Speech by Bonar Law, Opposition Leader, in House of Commons, Aug. 6.
No Minister has ever fulfilled a duty more responsible or in regard to
which the responsibility was more acutely felt than that which has just
been fulfilled by the right honorable gentleman. This is not a time for
speech-making, and I should have been quite ready to leave the statement
which he has given to the committee as the expression of the view, not
of a party, but of a nation. [Cheers.] But as this, I think, will be the
only opportunity which will be given for expressing the views of a large
section of this House, I feel that I am bound to make it clear to the
committee and to the country what is the attitude of his Majesty's
Opposition on this question. There are two things which I desire to
impress upon the committee. The first is that we have dreaded war and
have longed for peace as strongly as any section of this committee; and
the second is that in our belief we are in a state of war against our
will, and that we, as a nation, have done everything in our power to
prevent such a condition of things arising. [Cheers.] When this crisis
first arose I confess that I was one of those who had the impulse to
hope that even though a European conflagration took place we might be
able to stay out. I had that hope strongly. But in a short time I became
convinced that into this war we should inevitably be drawn and that it
really was a question only whether we should enter it honorably or be
dragged into it with dishonor. [Cheers.]
Folly and Wickedness.
I remember that on the first occasion after the retirement of my right
honorable friend (Mr. Balfour) when I had to speak on foreign affairs I
made this statement. It perhaps is wrong, though I do not think so even
yet. I said that if ever war arose between Great Britain and Germany it
would not be due to inevitable causes, for I did not believe in an
inevitable war, but it would be due to human folly. [Cheers.] It is due
to human folly and to human wickedness [cheers], but neither the folly
nor the wickedness is here. [Cheers.] What other course was open to us?
It is quite true, as the Foreign Secretary explained to the House the
other day, that we were under no formal obligations to take part in such
a struggle. But every member in this House knows that the entente meant
this in the minds of this Government and of every other Government, that
if any of the three powers were attacked aggressively the others would
be expected to step in and to give their aid. ["Hear, hear!"] The
question, therefore, to my mind was this: Was this war in any way
provoked by those who will now be our allies? No one who has read the
"White Paper" can hesitate to answer that question. I am not going to go
into it even as fully as the Prime Minister has done; but I would remind
the House of this, that in this "White Paper" is contained a statement
made by the German Ambassador, I think at Vienna, that Russia was not in
a condition and could not go to war. And in the same letter are found
these words: "As for Germany, she knew very well what she was about in
backing up Austria-Hungary in this matter." Now, every one for years has
known that the key to peace or war lay in Berlin, and at this crisis no
one doubts that Berlin, if it had chosen, could have prevented this
terrible conflict. [Cheers.] I am afraid that the miscalculation which
was made about Russia was made also about us. The dispatch which the
right honorable gentleman referred to is a dispatch of a nature which I
believe would not have been addressed to Great Britain if it had been
believed that our hands were free and that we held the position which we
had always held before the entente. That, at least, is my belief.
Napoleonism Without a Napoleon.
We are fighting, as the Prime Minister said, for the honor and, what
with the honor is bound up always, the interest of our nation. But we
are fighting also for the whole basis of the civilization for which we
stand and for which Europe stands. [Cheers.] I do not wish, any more
than the Prime Minister, to inflame passion. I only ask the House to
consider one aspect. Look at the way Belgium is being treated today.
There is a report--if it is not true now it may be true tomorrow--that
the City of Liége is invaded by German troops and that civilians, as in
the days of the Middle Ages, are fighting for their hearths and homes
against trained troops. How has that been brought about? In a state of
war, war must be waged. But remember that this plan is not of today or
of yesterday; that it has been long matured; that the Germans knew that
they would have this to face; and that they were ready to take the
course which they took the other day of saying to Belgium, "Destroy your
independence. Allow our troops to go through, or we will come down upon
you with a might which it is impossible for you to resist." If we had
allowed that to be done, our position as one of the great nations of the
world and our honor as one of the nations of the world would in my
opinion have been gone forever. [Cheers.] This is no small struggle. It
is the greatest, perhaps, that this country has ever engaged in. It is
Napoleonism once again. ["Hear, hear!"] Thank Heaven, so far as we know,
there is no Napoleon.
I am not going to say anything more about the causes of the war, for I
do not desire to encourage controversy on this subject. But if I may be
allowed to say so, I should like to say that I read yesterday with real
pleasure an article in a paper which does not generally commend itself
to me--The Manchester Guardian. ["Hear, hear!"] In that article it still
held that the war ought not to have been entered upon; but it took this
view, that that was a question for history, and that now we are in it
there is only one question for us, and that is to bring it to a
successful issue. [Cheers.]
Sir, I have full sympathy far more than at any other time for the Prime
Minister and the Foreign Secretary. I can imagine nothing more terrible
than that the Foreign Secretary should have a feeling that perhaps he
has brought his country into an unnecessary war. No feeling could be
worse. I can say this, and, whether we are right or wrong, the whole
House agrees with it, I am sure, that that is a burden which the right
honorable gentleman can carry with a good conscience, [cheers,] and that
every one of us can put up unhesitatingly this prayer: "May God defend
the right."
Trade and Food Supplies.
I should like, if I may, to pass to another topic, for this is the only
opportunity I can have. Consider the conditions under which this war is
going to be carried on. I was pleased to hear the Prime Minister say the
other day in answer to a speech of the honorable member for Merthyr
Tydvil--he has developed it in describing the terms of this vote of
credit--that he realized, as we all must realize, that in a country
situated like ours the development of industry and the supply of food at
home is just as much an operation of war as the conduct of our armed
forces. [Cheers.] I do not wish to minimize our difficulties, but I am
quite sure--as sure as I can be of anything--that there is no danger of
a scarcity of food. ["Hear, hear!"] The only danger is the fear of a
scarcity of food. ["Hear, hear!"] Every one who has been in business
knows that what causes panic prices is not an actual scarcity at the
time, but a fear of scarcity coming. This is a case where every one of
us must do all he can to impress upon the people of this country that
there is, as I believe, no danger. [Cheers.] Here I should like to give
one warning note. Remember--at least I believe it--that this war,
unexpected by us, is not unexpected by our enemies; and I shall be
greatly surprised if we do not find that at first on our trade routes
there is a destruction of our property which might create a panic. That
is inevitable, I think, at the outset. Let us be prepared for it, and
let us realize that it has no bearing whatever on the ultimate course of
the war. [Cheers.]
There is something else which I think it is important to say. We had a
discussion yesterday about credit. That is the basis of a successful
war, as it is of every branch of industry at this moment. I think the
Government have taken the right course. I have followed it closely, and
I know that they have been supported by those who best understand the
situation. I think the danger is minimized as much as it can be. But,
after all, the question of credit really depends on what we believe is
going to be the effect of this war upon our trade and our industry.
The Command of the Sea.
I hope the House will not think that I am too optimistic, but I do think
there is a danger of our taking too gloomy a view of what the effects
will be, ["Hear, hear!"] and, by taking that gloomy view, helping to
bring about the very state of things which we all desire to avert. Again
I wish to guard myself against seeming to be too hopeful; but let us
look at the effect as if we were examining a chess problem. If we keep
the command of the sea, what is going to happen? It all depends on that.
I admit that if that goes the position is gloomy indeed; but of that I
have no fear. [Cheers.] If we keep the command of the sea what is going
to happen? Five-sixths of our production is employed in the home trade.
What goes abroad is very important, and, of course, if the population
which supplies this one-sixth were thrown out of work that would react
on the whole. But, after all, the total amount of our exports to all the
European countries which are now at war is only a small part of our
total exports. There is here no question of fiscal policy. We are far
beyond that. It is a question of fact. Our total exports to all the
countries which are now at war do not, in my belief--I have not looked
into the figures--exceed our exports to India and Australia taken alone.
Now, consider this, we shall have freedom of trade, if the command of
the sea is maintained, with the colonies and with the whole of the
American Continent, while, unfortunately for them, both our allies and
our enemies will not be competing with us in these markets. Look at it
as a problem. I think we have a right to believe, not that trade will be
good, but that it will be much more nearly normal than is generally
supposed. [Cheers.] I hope the House will not think that that is a
useless thing to say at such a time. [Cheers.]
There is one thing more only I wish to say. This is the affair of the
nation. Every one would desire to help. There will be a great deal of
work to be done which cannot be done by the Government. I was glad the
Prime Minister has already asked the co-operation of my right honorable
friends the members for West Birmingham and the Strand. They gladly
came. But I am sure I speak not for this bench but for the whole of our
party when I say that the Government has only got to requisition any one
of us and we will serve them and our country to the best of our ability.
[Loud cheers.]
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