help letting you see how weakly those People talk, who censure his Conduct
as to Foreign Affairs. I don't pretend to enter into the Domestic Affairs
of the Kingdom, tho' I am very well persuaded, that the Cardinal's
Integrity, and his Zeal for the King, incline him to act to the best of
his Power. I will only leave you to judge if his Inclination to Peace is
blameable. When he came into the Ministry, he found the King's Coffers
exhausted, and the Kingdom in a Condition, which requir'd Rest rather than
a War, the Event of which is always uncertain. But after all, Who is there
to go to War with? What shall be the Pretence? Who is it that insults
_France_? Or, Who desires any thing more of her than her Friendship? Have
not the Treaties of _Utrecht_, and _Baden_, and all the Treaties made
since, during the Regency of the Duke of _Orleans_, settled the Interests
of _Europe_? Did not _England_ earnestly court the Alliance of _France_?
Has the Emperor seem'd less desirous of it? Nay, Did not _Spain_ itself,
forgetting the sending back of the _Infanta_, enter into her former
Engagements with this Crown, as soon as the Cardinal _de Fleury_ was
vested with the Ministry? In what respect then, can the _French_ think
themselves despis'd by their Neighbours? I will take upon me to prove, on
the contrary, that _Lewis_ XV. during the Cardinal _de Fleury_'s Ministry,
instead of being neglected, has been as much courted by the Foreign
Powers, as _Lewis_ XIV. was in all that Glory which procured him the Title
of _Louis le Grand_. When the Clamour was for abolishing the _Ostend_
Company, How did _England_ and _Holland_ bestir themselves to make the
King a Party in their Quarrel? What did not the Emperor do to engage him
in his Interest? Every thing was uncertain, as long as _France_ remained
undetermined. The _English_ and the _Dutch_ prepared to attack the
Emperor, and the latter made ready for his Defence. The Cardinal having
got the King to declare for the Maritime Powers, the Emperor abolish'd the
_Ostend_ Company immediately. What more could have been obtained by a War?
When the Talk was, of introducing the Infante _Don Carlos_ into _Italy_,
what Measures, what Solicitations were not employ'd by the Powers
concerned, either to bring over _Lewis_ XV. to their Party, or to oblige
him to a Neutrality? Count _Sinzendorff's_ coming from _Vienna_ to
_Versailles_, on purpose to treat for the Tranquillity of _Italy_, seems
to me a Proof, that the Emperor does not neglect _France_ to such a
Degree as the Uneasy and Disaffected would fain have it believed. In good
Truth, if _France_ had not threatened to attack the Emperor, in case he
did not consent to the Introduction of the _Infante_ into _Tuscany_, would
his Imperial Majesty have been influenced by the bare Menaces of _Spain_?
That Monarch is too well established in _Italy_, to fear any thing from
that Crown; and if Equity and Justice did not always accompany his
Actions, it would have been easy for him to have taken Possession of
_Tuscany_; and the _Spaniards_, who have never been able to retake
_Gibraltar_, and who, perhaps, would never have reduced _Barcelona_
without the Assistance of the _French_, would have found it a very
difficult Matter to have turned them out of it. The Cardinal _de Fleury_
having persuaded the King to declare in Favour of the _Infante_, he
threatens to join the _English_ and _Spaniards_; and the Emperor seeing
all _Europe_ against him, but especially _France_, which is capable of
striking the hardest Blows, yields to the Times, and grants every thing
that is desired of him. Can there be any thing more to the Honour of the
Cardinal? And, Why should a War be undertaken, if Menaces alone are
sufficient to obtain what is desired?
But, say the Disaffected, we purchase Peace of all the World by our Money.
The Cardinal is not chargeable with lavishing the King's Money. I know not
that he gives away any, unless it be the Subsidies granted to the Crowns
of _Denmark_ and _Sweden_. If that be purchasing a Peace, _Lewis_ XIV. and
the Regent after him, were much more lavish of the Royal Treasure, and
perhaps with less Profit; and it would be easy to demonstrate, that in
order to dislodge the _Spaniards_ from _Sicily_, the Regent sent more
Money into _Germany_ and _England_, in one Month, than the Cardinal gives
away in a Year to the Northern Crowns; tho' one of 'em has for Time out of
Mind been used to draw Subsidies from _France_. Yet all this while, the
Regent was not accused of purchasing a Peace of his Neighbours; because,
in order to make it necessary to buy a Peace, some Prince or other must
have threatened him with a War. But 'tis certain, that no Power did then,
or does now, think of attacking _France_. Let her continue peaceable, and
there we will leave her.
But on the other hand, tho' it were not justifiable for the Cardinal to
entertain pacific Sentiments, and tho' he were to indulge the Passion of
the _French_, I would fain know of those who are so hot for a War, Whether
they are well assured it would have a happy Issue? And, Whether, when a
War is once begun, it would be in their Power to put an End to it,
whenever they thought it consistent with their Affairs? Nay, I will
suppose that every thing should happen as they would wish, and that the
War should prove a fortunate one; What Acquisition can _France_ make,
which would not be more to her Expence than her Advantage? For the farther
she extends her Conquests, the more Enemies she will have of Course, and
the more Troops she will be oblig'd to maintain. The Frontiers of the
Kingdom are secured. Are a few more Towns, nay, an intire Province, a
sufficient Temptation for a King of _France_? And are they an Equivalent
for the Blood and Treasure that must be expended to acquire them? No,
surely, the Cardinal is perfectly in the right, and I must beg the
_Frenchmen's_ Pardon, when I tell 'em, they know not what they would be
at. How desirous were they of the late Peace? And they have scarce tasted
the Fruits of it, but they now want a War. If the Cardinal should enter
into a War, and the Consequences of it should prove fatal, Would they not
throw the Blame upon him? They would say for the Purpose, that it was
inconsistent with a Priest to make War. For my Part, I think the Cardinal
_de Fleury_ has substantial Reasons for doing what he does. The _French_
have been so long accustomed to the turbulent Reign of _Lewis_ XIV. which
was interspersed throughout with great Events, that they know not how to
reconcile themselves to one that is more placid and calm; but 'tis to be
hoped, they will ere long. Whatever they do, the Cardinal seems to be very
easy, let them say what they will of him. As he knows that he has nothing
to reproach himself with, and that he has always preferred the Good of the
Public to his own private Interest, he is afraid of no Revolution in his
Fortune. He is sensible that Innocence always holds up its Head, and that
real Merit is above the Reach of Envy and Malice.
M. _Daguesseau_ the Chancellor of _France_, is the Chief Magistrate of the
Kingdom, and his Office is attended with such great Prerogatives, that the
King cannot take it from him. The Person whom he succeeded in this eminent
Dignity, was M. _Voisin_, who being Secretary of War, was made Chancellor
by _Lewis_ XIV. upon M. _de Pontchartrain_'s resigning that Post, to
devote the Residue of his Life to God in Retirement. M. _Voisin_ dying
suddenly in the Beginning of the Duke of _Orlean_'s Regency, M.
_Daguesseau_, then Attorney-General, was, by his Royal Highness, appointed
Chancellor in his Room. All _France_ applauded this Choice. Every body was
so satisfied of this Magistrate's Candour and Integrity, that nobody
doubted he would assert Justice and Equity; and in short, he perfectly
answered the Expectations of the Public. But as true Merit, is always the
most envied, a Cabal was soon formed against his Integrity. M.
_Daguesseau_ refused to put the Seal to certain Edicts, which he thought
contrary to the Welfare of the Government; at which the Duke of _Orleans_
was so incensed, that he banished the Chancellor to _Frene_, a fine Seat
belonging to that Minister near _Meaux_; and the Seals were given to M.
_d'Argenson_, Lieutenant of the Police, with the Title of Keeper of the
Seals, which was formerly no more than a bare Commission; but the Regent
was then for erecting it into an Office. The Parliament of _Paris_
exclaimed very much against this Innovation, but the Regent, after all,
was obey'd. Upon the Death of M. _d'Argenson_, the Chancellor was
recall'd, and the Seals restor'd to[55]him; but he held them not long; for
the Regent, who was resolved to have no Ministers but such as knew how to
obey, disgraced the Chancellor a second time for opposing his Will, and
gave the Seals to M. _d'Armenonville_. The latter dying during the
Cardinal _de Fleury_'s Ministry, the Seals were given to M. _de
Chauvelin_, who, besides the Title of Keeper of the Seals, has also the
Office of Minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The
Chancellor, who has been recalled for some time, assists at the Council;
but his Office has been depriv'd of its greatest Lustre, since the Seals
have been separated from it.
M. _Chauvelin_, Keeper of the Seals, Minister and Secretary of[56]State
for Foreign Affairs, owes his Advancement to the Cardinal _de Fleury_,
who seems to confide in him intirely. This Minister is reckon'd very
laborious, good-natur'd and civil. The Foreign Ministers are so taken with
him, that they think no more of Messieurs _de Torcy_ and _de Morville_.
The former was of the _Colbert_ Family, Secretary of Foreign Affairs under
_Lewis_ XIV. a Man, as one may say, born for the Ministry, and whose great
and good Services have been very much cry'd-up, but more rewarded by the
Applauses of _Europe_, than by Favours from the Court. The other was the
Son of the late Keeper of the Seals, _d'Armenonville_, and had acquir'd a
great Reputation in his Embassies to _Holland_, and the Congress of
_Cambray_, when he desired Leave to[57] retire, and was succeeded by M.
_Chauvelin_.
The Count _de Maurepas_ is Grandson to the Chancellor _de Pontchartrain_,
and Son to the Count _de Pontchartrain_, Secretary for the Maritime
Affairs in the Reign of King _Lewis_ XIV. He enter'd very young into the
Ministry, and has so behav'd as to gain Friends and Dependants. I have not
heard one Man give him an ill Word, while every body speaks well of him;
but as for his Secretaries, or chief Clerks, the Seafaring People often
exclaim against the Airs of Importance which some of those Scribes put on,
who watch all Opportunities to impose on the Honesty of the Minister, in
Favour of their Creatures, to the Prejudice of other Subjects, who have
more Merit.
The Count _de S. Florentin_ is of the Family of _Phelypeaux_, as is also
the Count _de Maurepas_, who married his Sister. He is the Son of M. _de
la Vrilliere_, Secretary of State; and had the Reversion of his Father's
Office granted him by the Regent, when he was scarce twenty Years of Age.
M. _de la Vrilliere_ dying not long before the King's Marriage, M. _de S.
Florentin_ entered on his Office. He has that Province which relates to
Affairs Ecclesiastical. He married, some Years ago, the Daughter of the
late Count _de Platen_, Great Chamberlain, and Hereditary Post-Master of
_Hanover_; but neither of 'em knew one another before the Match was made.
Mademoiselle _de Platen_ was a _Lutheran_, but is turn'd _Catholic_. The
Lady, her Mother, for Whom I had as profound a Veneration as for any Woman
in the World, and whose Memory I still revere, brought her into _France_.
M. _de S. Florentin_ has Reason to be pleas'd with the Choice he has made:
For his Lady is not only very charming, but has noble Sentiments, and a
Virtue which Calumny itself durst not asperse. When she married M. _de S.
Florentin_, King _George_ I. of _Great Britain_ settled a Pension upon her
of forty thousand Livres, for forty-five Years; and King _George_ II. on
his Accession to the Crown, was pleased to confirm the said Pension, upon
that Lady's going to _London_ to solicit it, in Company with her
Mother-in-law Madame _de la Vrilliere_, now Duchess of _Mazarine_.
M. _d'Angervilliers_, formerly Intendant of _Alsace_, is Secretary of the
War-Office, in which he succeeded M. _le Blanc_, who was the Secretary a
second time, when he died at _Versailles_. The first time that he was
Secretary, he was supplanted by M. _de Breteuil_, during the Ministry of
the Duke _de Bourbon_; and he, in his Turn, supplanted M. _de Breteuil_,
the Queen's Chancellor, in the Ministry of the Cardinal _de Fleury_.
You see by this, that the War-Office has been several times chang'd
in a few Years; but 'tis like to remain always in the Hands of M.
_d'Angervilliers_, whose Application, Vigilance and Integrity, are very
much cry'd-up by the Officers, and all that have to do with him. I gave
you some Account of this Minister, when I wrote to you from _Strasbourg_,
to which I have nothing to add.
As the Secretary of War has been often chang'd of late Years, the
Comptroller-General of the Finances has been much more so. From the Year
1711, when I first came to _Paris_, to this Day, I have known seven
Comptrollers General, and not one of 'em died in the Office: So that this
Post may well be compared to that of the Grand _Vizier_, which is alike
struggled for, and alike fatal to those who are invested with it.
Of all the Men who have had that ticklish Employment of Comptroller-General
in _France_, there is not one that has made a more shining Fortune, and a
Fortune that sooner slipp'd from him, than _John Law_. This Man, of whom
many People have wrote and talk'd without knowing him, and according to
their Passions, was a _Scotsman_, born with a narrow Fortune, but strong
Desires to inlarge it. He had travell'd through several Parts of _Europe_,
and Gaming prov'd his chief Subsistence. He won considerable Sums in
_Italy_, especially at _Genoa_; and there it was that he hatch'd all those
Projects which he put in Execution in _France_. 'Tis true, that he did not
come into this Kingdom, till he had offered his Services to _Victor
Amadeus_, the King of _Sardinia_. This Prince told him, That his Dominions
were too small for the Execution of so great a Design; but that _France_
was a Theatre, where he might expect to make his Market, and thither he
advised him to go. _If I know the Humour of the +French+_, added the King,
_I am sure they will relish your Schemes_. _John Law_ took the Monarch's
Advice, and shewed his Project to the Regent, who approved it; and the
Projector soon found, that he had the Purses of the _French_ absolutely at
his Command. As he was a Protestant, he made his Abjuration in the
_Recollets_ Church at _Melun_, in the Diocese of _Sens_, in the Month of
_December_ 1719, in the Hands of the Abbé[58]_Tancin_. In the Month of
_January_ following, he was made Comptroller-General; but he quitted that
Post in _June_; abruptly left _Paris_ on the thirteenth of _December_
1720; and after rambling about for a while, not knowing where to fix, (for
his own Country did not suit him) he died at _Munich_. The Generality of
the _French_ accuse him of having exhausted _France_, and sent away
immense Sums to Foreign Countries. How true this is, I know not, but 'tis
certain, that _Law_, after his Disgrace, liv'd very meanly. His Widow and
his Son, (Mr. _John Law_)[59] who are actually at _Utrecht_, make no very
great Figure there, which very many People ascribe to Policy. But for my
own Part, who think more freely, and don't see what could hinder Mrs.
_Law_ and her Son from making a Display of their Riches, in the Country
where they live; I can't help crediting what People, and such as were
_John Law_'s Intimates, have assured me for a certain Truth, _viz._ That
_Law_ being puff'd-up with his Fortune, and not thinking it would be so
short-liv'd, had no Thought of securing it in Foreign Countries; and that
if he had such a Purpose, he had not Time to send any Sums out of the
Kingdom. He was oblig'd both by Necessity, and out of Policy, to make
Purchases in _France_; and accordingly he made considerable Acquisitions;
but they were no more than a pleasant Dream to him, and the Loss of them
only made his Disgrace the greater Affliction. I am of their Opinion, who
believe that _John Law_ was richer when he came to _France_, than he was
three Months after he left it. This Copy of Verses was made upon him,
which, perhaps, you will not be sorry to see[60].
The TITLE of it is, A COMMISSION of the OFFICE of
COMPTROLLER-GENERAL of the FINANCES, for Mr. JOHN LAW.
_De par le Dieu porte-marotte,
Nous Général de la Calotte,
Attendu que le Régiment
Est obligé sensiblement
Au Sieur +Law+, de qui la Science
Et conduite dans la Finance
Nous a donné maints Calotins,
En inventant les Bulletins,
Autrement dits Billets de Banque,
Pour servir au jeu de la Blanque,
Jeu non renouvellé des Grecs,
Comme le Fade jeu de l'Oye,
Mais imaginé tout exprès
Pour exciter l'homme à la joye:
Témoin les Plaisans viremens,
Et continuels changemens,
Que l'on a vu dans le Royaume
De Quinquempoix & de Vendôme,
Et Principauté de Soissons,
Où l'Achat & le Dividende_
_Causoient un Rumeur st grande,
Qu'on ne vit jamais tant de Rats
Obseder gens de tous états:
Mari, Femme, Garçon & Fille!
Laquais, Servantes, la Famille!
En un mot, sans rien excepter,
Venoit jouer & blanqueter,
Et s'y portoit de telle sorte,
Qu'il falloit Gardes à la Porte
Pour renvoyer chacun chez soi,
Après les trois coups de Beffroi.
Là de tous Païs & Provinces,
Marchands, Magistrats, Artisans,
Prélats, Guerriers & Courtisans,
Ducs & Pairs, & même des Princes,
Non du Païs, mais bien forains,
Accouroient comme des Essains,
Malgré vent, grêle, pluye & crotte,
Pour y jouer à la Marotte,
En beaux & bons deniers comptant,
Contre des Voleurs Calotines,
Dont la +France+ & terres voisines
Se pourront souvenir longtems._
_A ces Causes, vu l'Abondance
Des Calotins qui sont en +France+
De tous Rangs & de tous états,
Par le moyen du dit Sieur +Las+,
Nous lui consions nos Finances;
Voulons que sur ses Ordonnances
Nos fonds soient oeconomisés,
Augmentés & réalisés;
Afin que selon son merite
Chacun ait part, grosse ou petite,
Dans nos immenses Revenus,
Tant de gros Fonds que de menus.
Or comme un pareil Ministere
Est sert étendu dans sa Sphere,
Lui donnons pour prémier Commis,
+NOMPAR[61]+ qui des moins endormis
Connoit la manoeuvre diverse
De la Finance & du Commerce.
Lui donnons pour Profits & Droit,
Pensions, Gages & Salaries,
Le quart de tous les Angles droits,
Que couperont les Commissaires
Au papier qui sera visé,
Et duquel en homme avisé
Il a si bien grossi le nombre,
Que la +France+ y seroit à l'ombre,
Si tous le Billets rassemblés,
Et les uns aux autres collés,
On en pouvoit saire une Tente.
Au surplus de ladite Rente,
Lui donnons notre grand Cordon,
Passant de la droite à la gauche,
Ainsi qu'un légere ébauche
De sa droiture, dont le fond
Va si loin que [62]+Terrasson+ même,
Grand calculateur du Système,
Ne pourroit pas le mesurer.
En outre, pour mieux honorer
Le chef de ce grand Personnage,
Qui fit bouquer tout homme sage,
Et soi disant docte & profond,
Lui donnons Calotte de plomb,
De la haute et prémiere classe;
Et pour surcroit de telle grace,
Joignons à ces [63]Coqs dont la voix
Chanta la Justice au François,
Papillons, Rats & Girouettes,_
_Hannetons Grelots, & Sonnettes.
En mémoirs d'un si beau chant,
Qu'au sortir de +France+ on publie
Qù il va chanter en +Italie+,
Où sans doute il aura beau champ
Pour exercer son grand Génie,
Et sa connoissance infinie
Dans l'art de décupler les sonds
Par Billets payables à vue,
Desquels aujourd'hui nous voyons
En +France+ une si bonne Issue.
Ordonnons à tous les Païs
De notre vaste Dépendance,
De l'ecouter dans ses avis,
Sur-tout dans l'art de la Finance;
Art qu'il possede eminemment.
Fait au Conseil du Régiment[64]._
'Tis certain, that never was any thing more splendid, than the short Reign
of his Fortune. The _French_ perfectly idoliz'd, him, and even those who
turned their Backs to his Altar, could not help admiring him as an
extraordinary Man. The Nobility did not scruple to pay their Homage to
him; and I have seen Dukes and Peers of _France_ waiting in his
Antichamber, like the meanest Subjects. Towards the Close, there was no
coming to the Speech of him without Money. The _Swiss_ must be feed for
Entrance at his Gate, the _Lacqueys_ for Admittance into his Antichamber,
and the _Valets de Chambre_ for the Privilege of Access to his
Presence-Chamber or Closet. The Audiences too were very short, and People
were quickly dismissed with very little Merchandise for a great deal of
Money. Mean time he was civil, and his Fortune did not seem to have puff'd
him up. He was a fine handsome Man, of a fair Complexion, as the _English_
generally are, and had a very noble Port. Nobody understood _Algebra_
better than he did, and, let his Enemies say what they please, his System
was good in itself, and might have been beneficial to _France_, if it had
been punctually follow'd.
The Scheme was calculated for keeping two Thirds more of Species in the
Kingdom, than of Bills, in which Case there would always have been Money
enough to have paid off those Bills. But this did not satisfy the Avarice
of the Under-strappers; and in 1720, when the Bank Bills were put down,
there were two Thirds of Bills in the Kingdom, to one Third of Money,
_viz._ five hundred Millions of Money, to a thousand Millions in Bills;
and M. _d'Argenson_, the Protector of the four Brothers of the Name of
_Paris_, prevailed on the Regent to circulate 1760 Millions of
extraordinary Bills not registered, with which People bought and sold
Shares; and during this Commerce, the Bills were realiz'd by the Brokers
into Species; insomuch that, according to a Computation then made by
_Barême_, they say, that at the Time of the total Suppression of the
Bills, which was in _October_ 1720, there were more Livres _Tournois_ in
the famous Bank of _Missisippi_, than there had been Minutes since the
Creation of the World. All this Variety of Bills had so stupified the
_Parisians_, and they gave them such intire Credit, that before the Arret
of the fifteenth of _May_ 1720, which sunk the Bills from ten _per Cent.
per Mensem_ to half their Value, a _Parisian_ did not care to be paid in
Specie; for he thought Bills were far better, not only because they were
not liable to be lower'd, but because they were more ready to count, and
especially to carry. A Man that had Millions in his Pocket did not
perceive the Weight of 'em, whereas but one hundred _Louis-d'ors_ are too
heavy; and, how was it possible for a Man to carry them in his Pocket
without being tir'd? While Peoples Fortunes were in Paper, I could boast
of having had a Letter-case once in my Hands, in which there were Notes to
the Value of thirty-two Millions. If they had been my own, I question
whether I should have let them lie in Bank Bills, with the Hazard of
losing half the Value. What follows, is a short, but curious Account of
this Scheme[65].