Germany overrun by spies for years past.
It goes without saying that in time of war the respective participants
seek to gain for themselves every possible advantage, including as not
the least of these advantages that of having public opinion on their
side. It is equally understandable that Governments, for political or
military reasons, often endeavor to conceal their real intentions until
the decisive moment. In this matter, however, as in the conduct of war
itself, there exists the basic principle, acknowledged throughout the
civilized world, that no methods may be employed which could not be
employed by men of honor even when they are opponents. One cannot,
unfortunately, acquit Russia of the charge of employing improper
policies against Germany. It must, unfortunately, be said that even the
Czar himself did not, at the breaking out of hostilities against
Germany, show himself the gentleman upon a throne which he had formerly
been believed by every one to be.
The Russian Emperor addressed himself to Kaiser William in moving and
friendly expressions, in which, pledging his solemn word and appealing
to the grace of God, he besought the Kaiser, shortly before the outbreak
of the war, to intervene at Vienna. There exists between Austria-Hungary
and Germany an ancient and firm alliance, which makes it the duty of
both Governments to afford unconditional support to each other in the
moment that either one's vital interests come into question. There can
be no doubt that the existence of Austria-Hungary is threatened by the
Servian agitation. Despite this, the German Emperor, in offering his
final counsels respecting the treatment of Servia and the concessions to
be made to Russia, went, in his desire for peace, almost to the point
where Austria could have had doubts of Germany's fidelity to the
obligations of the alliance. Nevertheless, Russia at this very time not
only continued its mobilization against Austria, but also simultaneously
brought its troops into a state of preparedness for war against Germany.
It is impossible that this could have been done without the order of the
Czar. The conduct of the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, of the
Chief of the General Staff and of the War Minister was of a piece with
this attitude of the ruler. They assured the German Ambassador and the
German Military Attaché upon their word of honor that troops were not
being mobilized against Germany and that no attack upon Germany was
planned. The facts, however, have proved that the decision to make war
upon Germany had already been reached at that time.
The reason which impelled the Czar and his chief advisers to employ such
base tactics with the help of their word of honor and appeals to the
Supreme Being is plain. Russia requires a longer time for mobilization
than Germany. In order to offset this disadvantage, to deceive Germany
and to win a few days' start, the Russian Government stooped to a course
of conduct as to which there can be but one judgment among brave and
upright opponents. No one knew better than the Czar the German Emperor's
love of peace. This love of peace was reckoned upon in the whole
despicable game. Fortunately the plan was perceived on the German side
at the right time. Advices received by Germany's representative in St.
Petersburg concerning the actual Russian mobilization against Germany
moved him to add to the report given him upon the Russian word of honor
a statement of his own conviction that an attempt was obviously being
made to deceive him. We find also that the character of the Russian
operations had been rightly comprehended by so unimpeachable an organ as
the English Daily Graphic of Aug. 1, which said: "If the mobilization
order is also carried through in the provinces bordering on Germany, the
work of the preservers of peace is ended, for Germany will be compelled
to answer with the mobilization of her armed forces. We confess that we
are unable to understand this attitude of Russia in connection with the
renewal of the negotiations with Austria."
It is customary among civilized nations that a formal declaration of war
shall precede the beginning of hostilities, and all powers, with the
exception of some unimportant, scattered States, have obligated
themselves under international law to observe this custom. Neither
Russia nor France has observed this obligation. Without a declaration of
war Russian troops crossed the German border, opened fire on German
troops, and attempted to dynamite bridges and buildings. In like manner,
without a declaration of war, French aviators appeared above unfortified
cities in South Germany and sought, by throwing bombs, to destroy the
railways. French detachments crossed the German border and occupied
German villages. French aviators flew across neutral Holland and the
then neutral Belgium to carry out warlike plans against the lower Rhine
district of Germany. A considerable number of French officers, disguised
in German uniforms, tried to cross the Dutch-German frontier in an
automobile in order to destroy institutions in German territory. It is
plain that both France and Russia desired to compel Germany to make the
first step in declaring war, so that the appearance of having broken the
peace might, in the eyes of the world, rest upon Germany. The Russian
Government even attempted to disseminate through a foreign news agency
the report that Germany had declared war on Russia, and it refused,
contrary to the usage among civilized nations, to permit to be
telegraphed the report of the German Ambassador that Russia had rejected
the final German note concerning war and peace.
Germany for its part, in the hope that peace might yet be maintained,
subjected itself to the great disadvantage of delaying its mobilization
in the first decisive days in the face of the measures of its probable
enemy. When, however, the German Emperor realized that peace was no
longer possible, he declared war against France and Russia honorably,
before the beginning of hostilities, thus bringing into contrast the
moral courage to assume the responsibility for the beginning of the
conflict as against the moral cowardice of both opponents, whose fear of
public opinion was such that they did not dare openly to admit their
intentions to attack Germany.
Germany, moreover, cared in a humane and proper manner at the outbreak
of the war for those non-combatant subjects of hostile States--traveling
salesmen, travelers for pleasure, patients in health resorts, &c.--who
happened to be in the country at the time. In isolated cases, where the
excitement of the public grew disquieting, the authorities immediately
intervened to protect persons menaced. In Russia, however, in France
and especially in Belgium the opposite of decency and humanity
prevailed. Instead of referring feelings of national antipathy and of
national conflicting interests to the decision of the battlefield, the
French mishandled in the most brutal manner the German population and
German travelers in Paris and other cities, who neither could nor
wished to defend themselves, and who desired solely to leave the
hostile country at once. The mob threatened and mishandled Germans in
the streets, in the railway stations and in the trains, and the
authorities permitted it.
The occurrences in Belgium are infamous beyond all description. Germany
would have exposed itself to the danger of a military defeat if it had
still respected the neutrality of Belgium after it had been announced
that strong French detachments stood ready to march through that country
against the advancing German Army. The Belgium Government was assured
that its interests would be conscientiously guarded if it would permit
the German Army to march through its territory. Its answer to this
assurance was a declaration of war. In making this declaration it acted
perhaps not wisely but unquestionably within its formal rights. It was,
however, not right, but, on the contrary, a disgraceful breach of right,
that the eyes of wounded German soldiers in Belgium were gouged out, and
their ears and noses cut off; that surgeons and persons carrying the
wounded were shot at from houses.
Private dwellings of Germans in Antwerp were plundered, German women
were dragged naked through the streets by the mob and shot to death
before the eyes of the police and the militia. Captains of captured
German ships in Antwerp were told that the authorities could not
guarantee their lives, German tourists were robbed of their baggage,
insulted and mishandled, sick persons were driven from the German
hospital, children were thrown from the windows of German homes into the
streets and their limbs were broken. Trustworthy reports of all these
occurrences, from respectable and responsible men, are at hand. We
perceive with the deepest indignation that the cruelties of the Congo
have been outdone by the motherland. When it comes to pass that in time
of war among nations the laws of humanity respecting the helpless and
the unarmed, the women and children, are no longer observed, the world
is reverting to barbarism. Even in wartimes humanity and honor should
still remain the distinguishing marks of civilization. That French and
Russians, in their endeavors to spy upon Germany and destroy her
institutions, should disguise themselves in German uniforms is a sorry
testimony to the sense of honor possessed by our opponents. He who
ventures to conduct espionage in a hostile land, or secretly to plant
bombs, realizes that he risks the penalty of death, whether he be a
civilian or a member of the army. Up to the present, however, it has not
been customary to use a uniform, which should be respected even by the
enemy, to lessen the personal risk of the spy and to facilitate his
undertaking.
For a number of years there have been increasing indications that
France, Russia and England were systematically spying upon the military
institutions of Germany. In the eight years from 1906 to 1913; 113
persons were found guilty of attempted or accomplished espionage of a
grave nature. The methods employed by these spies included theft,
attacks upon military posts and the employment of German officers'
uniforms as disguises. The court proceedings threw a clear light upon
the organization and operations of espionage in Germany. This espionage
was directed from central points in foreign countries, often in the
small neighboring neutral States. Repeatedly it appeared that the
foreign embassies and consulates in Germany assisted in this work; it
was also discovered that Russia, France and England were exchanging
reports which they had received concerning Germany's means of defense.
This espionage system was supported with large funds. It endeavored
whenever possible to seduce military persons and officials to betray
their country, and, when this was not possible, it devoted its attention
to doubtful characters of every sort. It began its work with petty
requests of a harmless appearance, followed these with inducements to
violations of duty, and then proceeded with threats of exposure to
compel its victims to betray their country further. Exact instructions,
complete in the minutest detail, were given to the spies for the
carrying on of their work; they were equipped with photographic
apparatus, with skeleton keys, forged passes, &c.; they received fixed
monthly salaries, special bonuses for valuable information, and high
rewards for especially secret matters, such as army orders, descriptions
of weapons and plans of fortifications. Principal attention was paid to
our boundaries, railroads, bridges and important buildings on lines of
traffic, which were spied upon by specially trained men. With the
reports of these spies as their basis, our opponents have carefully
planned the destruction of the important German lines of communication.
The extraordinary watchfulness of the German military officials
immediately before the declaration of war and since then has been able
to render futile the whole system of foreign attempts against our means
of communication in every single instance, but a great number of such
attempts have been made. All these things prove beyond doubt that a war
against Germany has long been planned by our opponents.
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