HIS INDISCRETION WAS "CALCULATED."

Interview With Kaiser Wilhelm II., Oct. 28, 1908, and Its

Consequences.

_An interview between the German Emperor and "a representative

Englishman, who long since passed from public to private life,"

appeared in The London Telegraph on Oct. 28, 1908, and was the next day

authenticated by the German Foreign Office in Berlin with the comment

that it was "intended as a message to the English people." This last

expression of the Kaiser toward Great Britain--until his declarations on

the eve of the present war--deeply stirred the German people in protest

and resulted in the Kaiser's pledge to Chancellor von Buelow that

henceforth the imperial views would be subject to the bridle of the

Ministry and the Council of the Empire. The interview as recorded by the

"representative Englishman" was as follows:_

Moments sometimes occur in the history of nations when a calculated

indiscretion proves of the highest public service. It is for this

reason that I have decided to make known the substance of a lengthy

conversation which it was my recent privilege to have with the

Emperor.

I do so in the hope that it will help to remove that obstinate

misconception of the character of the Emperor's feelings toward

England, which I fear is deeply rooted in the ordinary Englishman's

breast. It is the Emperor's sincere wish that it should be

eradicated. He has given repeated proofs of his desire by word and

deed. But, to speak frankly, his patience is sorely tried now; he

finds himself so continually misrepresented and has so often

experienced the mortification of finding that any momentary

improvement in relations is followed by renewed outbursts of

prejudice and a prompt return to the old attitude of suspicion.

His Majesty spoke with impulsive and unusual frankness, saying:

"You English are as mad, mad, mad as March hares. What has come

over you that you are completely given over to suspicions that are

quite unworthy of a great nation? What more can I do than I have

done? I declared with all the emphasis at my command in my speech

at the Guildhall that my heart was set upon peace and that it was

one of my dearest wishes to live on the best terms with England.

Have I ever been false to my word? Falsehood and prevarication are

alien to my nature. My actions ought to speak for themselves, but

you will not listen to them, but to those who misinterpret and

distort them."

Resents a Personal Insult.

"This is a personal insult which I resent; to be forever misjudged,

to have my repeated offers of friendship weighed and scrutinized

with jealous, mistrustful eyes taxes my patience severely. I have

said time after time that I am a friend of England, and your press,

or at least a considerable section of it, bids the people of

England to refuse my proffered hand and insinuates that the other

hand holds a dagger. How can I convince a nation against its will?"

Complaining again of the difficulty imposed on him by English

distrust, his Majesty said: "The prevailing sentiment of large

sections of the middle and lower classes of my own people is not

friendly to England. I am, therefore, so to speak, in the minority

in my own land, but it is a minority of the best element, just as

it is in England respecting Germany."

The Englishman reminded the Kaiser that not only England but the

whole of Europe viewed with disapproval the recent sending of the

German Consul at Algiers to Fez and forestalling France and Spain

by suggesting the recognition of Sultan Mulai Hafid. The Kaiser

made an impatient gesture and exclaimed: "Yes? that is an excellent

example of the way German actions are misrepresented," and with

vivid directness he defended the aforesaid incident, as the German

Government has already done.

The interviewer reminded the Kaiser that an important and

influential section of the German newspapers interpreted these acts

very differently, and effusively approved of them because they

indicated that Germany was bent upon shaping events in Morocco.

"There are mischief makers," replied the Emperor, "in both

countries. I will not attempt to weigh their relative capacity for

misrepresentation, but the facts are as I have stated. There has

been nothing in Germany's recent action in regard to Morocco

contrary to the explicit declaration of my love of peace made both

at the Guildhall and in my latest speech at Strassburg."

Kaiser and the Boer War.

Reverting to his efforts to show his friendship for England, the Kaiser

said they had not been confined to words. It was commonly believed that

Germany was hostile to England throughout the Boer war. Undoubtedly the

newspapers were hostile and public opinion was hostile. "But what," he

asked, "of official Germany? What brought to a sudden stop, indeed, to

an absolute collapse, the European tour of the Boer delegates, who were

striving to obtain European intervention?"

"They were fêted in Holland. France gave them a rapturous welcome.

They wished to come to Berlin, where the German people would have

crowned them with flowers, but when they asked me to receive them I

refused. The agitation immediately died away and the delegates

returned empty handed. Was that the action of a secret enemy?

"Again, when the struggle was at its height, the German Government

was invited by France and Russia to join them in calling upon

England to end the war. The moment had come, they said, not only to

save the Boer republics, but also to humiliate England to the dust.

What was my reply? I said so far from Germany joining in any

concerted European action to bring pressure against England and

bring about her downfall Germany would always keep aloof from

politics that could bring her into complications with a sea power

like England.

"Posterity will one day read the exact terms of a telegram, now in

the archives of Windsor Castle, in which I informed the sovereign

of England of the answer I returned to the powers which then sought

to compass her fall. Englishmen who now insult me by doubting my

word should know what my actions were in the hour of their

adversity.

"Nor was that all. During your black week in December, 1899, when

disasters followed one another in rapid succession, I received a

letter from Queen Victoria, my revered grandmother, written in

sorrow and affliction and bearing manifest traces of the anxieties

which were preying upon her mind and health. I at once returned a

sympathetic reply. I did more. I bade one of my officers to procure

as exact an account as he could obtain of the number of combatants

on both sides and the actual positions of the opposing forces.

"With the figures before me I worked out what I considered the best

plan of campaign in the circumstances and submitted it to my

General Staff for criticism. Then I dispatched it to England. That

document likewise is among the State papers at Windsor awaiting the

serenely impartial verdict of history.

"Let me add as a curious coincidence that the plan which I

formulated ran very much on the same lines as that actually adopted

by Gen. Roberts and carried by him into successful operation. Was

that the act of one who wished England ill? Let Englishmen be just

and say."

The German Navy.

Touching then upon the English conviction that Germany is increasing her

navy for the purpose of attacking Great Britain, the Kaiser reiterated

the explanation that Chancellor von Bülow and other Ministers have made

familiar, dwelling upon Germany's worldwide commerce, her manifold

interests in distant seas, and the necessity for being prepared to

protect them. He said:

"Patriotic Germans refuse to assign any bounds to their legitimate

commercial ambitions. They expect their interests to go on growing.

They must be able to champion them manfully in any quarter of the

globe. Germany looks ahead. Her horizons stretch far away. She must

be prepared for any eventualities in the Far East. Who can foresee

what may take place in the Pacific in the days to come, days not so

distant as some believe, but days, at any rate, for which all

European powers with Far Eastern interests ought to steadily

prepare?

"Look at the accomplished rise of Japan. Think of a possible

national awakening in China, and then judge of the vast problems of

the Pacific. Only those powers which have great navies will be

listened to with respect when the future of the Pacific comes to be

solved, and if for that reason only Germany must have a powerful

fleet. It may even be that England herself will be glad that

Germany has a fleet when they speak together in the great debates

of the future."

The interviewer concludes:

"The Emperor spoke with all that earnestness which marks his manner

when speaking on deeply pondered subjects. I ask my

fellow-countrymen who value the cause of peace to weigh what I have

written and revise, if necessary, their estimate of the Kaiser and

his friendship for England by his Majesty's own words. If they had

enjoyed the privilege of hearing them spoken they would no longer

doubt either his Majesty's firm desire to live on the best of terms

with England or his growing impatience at the persistent mistrust

with which his offer of friendship is too often received."

The Consequences.

On Nov. 17 following Prince von Bülow met the Kaiser at Kiel, taking

with him evidence of the feeling in Germany regarding the Emperor's

published interview and setting forth:

First, that the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Bundesrat, or

Federal Council, is firm in the opinion formulated at the meeting

held yesterday that it would be wiser for the Emperor not to

express views affecting the relations of the empire with other

countries except through his responsible Ministers. This

expression, derives weight from the fact that the Governments of

Bavaria, Württemberg, and Saxony were represented on the committee.

Second, that the entire Reichstag assented to the declarations made

by the speakers on Tuesday that the Emperor had exceeded his

constitutional prerogatives in private discussion with foreigners

concerning Germany's attitude on controverted questions.

Third, that the feeling of the people at large on this matter was

accurately indicated by the press of the country.

The Kaiser's reply was published on the same date in the Reichsanzeiger,

in the form of a communication, which read:

During today's audience granted to the Imperial Chancellor, his

Majesty, the Emperor and King, listened for several hours to a

report by Prince von Bülow. The Imperial Chancellor described the

feeling and its causes among the German people in connection with

the article published in The Daily Telegraph. He also explained the

position he had taken during the course of the debates and

interpellations on this subject in the Reichstag. His Majesty the

Emperor received the statements and explanations with great

earnestness, and then expressed his will as follows:

"Heedless of the exaggerations of public criticism, which are

regarded by him as incorrect, his Majesty perceives that his

principal imperial task is to insure the stability of the policies

of the empire, under the guardianship of constitutional

responsibilities. In conformity therewith, his Majesty the Emperor

approves the Chancellor's utterances in the Reichstag, and assures

Prince von Bülow of his continued confidence."

* * * * *

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