CHAPTER VII

THE WORLD WAR

We shall not undertake a long discussion of the causes of the World

War but simply examine the reasons for the participation in it of the

United States on the side of the Allies. For the first time in

history the generation living through a great war has been able to

ascertain the facts regarding its origin. These facts, however, have

not yet become the common property of the great masses, although they

are gradually becoming evident to everybody. A great many people are

still influenced by the passions and hatreds aroused by the conflict.

Briefly stated, the causes of the conflict were trade rivalry between

Great Britain and Germany, the scramble for territory especially in

Africa, the conflict between Russia and Germany for the domination of

the Balkan Peninsula, and the old inherited animosity between France

and Germany. The accusation of "sole" guilt against Germany is held

no longer by persons who have studied the facts, although there still

are and will no doubt always be differences of opinion about minor

points. The immediate occasion for the opening of hostilities in

1914 was the murder of Archduke Ferdinand, the heir to the throne of

Austria-Hungary. This murder took place while he was in Bosnia. The

crime was committed by representatives of a Pan-Slavic organization

working hand in hand with the Serbian government with a view to

annexing Bosnia to Serbia.

Up to the nineteenth century, the Balkan Peninsula was owned by

Turkey, but the last century has witnessed the gradual break-up of

European Turkey on the Balkan Peninsula. In connection with this

disintegration, Russia tried to gain territory at the expense of

Turkey. Austria-Hungary also tried to penetrate the same area. A

conflict was the inevitable consequence. This Balkan problem had

been a source of trouble in Europe for a century. The people of

Serbia were Slavs and looked to Russia for support,--in fact, Serbia

was practically governed by Russian diplomacy. Austria-Hungary

looked to Germany for support. In 1908, Bosnia, which was then a

Turkish province but had been administered by Austria-Hungary since

1878, was annexed by Austria-Hungary. This act offended Serbia, who

wished to annex it as part of the Pan-Slavic dream for the domination

by Russia of Bosnia, Serbia, and the remainder of the Balkans. This

annexation by Austria-Hungary defeated the Pan-Slavic dream and was a

victory for Pan-Germany. Feeling became more and more acute when in

1914 the Archduke Ferdinand was killed. The incident was applauded

by Serbia, and conflict followed. The details of events in 1914 are

too complicated to go into for our brief space, but popular accounts

reaching the United States were from Allied sources and were

correspondingly biased.

In 1914 all Europe was divided into two great military camps--the

Allied and the Central Powers. The following is the size of the

principal armies of Europe in 1914: Germany, 806,000; Austria,

370,000; Italy, 305,000; France, 818,000; Russia, 1,284,000; Belgium,

280,000. All Europe was equipped as a military machine, and the

murder in 1914 simply put the machinery in motion. It was an absurd

fallacy to think that Germany was the only armed nation at the time,

and to believe that Great Britain entered the conflict to defend

Belgium is equally absurd. As early as 1911, Great Britain had made

plans with France for marching an army through Belgium to Germany in

the event of war with Germany. Belgium was regarded as part of the

Allied powers. Great Britain has officially acknowledged to be false

her ostensible reason for entering the war--the protection of

Belgium. Her reason was the struggle between rival imperialisms,

which secret treaties later exposed show clearly.

However, we are concerned here only with why the United States

entered the war. The three outstanding causes were interference with

neutral trade, economic ties with the Allies, and Allied propaganda

in the United States. These causes overlap in such a way as to make

it impossible to discuss them separately.

Soon after war was declared in 1914, Great Britain placed mines in

the North Sea and with the aid of her navy blockaded Germany and the

adjacent neutral portions of North Europe. As a result, all goods

going in that direction were captured. The United States protested,

but Great Britain refused to yield the point, claiming it to be a

military necessity albeit illegal from the point of view of

international law. Great Britain blockaded Germany by mines, and cut

off all foreign trade with Germany and neutral ports near Germany to

prevent the entrance of goods into Germany. Germany retaliated in

February, 1915, by employing the submarine to blockade Great Britain.

One policy was as legal as the other. Mr. Wilson protested, but

neither side yielded. In no case in history has a nation at war

observed the established rules if the rules conflict with military

expediency. The United States has been no exception to this

procedure. Since the object of warfare is the physical destruction

of an opponent, once you justify the war you must justify any means

employed to gain the victory. In protesting to Germany, we argued

that the submarines could not warn ships to take off passengers

before they were sunk, but neither could the mines planted by Great

Britain. American ships kept out of the mine zones but disregarded

the submarine zones for reasons we shall later explain. The

_Lusitania_, a British ship, was sunk by a submarine on May 7, 1915.

One hundred and fourteen Americans lost their lives. We immediately

protested. But the facts have shown that the _Lusitania_ carried a

large quantity of munitions of war. At the time the boat was sunk a

United States senator asked the Treasury Department for the bill of

lading. He was told it had been turned over to the State Department.

When the senator asked the State Department for a copy of the bill of

lading in order to see what was on board, the State Department

refused to disclose the contents, on the grounds that it was to be

kept for diplomatic correspondence. It was not known till after the

war was over what had actually been on board the ship. Since then it

has been officially stated by the collector of customs then at New

York that the _Lusitania_ carried munitions of war. Besides, Germany

had warned the passengers before getting on board that in all

probability the ship would be sunk. This notice was officially

published in the New York papers before the ship sailed. There is no

question but that the passengers had been given due warning. Whether

the sinking was legal or not depends upon the point of view.

According to Germany, she did more than the law required by her

warning before the ship left harbor, which is rather better than

being warned a few minutes before being sunk in mid-ocean.

The British seized and searched the mails. United States officials

below the rank of minister were searched by the British while

traveling to and from the continent. Before the close of 1914,

thirty-one cargoes of copper valued at $5,500,000 had been captured

by Great Britain, but the United States owners were compensated.

Their seizure, however, was illegal. Early in 1916, Germany agreed

to give up the use of the submarine, but on condition that the United

States make Great Britain obey international law. We could not force

Great Britain to abide by international law, and consequently Germany

resumed her submarine warfare in 1917, which was our official reason

for entering the war. But this was only our legal excuse. The

effective causes were our economic ties with the Allies, and Allied

propaganda in the United States. We will examine these causes more

carefully.

Modern warfare is a conflict of economic resources as well as armies.

The British navy cut off all economic intercourse between Germany and

the United States. In this way, the economic resources of the United

States were in the hands of the Allies. American agriculture,

credit, and industry soon became indispensable to the Allied cause.

In 1915 an Anglo-French mission came to New York and secured a loan

of $500,000,000. This money was left with various banks in New York

for the purpose of buying supplies from America. The Allied

governments continued to borrow in Wall Street, and these banks

loaned England and France money with which to buy materials. Soon

the House of Morgan became the purchasing agent of the Allies. The

Morgan firm selected Edward R. Stetinius, President of the Diamond

Match Company, as the purchasing agent. Mr. Stetinius selected one

hundred and seventy-five men to assist him in the task. They were

soon purchasing supplies for the Allies at the rate of $10,000,000 a

day. By September, 1917, the Morgan firm had purchased

$3,000,000,000 in merchandise and munitions for the Allies in

addition to the selling of Allied bonds. The day the United States

declared war against Germany the British government's bank account

with Morgan was heavily overdrawn.

When Kitchener became Minister of War in Great Britain in 1915 one of

his first acts was to cable Charles M. Schwab of the Bethlehem Steel

Company to come to England immediately. Schwab went and agreed to

sell all the output of the Bethlehem Steel Company to the British

government. In less than two years, he shipped about $300,000,000

worth of war material to England. Twenty submarines were built and

sent in parts to Canada where they were assembled and sent across to

England. This was done a year before the German submarine

_Deutschland_ came to the United States and was advertised as the

first to cross the Atlantic. (See John Moody, "Masters of Capital,"

pages 162-172.)

American industry had become one with the Allies. Our greatest

banking and industrial institutions had become dependent upon an

Allied victory and an Allied victory was dependent upon them.

American industry became pro-Ally because the British blockade cut

off our trade with Germany. German and Austrian agents such as

Dumba, Karl Boy-Ed and Franz von Papen were expelled from the country

because of their un-neutral activities on behalf of the Central

Powers.

"Patriotic" societies such as "The Navy League," "The American

Defense Society," and the "National Security League" were all tied up

financially with munition plants. These societies were propaganda

bureaus for "preparedness" and later for our entrance into the

conflict. The nineteen men who founded the Navy League had among

their number representatives of the three manufacturers of armor

plate in America,--the Midvale, Bethlehem, and Carnegie Companies.

The Navy League was in practice the propaganda bureau of the three

companies working together to sell armor plate.

Modern warfare has become even more than a conflict of armies and of

economic resources. Propaganda to secure popular support, has become

more and more necessary. Both sides in the European conflict made

great efforts to present their propaganda before America, but the

Central Powers failed primarily because of the British blockade. The

Allies, on their side, had the co-operation of American business, and

easily accomplished their purpose. Professor Hayes in his "Brief

History of the Great War" says: "The British resorted to every known

device of propaganda from employing secret service agents in New York

to maintaining at Washington the great journalist, Lord Northcliffe,

with a host of assistants, as a publicity director." These

propagandists had the co-operation of the bankers who had made loans

to the Allies or had acted as purchasing agents. All this happened

in 1916, but the American people never knew the source of their "war

news" until the conflict was over. Mr. Rathom, of the Providence

_Journal_, of Providence, R.I., was notorious for his accounts of

German "crimes." The Boston _Herald_ of December 30, 1923, in an

editorial comment, says: "It is, of course, true, as most well

informed people now understand, that the Rathom disclosures which

made the Providence _Journal_ famous during the war were fiction--but

Rathom did this for the praiseworthy purpose of arousing his

countrymen to a war fury. He took one of the practical ways of doing

so." Captain Ferdinand Tuohy of the British Secret Service in "The

Secret Corps" says: "All the trickery and subterfuge and war-wisdom

of the ages brought up-to-date, intensified and harnessed to every

modern invention and device, ... a Machiavelli, a Talleyrand or some

other master schemer of the ages come back to earth, would have

thrilled at the amazing cunning and corruption of it all." The

Belgium authorities themselves have denied the truth of the crimes

given out in the Bryce Report. Mr. Lloyd George has stated in print

that careful investigations disclosed no case of Belgian children

with hands cut off. Yet these are some of the crimes with which the

American public were fed during 1916, 1917 and 1918. The peoples of

the Central Powers were, of course, furnished similar crimes

attributed to the Allies. There were many crimes committed as in all

wars, but every nation, including the United States, was guilty of

them.

It is not easy to explain the attitudes of many prominent officials

of the United States during the years preceding our entrance into the

war. Ambassador Walter H. Page, our representative in London, was

guilty of direct disloyalty to the American Government and people.

When President Wilson protested to the British Government against her

disregard of neutral rights Mr. Page did not give the messages to Sir

Edward Grey of the British Foreign Office. He would read them to him

and would then ask Grey to co-operate with him in making a reply to

the United States. Sir Edward Grey says in his memoirs: "Page came

to see me at the foreign office one day and produced a long dispatch

from Washington contesting our claims to act as we were doing in

stopping contraband in going to neutral ports. 'I am instructed' he

said 'to read this dispatch to you.' He read and I listened. He

then said 'I have now read the dispatch but I do not agree with it.

Let us consider how it should be answered.'" In all diplomacy there

is no other example of such a procedure. Page was determined upon

our entrance from the very beginning of the war. Many of our

representatives at the principal courts of Europe were connected with

the Allies personally through business or banking interests in this

country.

Mr. Wilson himself was pro-British in scholarship. He was a great

admirer of the cabinet-parliamentary form of government used in

England. All his heroes in political science were English

authorities. Mr. Wilson's former attorney-general, Thomas W.

Gregory, says in a letter to the New York _Times_ of February 9,

1925, that Wilson was "by inheritance, tradition, and reasoning at

all times the friend of the Allies." Mr. Tumulty also now says Mr.

Wilson was never neutral.

President Wilson had become converted to the idea of intervention by

the spring of 1916. Sir Edward Grey says in his memoirs that Colonel

House assured him in February, 1916, that Wilson would do his best to

bring the United States to the aid of the Allies. In April, 1916,

the President consulted Champ Clark, Speaker of the House; Claude

Kitchen, Democratic Leader; H. D. Flood, Chairman of the Foreign

Relations Committee; and other Democratic leaders regarding their

willingness to bring the United States into the war on the Allied

side. This is known as the famous "Sunrise Conference." They

refused, and Mr. Wilson allowed his party to use as the 1916 slogan,

"He kept us out of war." At the time he was afraid to advocate

intervention for fear of splitting his party. There were demands on

the part of certain political leaders and the press for immediate

intervention but these demands were not representative of public

opinion at the time. Ambassador Page brought his influence to bear

on preventing the Allies from considering German proposals for peace

offered in 1916 and 1917.

Allied propaganda represented Germany as lustful for world dominion.

Careful examination now shows that there was no such policy except

that which is common to all powers. This was part of the false

propaganda spread in the United States to inflame public opinion and

make our entrance "defensive." Both sides resorted to trickery of

every description. Much stir was created by the Zimmermann note

published in March, 1917. It was a proposal by Germany to Mexico to

enter on the side of Germany should the United States join the

Allies, with a view to recovering New Mexico and the surrounding

territory taken by the United States from Mexico in 1848. But this

was exactly what the Allies had done, when they persuaded Japan to

enter in order to capture the German sphere of influence in Shantung,

China. It is obvious that every nation at war will try to weaken its

opponent. We encouraged the Latin American republics to declare war

on Germany, which was no more than Germany did in encouraging Mexico

to declare war on the United States, should we declare war on

Germany. This note was distorted and reported in 1917 in a manner to

give the impression that Germany was actively trying to create

trouble for the United States even in peace. The fact remains that

the Zimmermann proposal was not to apply unless we entered the war

against Germany, when it would be a legitimate defensive measure for

Germany to secure the aid of Mexico.

Brigadier General J. C. Charteris, Chief of Intelligence of the

British Army during the war, stated boastfully, in New York, in an

address in the fall of 1925, before the National Arts Club, that he

had invented the report that Germany was boiling down the bodies of

her dead soldiers to be used as fertilizer. He made the statement

under the impression that no reporters were present. The Richmond

_Times-Dispatch_, on December 6, 1925, said editorially:

"Not the least of the horrors of modern warfare is the propaganda

bureau which is an important item in the military establishment of

every nation. Neither is it the least of the many encouraging signs

which each year add to the probability of eventual peace on earth.

"The famous cadaver story which aroused hatred against the German to

the boiling point in this and other allied nations during the war has

been denounced as a lie in the British House of Commons. Months ago,

the world learned the details of how this lie was planned and

broadcasted by the efficient officer in the British intelligence

service. Now we are told that 'imbued with the spirit of the Locarno

pact,' Sir Austen Chamberlain rose in the House, said that the German

Chancellor had denied the truth of the story and that the denial had

been accepted by the British government.

"A few years ago, the story of how the Kaiser was reducing human

corpses to fat, aroused the citizens of this and other enlightened

nations to a fury of hatred. Normally sane men doubled their fists

and rushed off to the nearest recruiting sergeant. Now they are

being told, in effect, that they were dupes and fools; that their own

officers deliberately goaded them to the desired boiling point, using

an infamous lie to arouse them, just as a grown bully whispers to one

little boy that another little boy said he could lick him.

"The encouraging sign found in this revolting admission of how modern

war is waged is the natural inference that the modern man is not

overeager to throw himself at his brother's throat at the simple word

of command. His passions must be played upon, so the propaganda

bureau has taken its place as one of the chief weapons.

"In the next war, the propaganda must be more subtle and clever than

the best the World War produced. These frank admissions of wholesale

lying on the part of trusted governments in the last war will not

soon be forgotten."

After the United States entered the war in April, 1917, we

immediately created a government propaganda bureau, which was known

as "The Committee on Public Information," with George Creel as

chairman. Since the war, Mr. Creel has given us an account of the

propaganda activities in his book--"How We Advertised America." No

effort was made to present the truth. Allied propaganda was accepted

and to it we added ours. This "Committee on Public Information"

issued 75,099,023 pamphlets and books to encourage the public

"morale." They hired the services of 75,000 speakers who operated in

5,200 communities. Altogether, about 755,190 speeches were made by

these people known as the "Four Minute Men." Exhibits were given at

fairs, and war films were prepared for the cinema, from which the

Committee on Public Information received a royalty. A total of 1,438

drawings were employed to arouse popular hatred. An official daily

newspaper was issued which had a circulation of 100,000 copies. A

propaganda bureau was established by the United States, in the

capitals of every nation in the world except those of the Central

Powers. The total expenditure by the United States for propaganda

was $6,738,223. (See George Creel, "How We Advertised America,"

Chapter I.) This was the greatest fraud ever sold to the public in

the name of patriotism and religion.

The Espionage Act was passed making it illegal to spread "false"

reports that would hinder recruiting. Every report was false which

did not harmonize with the propaganda released by this Committee on

Public Information. The best we can now say for Mr. Wilson and the

American public is that they were the victims of Allied propaganda,

and contributed to the wrecking of civilization.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Beard, Charles A.--_Cross Currents in Europe Today_.

Barnes, Harry E.--_The Genesis of the World War_.

Creel, George--_How We Advertised America_.

Chafee, Zechariah--_Freedom of Speech_.

Fay, A. S.--_Origin of the World War_.

Flick, A. C.--_Modern World History_. Chapter 34.

Grattan, C. H.--_Why We Fought_.

Lasswell, H. D.--_Propaganda Technique in the World War_.

Moody, John--_Masters of Capital_. Chapter 9.

Nock, A. J.--_The Myth of a Guilty Nation_.

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