Belgian neutrality by military
necessity--at the same time making a virtue of having respected the
neutrality of Holland and Switzerland, and saying that it does not enter
his head to touch the neutrality of the Scandinavian countries. A virtue
which admittedly is only practiced in the absence of temptation from
self-interest and military advantage does not seem greatly worth
vaunting. To the Chancellor's concluding statement that "to the German
sword" is intrusted "the care of freedom for European peoples and
States," the treatment of Belgium is a sufficient answer.
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