Speech Delivered in the Reichstag, Berlin, Afternoon of Aug. 4.
A mighty fate has descended upon Europe. Because we were struggling
for the esteem of the German Empire in the world, we have for
forty-four years lived in peace and safeguarded the peace of
Europe. In peaceful industry we have become strong and mighty and
in consequence envied. With patience we have borne that, under the
pretext that Germany was desirous of war, hostility toward us was
being nursed and chains forged for us both in the East and in the
West.
We wished to continue to live in peaceful industry, and, like an
unexpressed vow, there was passed on from Kaiser to the youngest
soldier: "Only in defense of a righteous cause shall our sword be
drawn." (Hearty applause.) The day when we must draw it has
appeared, contrary to our desire, contrary to our honest efforts to
avoid it. Russia has applied the firebrand to the house. We find
ourselves in a forced war with Russia and France.
Gentlemen, a series of documents, composed in the rush of events,
is in your hands. Allow me to place before you the facts which
characterize our attitude.
From the very beginning of the Austrian conflict we strove and
worked toward the end that this trouble remain confined to
Austria-Hungary and Servia. All Cabinets, especially that of
England, take the same stand; only Russia declares that she must
have a word in the decision of this conflict. Therewith the danger
of European entanglements arises. As soon as the first authentic
reports of the military preparations in Russia reached us we
declared in a friendly but emphatic manner in St. Petersburg that
war measures and military preparations would force us also to
prepare, and that mobilization is closely akin to war.
Russia asserts in what is an apparently friendly manner that she is
not mobilizing against us. In the meantime England tries to mediate
between Vienna and St. Petersburg, in which she is warmly supported
by us. On July 28 the Kaiser telegraphed the Czar, asking him to
consider that Austria-Hungary has the right and that it is her duty
to defend herself against Servian intrigues, which threaten to
undermine her existence. The Kaiser called the attention of the
Czar to their common monarchical interests with regard to the
Serajevo outrage, and asked him personally to support him in order
to establish harmony between Vienna and St. Petersburg.
At about the same hour in which this telegram was sent the Czar
asked the Kaiser for his support and requested him to advise Vienna
to be moderate in its demands. The Kaiser assumed the role of
mediator. Hardly had he begun his activity when Russia mobilized
its entire fighting force against Austria-Hungary. Austria-Hungary,
however, had mobilized only those army corps which were directed
against Servia; in the north there were only two army corps and
these far from the Russian border.
The Kaiser immediately called the attention of the Czar to the fact
that this mobilization of his forces against Austria-Hungary made
his position as mediator difficult or absolutely impossible. In
spite of this we continued our mediatorial activities in Vienna,
going to the utmost limits of consistency with the terms of our
federal treaty. ["Very true! Hear, hear!"] During this time Russia
again spontaneously assured us that her military preparations were
not directed against us. ["Hear, hear, fie!"]
The 31st of July arrived. In Vienna the decision was to be made. In
the meantime we had succeeded with our negotiations to reaching a
point where Vienna resumed intercourse with St. Petersburg, which
for some time had been discontinued, but before the final decision
was reached in Vienna the news arrived that Russia had mobilized
its entire fighting force, which meant also against us. ["Hear,
hear!"]
Russia's Mobilization.
The Russian Government, which from repeated admonitions knew what
mobilizing on our borders meant, did not notify us of this
mobilization and gave us absolutely no explanation. ["Hear! hear!"]
Not until the afternoon of July 31 did the Kaiser receive a message
from the Czar in which he assured him that the attitude of his army
was not hostile toward us. ["Hear! hear!" and laughter.]
However, the mobilization against us on the Russian border was on
the night of July 31 already in full progress. While we, at the
request of Russia, were mediating in Vienna, the Russian Army
appeared on our long, almost entirely open border. France, although
not yet mobilizing, was making preparations for war. And we, up to
this point, had intentionally not then called a single soldier of
the reserve, for the sake of European peace. ["Bravo!"]
Should we continue to wait with patience until the powers by which
we are surrounded choose the moment for attack? ["No!"] To expose
Germany to this danger would have been criminal! [Stormy,
concerted, prolonged "Very true and bravo!"--also from the Social
Democrats.] Therefore, on July 31 we demanded that Russia
demobilize, this being the only measure which could save the peace
of Europe. [Hearty approval.] The Imperial Ambassador received,
furthermore, the order to declare to the Russian Government that in
case they did not comply with our demands they should consider that
a state of war exists.
The Imperial Ambassador performed this mission. Up till the present
we have not learned Russia's answer to this demand. ["Hear, hear!"]
Telegraphic reports concerning it have not yet reached us, although
the wire still transmits less important messages. ["Hear, hear!"]
Therefore, on Aug. 1, at 5 o'clock, when the appointed period of
grace was long past, the Kaiser considered it necessary to
mobilize.
At the same time we had to make sure of the position France would
take. To our direct question whether in case of a German-Russian
war she would remain neutral, France answered that she would do
what she had to do in her own interests. [Laughter.] That was an
evasive if not a negative answer to our question.
Declares France Began War.
In spite of this the Kaiser gave the order that the French border
should be respected. The command was strictly enforced, with a
single exception. France, which mobilized simultaneously with us,
declared that she would respect a zone of ten kilometers from the
border. ["Hear, hear!"] And what happened in reality? There were
bomb-throwing flyers, cavalry patrols, invading companies in the
Reichsland, Alsace-Lorraine. ["Unheard of!"] Thereby France,
although the condition of war had not yet been declared, had
attacked our territory.
Concerning the French complaints in regard to violations of the
border, I have received from the Chief of the General Staff the
following report: Only one offense has been committed. Contrary to
an emphatic order a patrol of the Fourteenth Army Corps, led by an
officer, crossed the border on Aug. 2. They apparently were killed.
Only one man returned. However, long before the crossing of the
border French flyers were dropping bombs in Southern Germany, and
at Schluchtpass the French troops had attacked our border troops.
Until the present our troops have confined their activity to the
protection of our borders. They are now on the defense, and
necessity recognizes no law. ["Very true!"]
Our troops have occupied Luxemburg, and perhaps have also found it
necessary to enter Belgian territory. [Hearty applause.] This is
contrary to international law. The French Government has declared
in Brussels they will respect the neutrality of Belgium as long as
she respects the opponent. We knew, however, that France was ready
to invade Belgium. ["Hear, hear!"] France could wait; we, however,
could not, because a French invasion in our lower Rhein flank
would have proved fatal.
So we were forced to disregard the protests of the Luxemburg and
Belgian Governments. We shall try to make good the injustice we
have committed as soon as our military goal has been reached.
[Applause.] Who like we are fighting for the highest, must only
consider how victory can be gained. [Enthusiastic applause in
entire house.]
Gentlemen, we are standing shoulder to shoulder with
Austria-Hungary. With reference to England, the declaration which
Sir Edward Grey made in the House of Commons yesterday plainly
shows our attitude. We have assured England that as long as she
remains neutral our fleet will not attack the northern coast of
France and that the territorial integrity and independence of
Belgium will not be violated. This declaration I repeat before the
whole world, and I can add that so long as England remains neutral
we are prepared in case of reciprocity to refrain from all hostile
operations against French merchant vessels. [Applause.]
Gentlemen, so much for the events. I repeat the words of the
Kaiser: "With a clear conscience Germany goes to the battlefield."
[Enthusiastic approval.] We are fighting for the fruits of our
peaceful industry, for the inheritance of a great past, and for our
future.
The fifty years of which Moltke spoke, and in which we should stand
armed and ready to protect our inheritance and the acquisitions of
1870, have not yet passed. The hour of trial for the German nation
has struck, but we are facing it with confidence. [Stormy
approval.]
Our army is in the field, our fleet is ready for battle, and behind
it stands the entire German Nation. [Enthusiastic applause from the
entire house.] The entire nation! [with a gesture particularly
directed toward the Social Democrats. Renewed applause, in which
the Social Democrats also joined.] You, gentlemen, realize your
duty in its entirety. The question needs no further consideration,
and I request speedy action. [Enthusiastic applause.]
* * * * *
[01] The Times of London contained on Aug. 12, 1914, the following:
"The statement made by the German Imperial Chancellor to the Reichstag
on Aug. 4, which we published yesterday and reproduce below, lends
piquancy to a communication that reached us from an influential quarter
in Germany on Aug. 2. The communication, which we give in its original
form, bore the name of a personage holding a prominent position in
Germany, and standing in a close personal relationship to the German
Emperor. It was evidently timed for publication on the morning of Aug.
3, the day of Sir Edward Grey's historic speech in the House of
Commons":
Aug. 2, 1914.
I hear with astonishment that in France and elsewhere in the world
it is imagined that Germany wants to carry on an aggressive war,
and that she had with this aim brought about the present situation.
It is said that the Emperor was of the opinion that the moment had
come to have a final reckoning with his enemies; but what a
terrible error that is! Whoever knows the Emperor as I do, whoever
knows how very seriously he takes the responsibility of the crown,
how his moral ideas are rooted in true religious feeling, must be
astonished that any one could attribute such motives to him.
He has not wanted the war; it has been forced upon him by the might
of the circumstances. He has worked unswervingly to keep the peace,
and has together with England thrown his whole influence into the
scales to find a peaceful solution, in order to save his people
from the horrors of war. But everything has been wrecked upon the
attitude of Russia, which in the middle of negotiations which
offered good outlook of success mobilized her forces, wherewith she
proved that she did not mean in earnest what her assurances of
peaceful intentions indicated.
Now Germany's frontiers are menaced by Russia which drags her
allies into the war, now Germany's honor is at stake. Is it
possible under these circumstances that the most peace-loving
monarch can do otherwise than take to the sword in order to defend
the most sacred interests of the nation?
And, finally, the German people! In them is firmly rooted the word
of Prince Bismarck against aggressive wars: "One must not try to
look into the cards of Fate."
It must be stated again: Russia alone forces the war upon Europe.
Russia alone must carry the full weight of responsibility.
* * * * *