Report by James W. Gerard, American Ambassador at Berlin, to
President Wilson.
By The Associated Press.
WASHINGTON, Sept. 17.--Germany has suggested informally that the United
States should undertake to elicit from Great Britain, France, and Russia
a statement of the terms under which the Allies would make peace.
The suggestion was made by the Imperial Chancellor, von
Bethmann-Hollweg, to Ambassador Gerard at Berlin as a result of an
inquiry sent by the American Government to learn whether Emperor William
was desirous of discussing peace, as recently had been reported.
No reply was made by Emperor William himself, nor did the Imperial
Chancellor indicate whether or not he spoke on behalf of the Emperor.
Ambassador Gerard, in a cable dispatch to President Wilson, repeated the
Chancellor's remarks from recollection, substantially as follows:
Germany was appreciative of the American Government's interest and
offer of services in trying to make peace. Germany did not want
war, but had it forced on her. Even if she defeats France, she must
likewise vanquish both Great Britain and Russia, as all three have
made an agreement not to make peace except by common consent.
Similarly, England has announced through Premier Asquith and her
diplomatists and the newspapers that she intends to fight to the
limit of her endurance. In view of that determination on the part
of Great Britain, the United States ought to get proposals of peace
from the Allies. Germany could accept only a lasting peace, one
that would make her people secure against future attacks. To accept
mediation now would be interpreted by the Allies as a sign of
weakness on the part of Germany and would be misunderstood by the
German people, who, having made great sacrifices, had the right to
demand guarantees of security.
The above is all that Ambassador Gerard communicated as to his
conversation. He added only the brief comment that he, himself, thought
the way might possibly be opened to mediation. President Wilson did not
regard the message, however, as bringing anything tangible. He referred
to the Chancellor's conversation as non-committal and incidental to the
acknowledgment of the American Government's inquiry. The President
indicated that he rather expected a reply to the inquiry to be sent
eventually from the Emperor himself, although he realizes that the
Imperial Chancellor may have consulted the Kaiser by telegraph before
talking informally with the American Ambassador.
President Wilson took no action as a result of the message, waiting to
hear from Ambassador Gerard whether anything of a more formal character
could be obtained by him which the United States might communicate to
Great Britain, France, and Russia. It was understood tonight that the
British and French Ambassadors who are in Washington were not informed
officially or unofficially by Secretary Bryan of the conversation
between the Imperial German Chancellor and Ambassador Gerard.
Germany's position is that she will give her opinion on terms of peace
when she has received a definite statement from the Allies of their
proposals. The statement that Germany did not want war, but had it
forced upon her, as well as the declaration that she wanted a lasting
peace, is almost identical with the remarks which Sir Edward Grey made
to Ambassador Page in London last week. The British Foreign Secretary
said England wanted no temporary truce, but a permanent peace, and one
that would safeguard her against sudden attacks such as Germany had
made.
President's Future Course.
The general belief in well-informed circles tonight was that the
President, after waiting a few days for more information from
Berlin, probably would instruct the American Ambassadors at London,
Paris, and Petrograd to communicate what the Imperial German Chancellor
had said to Ambassador Gerard. It was believed the Ambassadors would be
asked to reiterate the wish of the American Government to be of service
in bringing about peace and to point out the readiness of the United
States to communicate to Germany and Austria any statement of terms
which the Allies might care to make.
Diplomatists are disposed to believe that through such informal
conversations something definite in the way of peace terms may yet be
obtained as a working basis. If a concord of opinion for the discussion
of peace terms were reached President Wilson then would endeavor to
obtain an acceptance by all the belligerents of the original tender of
good offices. This would not mean a cessation of hostilities, unless the
mediating power specifically made it a condition of mediation and all
the belligerents agreed to it. An armistice would not hinder military
movements or preparations, serving merely as a truce while peace was
discussed.
President Wilson already has indicated that he believes that the final
reckoning of the war should be made in a conference of the European
powers, and it would be the function of the United States to preside at
such a conference if its services as a mediator were accepted.
Various reports were current today that Germany had named several
conditions under which she would make peace, that she had refused
proposals to alter the territorial status of her empire and possessions,
and would cede no territory or dismantle her fleet, but it was said
authoritatively that nothing of this character was contained in any of
the messages from Berlin to the American Government.
A statement made at the White House today was the first authoritative
acknowledgment that any inquiry on the subject of Germany's attitude
concerning peace had been made by the United States. Officials
heretofore have maintained silence in regard to the effort made by the
Government to get at the bottom of the expression in favor of peace
reported to have been made by the German Emperor to the Imperial
Chancellor and mentioned in a private conversation in New York by Count
von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador to the United States.
What was said by Count von Bernstorff in that conversation brought Oscar
S. Straus post-haste to Washington, and as a result of what he told
Secretary Bryan instructions were sent to Ambassador Gerard to ascertain
whether the remarks attributed to the Emperor were to be taken as an
indication that the German Government would not be averse to the
exercise of the good offices of the United States in an effort to end
the hostilities in Europe.
The conversation at which the German Ambassador made the statement
occurred at the house of James Speyer, the banker, in New York. Oscar S.
Straus, a member of the Permanent Tribunal of Arbitration at The Hague,
was present. In the course of a discussion of the war in Europe and the
prospects of peace Count von Bernstorff, it is understood, said that,
while he had no advices from the Imperial Government since he had left
Berlin, he recalled that the Imperial Chancellor had told him that he
believed Emperor William would be willing to discuss a proposal of peace
through mediation.
With the permission of Count von Bernstorff, Mr. Straus came to
Washington and told Secretary Bryan of what the German Ambassador had
said. On the following day Count von Bernstorff made a trip from New
York to Washington and had an interview with Secretary Bryan.
It has been understood that Mr. Bryan, in an excess of caution, desired
to ask Count von Bernstorff personally if he would consent to having
Ambassador Gerard instructed to make inquiry of the German
Government as to whether the conversation between the Emperor and the
Imperial Chancellor might be regarded as indicating that an offer of
mediation of the United States would not be unwelcome to Germany. Count
von Bernstorff is understood to have assented to Mr. Bryan's suggestion,
and the instructions to Mr. Gerard followed.
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