GERMANY AND THE FOREIGNER.

Respect for the foreigner--Russians willing to remain in

Germany--Ill-treatment of Germans in Belgium and France.

Enemies on all sides! With dishonorable weapons against us, and with

documentary lies for the rest of the world! Let us calmly allow them to

continue lying and slandering as they have begun--it will result finally

in injuring themselves. The world will very soon see through this

impudent, unabashed game; and it will finally side with the people which

keeps to the truth, Only the weakling lies and swindles; the strong man

loves and honors truth. Let us act like the strong man in this struggle!

Respect for the foreigner, protection for his person and property have

at all times been considered sacred among civilized people. Germany can

without exaggeration claim to have upheld this respect and this

protection in these fateful days. Except for a few insignificant

incidents which took place in several large cities, where the natural

excitement of the people and the legitimate defense against an insolent

system of spying led to the molesting and arrest of foreigners--mostly

Russians--the measures taken against the citizens of hostile nations did

not exceed what was absolutely necessary to the safety of the country.

The Imperial Government and likewise the Federated States have refrained

from expelling "en masse" Frenchmen, Russians, Belgians and Englishmen.

It was, of course, unavoidable to take measures for the detention of

such persons as seemed suspicious and for the internation of strangers

liable to be called to take arms against Germany. This took place in

cities, e.g., Berlin, where these men were taken away as "prisoners of

war," as soon as the "state of war" had been proclaimed, and placed in

special rooms or camps. Lodgings and food are such as seem requisite and

the treatment of these prisoners is according to their own opinion very

kind. The Russian agricultural laborers constitute a special group of

foreigners in Germany: There are about 40,000 to 50,000 of them, men and

women.

From various parts of the country it is unanimously announced that these

people are very glad not to be obliged to return to Russia. They are

glad to remain in Germany, and willingly continue their work of

gathering the rich German grain, potato and hay crops. Should there be

any difficulties, these workmen would also have to be internated. No

measures at all have been taken against women and children belonging to

hostile States. They are left free to move about as they wish. Should

they remain in Germany they can be sure that they will be subject to no

other inconvenience except such as the general state of war inflicts

upon Germans. The authorities will protect their persons, and their

private property is respected. Nobody will touch it--as nobody has

touched it so far.

If the German people and the German Government consider the respect they

owe the foreigner as a sacred law, even though the foreigner belongs to

the enemy, this respect is enhanced by affection and gratitude in the

case of foreigners whose countries are friendly or neutral.

Thousands and thousands of Americans, Swiss, Dutch, Italians and

Scandinavians are still living in German countries. They may be sure

that they can live as freely here as any German citizen. Should it be

possible for them to return home, the best wishes will accompany them.

The property they leave here will be protected. This is guaranteed by

the authorities and by influential private persons. Should they stay in

Germany, however, the German people will express their sense of

gratitude for any friendly help they may lend, by increased respect and

protection.

* * * * *

A strong contrast is noticeable between Germany's attitude toward

foreigners and the facts revealed just now as to the treatment meted out

in inimical countries not only to Germans but to other foreigners.

Truly, in England there has been some effort to act according to the

usages of civilized nations when engaged in warfare. Germans and

Austrians have been insulted and molested; there has been some

occasional destruction of property in stores; but as far as can be

judged these were excesses of an uncontrollable mob. A general expulsion

has not been ordered, and it is to be hoped that the Germans living in

the United Kingdom and in its colonies will not suffer too heavy

damages, in person or in property. Russia, France and Belgium, on the

other hand, have by the ill-treatment and plundering of foreigners

living in their countries struck themselves out of the list of civilized

nations. Innumerable reports from expelled or fugitive people prove

this, and official reports confirm them. Also the press of neutral,

neighboring countries, such as Switzerland, Holland, and Italy, is full

of similar complaints. Owing to the scarcity of news from Russia, the

facts known so far only concern Petersburg, where German and Austrian

men and women, residents or transients, were beaten and stoned in the

streets. Here were also some cruel mutilations and murders. The

beautiful building of the German Embassy in Petersburg was attacked by

the mob. And the police watched all these misdeeds with crossed arms or

even assisted. Probably what took place in Petersburg also occurred in

other Russian cities; we shall soon know.

There are a great many complaints against the French and the Belgians.

On the evening of Aug. 1 the mobilization was announced, and the next

morning the official order was posted on the walls, that within

twenty-four hours from the beginning of that day all Germans and

Austrians, irrespective of sex, age or profession, would have to leave

France. Those who remained and could not reach the boundary would be

taken to the southwestern part of the country and imprisoned. There were

few trains for Belgium or Switzerland. Thousands and thousands who had

to abandon their property rushed to the stations with wife and children,

fought for room in the overcrowded trains, surrounded by a howling mob,

and even then were punched and slapped by policemen. During the trip

there was nothing but misery. Men and women fell ill, children died. The

refugees had to cross the Belgian boundary, walking a distance of six or

seven kilometers in the middle of the night, dead tired, their luggage

stolen--sometimes, it is said, by officials. In Belgium the same tragedy

occurred as in France. And then came the salvation. The cordial,

hospitable reception by the Germans in Holland and Switzerland is

unanimously praised and appreciated.

The reports of brutal acts from Paris, Antwerp, Brussels, would be

incredible were they not confirmed hundredfold. The most brutal and

insulting threats of death were flung by processions of people going

through the streets to all those who looked like foreigners. They were

severely ill-treated. Houses and stores were upset, furniture and the

like were thrown into the streets, employers and working people were

dragged out, women were stripped and pushed through the streets,

children were thrown out of windows. Knives, swords, sticks and

revolvers were used. One could fill books with the details, but they are

all equally cruel. Not only Germans and Austrians were expelled

and ill-treated, but citizens of neutral States shared this awful lot.

Thousands of Italians were expelled, as well as numerous Rumanians. The

press in both countries complains bitterly and asks what has become of

those who remained in France and were imprisoned in the south--but

nobody knows.

History will place this ill-treatment and oppression of foreigners on

record. The responsibility rests, not with an uncontrollable mob, but

with the Government and the authorities of the two countries who have

always boasted of their culture.

* * * * *

COMMERCE AND TRADE RELATIONS

BETWEEN GERMANY AND UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

Germany's financial rise since 1870--Export and import with the United

States of America--The present firm condition of German finance.

Politicians and commercial men must base their plans upon facts, as they

are and not as they wish they were, otherwise they fail. France has

closed its eyes not only to the great intellectual and moral assists of

Germany but also to its commercial resources.

France has repeatedly declared that Germany could not effect a serious

political opposition, because a war would result in the ruin of its

commercial and financial strength. This we heard in the Morocco crisis,

also in the Balkan wars. Germany's love of peace which was tested in the

above-mentioned cases strengthened the French in their error. He,

however, who has taken the trouble to visit Germany and the Germans in

their places of employment--and especially Americans in recent years

have done this, however, also many Englishmen, who in vain have

protested against the war with Germany--he can testify to the

astonishing commercial advancement which Germany has made since its

political union by Bismarck.

A few facts and statistics may recall this to memory. The population of

Germany has since 1870, immigrants excluded, increased from 40,000,000

to 67,000,000, round numbers. Incomes and wages in particular have

approximately doubled during the last generation; savings deposits have

increased sixfold. Although, only a generation ago, commerce and trade

employed only about two-fifths of the population, now more than

three-fifths are engaged in this field of work, and Germany, as a result

of its agricultural economy and increased intense farming, is today the

third largest agricultural country of the world. In the coal and iron

industries Germany is second only to America. In one generation its coal

production increased two and a half fold, its raw iron production almost

fourfold. During the same period of time the capital of the German banks

increased fourfold and their reserve fund eightfold. Characteristic of

Germany is the fact that hand in hand with this active private

initiative is a strong feeling for the great universal interests and for

organic co-operation of private and State resources. This feeling

explains the perfect working of our State activities, in particular our

railways, 95 per cent. of which are owned by the Government and which

yield an essentially higher revenue than those in England or France; it

explains further the willing assumption of the great financial burdens

which general insurance imposes upon those engaged in private

enterprises and which today is proving a blessing to almost the entire

laboring force of Germany, to an extent which has not yet been realized

by any other country.

What economic value to the world has a nation which for more than forty

years has concentrated all its energy in peaceful industry? Does any one

deny that Germany's great technical and commercial advancement has been

a blessing in respect to the development of the world? Has not the

commercial advancement in Germany had the effect of awakening new

productive powers in all parts of the world and of adding new

territories which engage in the exchange of goods with the civilized

nations of the world? Since the founding of the new German

Empire, German foreign trade has increased from 5-1/2 to approximately

20 billion marks. Germany has become the best customer of a great number

of countries. Not only has the German consumption of provisions and

luxuries increased in an unusual degree, also that of meat, tropical

fruits, sugar, tobacco and colonial products, but above all else that of

raw materials, such as coal, iron, copper and other metals, cotton,

petroleum, wood, skins, &c. Germany furnishes a market for articles of

manufacture also, for American machinery, English wool, French luxury

articles, &c. One is absolutely wrong in the belief that the competition

of German industry in the world market has been detrimental to other

commercial nations. Legitimate competition increases the business of all

concerned.

The United States of America has reaped especial profit from Germany's

flourishing commercial condition. Germany purchases more from the United

States of America than from any other country of the world. Germany buys

annually from the United States of America approximately $170,000,000

worth of cotton, $75,000,000 worth of copper, $60,000,000 worth of

wheat, $40,000,000 animal fat, $20,000,000 mineral oil and the same

amount of vegetable oil. In 1890 the import and export trade between

Germany and the United States amounted to only $100,000,000, in 1913 to

about $610,000,000. Germany today imports from the United States goods

to the value of $430,000,000, while she exports to the United States

nearly $180,000,000 worth. No nation therefore can judge as well as the

United States what German commerce means to the world.

In what condition are the finances of Germany? In this field our

opponents will be obliged to change their views. In 1912 Germany's

national debt was about 14 marks per capita lower than England's. The

public debt of France per capita was far more than double that of

Germany. Germany, however, has large national assets which offset its

liabilities. For example, the stocks of the Prussian railways alone

exceed by far the aggregate amount of the Prussian debt, the income of

the railways alone is essentially greater than the amount which the

interest and amortization of the entire State debt demand. The war,

which, according to the French conception, was destined to bring about

the financial and commercial ruin of Germany, has brought forth the

astonishing result that the famous French money market was the first to

fail in this crisis. As early as July 25, before the rejection of the

Austrian ultimatum by Servia had been made known, the offer of 3 per

cent. redeemable French notes to the French Exchange was so great that

the Chambre Syndicale des Agents de Change in the interest of the public

prohibited the quotation of a lower rate than 78 per cent., while bids

of 74 per cent. had already been submitted. Sale in blank was absolutely

forbidden, and in the coulisse business was at a standstill. A few days

later the July liquidation, in the official market as well as in the

coulisse, was postponed until the end of August, which action proved the

necessity of a period of grace. On July 31 the French savings banks, at

the command of the Government, suspended daily payments and paid out

sums to the amount of 50 francs, fourteen days' notice being necessary.

The London money market, too, has hardly stood the war test. On July 30

the Bank of England was obliged to raise its rate of discount from 3 to

4 per cent., several days later to 8 per cent., and again after a few

days to the incredible rate of 10 per cent. In contrast to this the

President of the German Reichsbank was able, on the 1st of August, to

declare that the directorate, because of the strength of the Reichsbank

and the solid constitution of the German money market, did not consider

it necessary to follow England's example. The German Reichsbank has

therefore not exceeded the rate of 6 per cent. Worse yet was the fact

that England, on Aug. 2, was obliged to require grace on exchange, and

France, on Aug. 3, grace on its accounts-current and Lombard loans.

Although along with England and France, also Russia, Austria, Italy,

Belgium, and other nations required temporary credit, Germany

to date has not deemed it necessary to ask for time in meeting its

obligations. Savings banks, other banks and financial institutions are

meeting all demands without restriction. The fact that the English money

market, which up to the present time has been considered the financial

centre of international trade, has failed, will bring many a serious

thought to all commercial men interested in the world market.

German commerce has doubtless been temporarily injured by the war, but

the esprit de corps and organization which animate the German Nation are

not only a firm foundation for German commerce, but also a strong

support for the further development of the commerce and trade of the

entire civilized world, if, as we hope, peace soon be re-established.

* * * * *

New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2 Who Began the War, and Why? · 第 76 / 211 题