THE FLAG OF THE BEAR

Because the battles which marked its establishment were really only

skirmishes, in which but an insignificant number of lives were lost, and

because it boasted less than a thousand citizens all told, certain of

our historians have been so undiscerning as to assert that the Bear Flag

Republic was nothing but a travesty and a farce. Therein they are wrong.

Though it is doubtless true that the handful of frontiersmen who raised

their home-made flag, with its emblem of a grizzly bear, over the

Californian presidio of Sonoma on that July morning in 1846 took

themselves much more seriously than the circumstances warranted, it is

equally true that their action averted the seizure of California by

England, and by forcing the hand of the administration at Washington was

primarily responsible for adding what is now California, Nevada,

Arizona, New Mexico, Utah, and more than half of Wyoming and Colorado to

the Union. The series of intrigues and affrays and insurrections which

resulted in the Pacific coast becoming American instead of European

form a picturesque, exciting, and virtually unwritten chapter in our

national history, a chapter in which furtive secret agents and haughty

_caballeros_, pioneers in fringed buckskin, and naval officers in

gold-laced uniforms all played their greater or their lesser parts.

To fully understand the conditions which led up to the "Bear Flag War,"

as it has been called, it is necessary to go back for a moment to the

first quarter of the last century, when the territory of the United

States ended at the Rocky Mountains and the red-white-and-green flag of

Mexico floated over the whole of that vast, rich region which lay

beyond. Under the Mexican regime the territory lying west of the Sierra

Nevadas was divided into the provinces of Alta (or Upper) and Baja (or

Lower) California, the population of the two provinces about 1845

totalling not more than fifteen thousand souls, nine-tenths of whom were

Mexicans, Spaniards, and Indians, the rest American and European

settlers. The foreigners, among whom Americans greatly predominated,

soon became influential out of all proportion to their numbers. This was

particularly true of the Americans, who, solidified by common interests,

common dangers, and common ambitions, obtained large grants of land,

built houses which in certain cases were little short of forts,

frequently married into the most aristocratic of the Californian

families, and before long practically controlled the commerce of the

entire territory.

It was only to be expected, therefore, that the Mexicans should become

more and more apprehensive of American ambitions. Nor did President

Jackson's offer, in 1835, to buy Southern California--an offer which was

promptly refused--serve to do other than strengthen these apprehensions.

And to make matters worse, if such a thing were possible, Commodore T.

ApCatesby Jones, having heard a rumor that war had broken out between

the United States and Mexico, and having reason to believe that a

British force was preparing to seize California, landed a force of

bluejackets and marines, and on October 21, 1842, raised the American

flag over the presidio at Monterey. Although Commodore Jones, finding he

had acted upon misinformation, lowered the flag next day and tendered an

apology to the provincial officials, the incident did not tend to

relieve the tension which existed between the Mexicans and the

Americans, for it emphasized the ease with which the country could be

seized, and hinted with unmistakable plainness at the ultimate

intentions of the United States. That our government intended to annex

the Californias at the first opportunity that offered the Mexicans were

perfectly aware, for, aroused by the descriptions of the unbelievable

beauty and fertility of the country as sent back by those daring souls

who had made their way across the ranges, the hearts of our people were

set upon its acquisition. The great Bay of San Francisco, large enough

to shelter the navies of the world and the gateway to the Orient, the

fruitful, sun-kissed land beyond the Sierras, the political domination

of America, and the commercial domination of the Pacific--such were the

visions which inspired our people and the motives which animated our

leaders, and which were intensified by the fear of England's designs

upon this western land.

As the numbers of the American settlers gradually increased, the

jealousy and suspicion of the Mexican officials became more pronounced.

As early as 1826 they had driven Captain Jedediah Smith, the first

American to make his way to California by the overland route, back into

the mountains, in the midst of winter, without companions and without

provisions, to be killed by the Indians. In 1840 more than one hundred

American settlers were suddenly arrested by the Mexican authorities on

a trumped-up charge of having plotted against the government, marched

under military guard to Monterey, and confined in the prison there under

circumstances of the most barbarous cruelty, some fifty of them being

eventually deported to Mexico in chains. Thomas O. Larkin, the American

consul at Monterey, upon visiting the prisoners in the local jail where

they were confined, found that the cells had no floors, and that the

poor fellows stood in mud and water to their ankles. Sixty of the

prisoners he found crowded into a single room, twenty feet long and

eighteen wide, in which they were so tightly packed that they could not

all sit at the same time, much less lie down. The room being without

windows or other means of ventilation, the air quickly became so fetid

that they were able to live only by dividing themselves into platoons

which took turns in standing at the door and getting a few breaths of

air through the bars. These men, whose only crime was that they were

Americans, were confined in this hell-hole, without food except such as

their friends were able to smuggle in to them by bribing the sentries,

for eight days. And this treatment was accorded them, remember, not

because they were conspirators--for no one knew better than the Mexican

authorities that they were not--but because it seemed the easiest means

of driving them out of the country. Throughout the half-dozen years that

ensued American settlers were subjected to a systematic campaign of

annoyance, persecution, and imprisonment on innumerable frivolous

pretexts, being released only on their promise to leave California

immediately. By 1845, therefore, the harassed Americans, in sheer

desperation, were ready to grasp the first opportunity which presented

itself to end this intolerable tyranny for good and all.

It was not only the outrageous treatment to which they were subjected,

however, nor the weakness and instability of the government under which

they were living, nor even the insecurity of their lives and property

and the discouragements to industry, which led the American settlers to

decide to end Mexican rule in the Californias. Texas had recently been

annexed by the United States against the protests of Mexico, an American

army of invasion was massed along the Rio Grande, and war was certain.

It required no extraordinary degree of intelligence, then, to foresee

that the coming hostilities would almost inevitably result in Mexico

losing her Californian provinces. Now it was a matter of common

knowledge that the Mexican Government was seriously considering the

advisability of ceding the Californias to Great Britain, and thus

accomplishing the threefold purpose of wiping out the large Mexican debt

due to British bankers, of winning the friendship and possibly the

active assistance of England in the approaching war with the United

States, and of preventing the Californias from falling into American

hands. The danger was, therefore, that England would step in before us.

Nor was the danger any imaginary one. Her ships were watching our ships

on the Mexican coast, and her secret agents who infested the country

were keeping their fingers constantly on the pulse of public opinion.

Though it remains to this day a matter of conjecture as to just how far

England was prepared to go to obtain this territory, there is little

doubt that she had laid her plans for its acquisition in one way or

another. If California was to be added to the Union, therefore, it must

be by a sudden and daring stroke.

Meanwhile the authorities at Washington had not been idle. Though Larkin

was ostensibly the American consul at Monterey and nothing more, in

reality he was clothed with far greater powers, having been hurried from

Washington to California for the express purpose of secretly encouraging

an insurrectionary movement among the American settlers, and of keeping

our government informed of the plans of the Mexicans and British.

Receiving information that a powerful British fleet--the largest, in

fact, which had ever been seen in Pacific waters--was about to sail for

the coast of California, the administration promptly issued orders for a

squadron of war-ships under Commodore John Drake Sloat to proceed at

full speed to the Pacific coast, the commander being given secret

instructions to back up Consul Larkin in any action which he might take,

and upon receiving word that the United States had declared war against

Mexico to immediately occupy the Californian ports. Then ensued one of

the most momentous races in history, over a course extending half-way

round the world, the contestants being the war-fleets of the two most

powerful maritime nations, and the prize seven hundred thousand square

miles of immensely rich territory and the mastery of the Pacific.

Commodore Sloat laid his course around the Horn, while the English

commander, Admiral Trowbridge, chose the route through the Indian Ocean.

The first thing he saw as he entered the Bay of Monterey was the

American squadron lying at anchor in the harbor.

Never was there a better example of that form of territorial expansion

which has come to be known as "pacific penetration" than the American

conquest of California; never were the real designs of a nation and the

schemes of its secret agents more successfully hidden. Consul Larkin, as

I have already said, was quietly working, under confidential

instructions from the State Department, to bring about a revolution in

California without overt aid from the United States; the Californian

coast towns lay under the guns of American war-ships, whose commanders

likewise had secret instructions to land marines and take possession of

the country at the first opportunity that presented itself; and, as

though to complete the chain of American emissaries, early in 1846 there

came riding down from the Sierran passes, at the head of what pretended

to be an exploring and scientific expedition, the man who was to set the

machinery of conquest actually in motion.

The commander of the expedition was a young captain of engineers, named

John Charles Fremont, who, as the result of two former journeys of

exploration into the wilderness beyond the Rockies, had already won the

sobriquet of "The Pathfinder." Born in Savannah, of a French father and

a Virginian mother, he was a strange combination of aristocrat and

frontiersman. Dashing, debonair, fearless, reckless, a magnificent

horseman, a dead-shot, a hardy and intrepid explorer, equally at home

at a White House ball or at an Indian powwow, he was probably the most

picturesque and romantic figure in the United States. These

characteristics, combined with extreme good looks, a gallant manner, and

the great public reputation he had won by the vivid and interesting

accounts he had published of his two earlier journeys, had completely

captured the popular imagination, so that the young explorer had become

a national idol. In the spring of 1845 he was despatched by the National

Government on a third expedition, which had as its ostensible object the

discovery of a practicable route from the Rocky Mountains to the mouth

of the Columbia River, but which was really to lend encouragement to the

American settlers in California in any secession movement which they

might be planning and to afford them active assistance should war be

declared. Just how far the government had instructed Fremont to go in

fomenting a revolution will probably never be known, but there is every

reason to believe that his father-in-law, United States Senator Benton,

had advised him to seize California if an opportunity presented itself,

and to trust to luck (and the senator's influence) that the government

would approve rather than repudiate his action.

[Illustration: The Sacramento Valley in 1845.

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