CHAPTER V

THE CIVIL WAR

The Civil War was the result of a series of political crimes and

blunders of which both sections of the country were equally guilty.

It was not inevitable or necessary to fight in order to abolish

slavery. In every other country of the world slavery had been

abolished without war. The question of slavery had never been a

party issue until after the Mexican War, but from then until the

election of 1860 slavery was the leading political issue. During the

war with Mexico, Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, offered what is known as

the Wilmot Proviso, which provided that the territory acquired from

Mexico should be closed to slavery. Although this bill was defeated

in Congress it brought up the question of the further extension of

slavery.

At the time of the Mexican War there were two national parties--the

Whigs and the Democrats. These two parties embraced almost all of

the people, and as both were strong in both sections of the United

States, they tended to cement the union, for parties on a national

basis tend to unify a nation while sectional parties lead to

disunion. The anti-slavery people and the moderates gravitated

towards the Whig party while the pro-slavery people gravitated

towards the Democratic party.

The Whigs elected General Zachary Taylor President in 1848. Although

he was a large slave holder of Louisiana, he was a moderate, and was

satisfactory to all groups and sections. He had the support of

Lincoln as well as of the southern Whigs. Soon after Taylor became

President, Henry Clay proposed the famous Compromise of 1850, the

important features of which were: admit California as a free state,

organize the remainder of the territory taken from Mexico without

regard to slavery, abolish the slave trade in the District of

Columbia, and pass a fugitive slave law to be enforced by the federal

government. This compromise, although a Whig measure, was

instrumental in killing the Whig party. No party or section was

satisfied with it. President Taylor opposed it but his death before

its passage brought to the presidency the Vice-President, Fillmore,

who allowed it to become a law without his signature. The provision

that broke up the Whig party was the strict fugitive slave law, and

anti-slavery Whigs repudiated their party. The idea of returning

fugitive slaves was shocking to the best moral judgment of the time.

The leaders of moral sentiment--ministers, poets, and reformers of

every type--advised disobedience. It was a dead letter because the

moral sentiment of the age was against it. On the other hand, the

pro-slavery people did not like it because it was not enforced. Thus

the law was treated with contempt by both parties.

The Whig party which was moderate, national, opposed to expansion,

and the extension of slavery was disrupted. The Democrats carried

all except four states in 1852, and remained in power until 1860,

dominated by powerful pro-slavery sentiment throughout this period.

After the fall of the Whig party the Republican party was organized

in 1856. It took the name "Republican" from the followers of Thomas

Jefferson and claimed it was a revival of the party of Jefferson. It

was the liberal party, opposed to slavery. It was organized and

until after the Civil War dominated by the liberal element in the

United States. The Democratic party also claimed themselves to be

followers of Jefferson, which they were not, at that time, except in

a very narrow legal sense. Jefferson was opposed to slavery and

special privilege in every form. In 1800 he advocated state rights

or a decentralized government because he believed the states were and

would always be more popularly controlled than the federal

government. But by 1860 that situation was reversed. The

states--especially the southern states--had begun to be dominated by

the privileged group, who talked in terms of state rights to

perpetuate this privilege, while Jefferson talked in terms of state

rights because he feared the domination of the federal government by

the reactionary element. Both Lincoln and Jefferson held the same

views socially. The Democratic party of the pre-Civil War period had

repudiated Jefferson. But the Republican party did not become

reactionary until after the Civil War.

When the Republican party was organized in 1856, it was regarded as

"red," chiefly in the eyes of the south, for it was organized

principally with the idea of keeping slavery out of the west. Its

campaign literature in 1856 was composed largely of the anti-slavery

utterances of Jefferson. To the south "Republican," "anarchy,"

"abolitionist," "Lincoln," "John Brown," and "Garrison" were soon to

become synonymous terms. Because of this the Republican party had no

following in the south even among a great many people who wished to

abolish slavery. It became a sectional party, which was its fatal

weakness in dealing with slavery, as compared with the former Whig

party, which had had a national following. The Republican party was

sectional before 1860.

Lincoln had been a Whig, and had accepted the Compromise of 1850.

Although he was one of the great men of all times, he was a victim of

many of the common errors of his age. Reflecting the belief of his

time, he considered slavery a stable institution. His great

democratic spirit lay in the fact that he expressed the ideas of the

common man, and had complete faith in him. He tried to recognize and

give expression to the purposes and aspirations of the masses, which

made him one of the world's greatest democrats, with democracy's

strengths and weaknesses. Lincoln was not a creative thinker and had

few pretensions in that direction. He had no intention of abolishing

slavery in the states--he simply wished to prevent it from spreading.

He also held the common attitude of his age that the Negro belonged

to an inferior race.

In the election of 1860 Lincoln polled only 26,430 votes in the

entire south and those were from the upper section. Douglas, the

moderate Democrat, received 163,525 votes in the south; Bell, of the

Unionist party, received 515,973 votes in the same section, while

Breckenridge, the extreme pro-slavery candidate, received 570,871

votes in the entire south. Breckenridge carried the lower south by a

plurality while Lincoln carried the west and north by a plurality,

and was elected president. The Douglas and Bell voters of the south

were opposed to secession, but all the secession vote went to

Breckenridge although not all the Breckenridge vote was for

secession. A majority in the south opposed secession but the

southern states fell into the hands of the secessionists by a

plurality.

Why did the south secede? Lincoln was elected on a platform defying

the Dred Scott decision of 1857. According to this decision the

Constitution recognized slavery and therefore Congress could not

prohibit it in the western territories. This could be done only by

the states through their constitutions or by the federal government

through a constitutional amendment. This was a great legal victory

for slavery, but Lincoln defied the decision, and expected the next

move on the part of pro-slavery advocates to be an attempt to

legalize slavery in the northern states through a Supreme Court

decision. Lincoln, when asked what he meant by saying the union

could not exist half free and half slave, said that slavery would

eventually have to go but it would probably last one hundred years.

He did not realize that slavery was dying. This election of Lincoln

on a platform defying a decision of the Supreme Court caused the

lower south to secede, as a gesture to uphold the courts and the

Constitution. Lincoln coerced them in order to uphold the

Constitution, for he had been legally elected president and his

office required his execution of federal laws. Thus, both the north

and the south fought to defend the Constitution. Both felt

themselves defensive--neither section understood the other--and

emotionalism in the matter was so kindled that reason could not

function on either side. The Civil War was a war about an

abstraction--the status of slavery in the western territory--which

was the real cause of the war. There were other differences between

the north and the south but none of them would have resulted in war

had not the slave question entered into the conflict.

By 1860 slavery in the greater part of the civilized world was a dead

or a dying institution. Great Britain in 1833 abolished slavery in

all her possessions. Mexico provided for the gradual abolition of

slavery as early as 1827. Brazil followed in 1888 and Spain

abolished slavery in Cuba in 1878. In all these cases it was done

without conflict. All the northern states of the union had become

free and the western states and territories were repudiating slavery

as well. When California drew up her constitution and asked for

admission in 1850, the clause prohibiting slavery was adopted by a

unanimous vote of her constitutional convention. In the referendum

held in Kansas in 1858, 11,300 out of a total vote of 13,088 were

opposed to slavery. Only a few slaves had been carried there and

they could never have been permanently held as slaves. New Mexico

was organized as a territory in 1850 without regard to slavery and at

one time as many as twenty-two slaves had been carried there.

Nevada, Colorado, and Dakota were organized as territories before

1860 but had no slaves. In Missouri slavery was on the decrease, if

judged by its percentage of the entire population--in 1830, 17.8% of

the Missouri population were slaves; in 1840, 15.5%; in 1850, 12.8%;

and in 1860, only 9.8%. Slavery would have existed in Missouri only

for a few more years, for the anti-slavery population was increasing

rapidly by settlers from the free states and great numbers of people

from Germany who settled in the neighborhood of St. Louis, and were

especially opposed to slavery.

Before 1860, slavery was non-existent in all sections of the union

except the tobacco, cotton and sugar cane belts. In upholding the

institution of slavery, the south was opposed to the spirit of the

age. Slavery was doomed by moral and economic pressure. It was a

useless procedure for the south to demand the right to carry slavery

into the western territory because it was unprofitable economically

and was not wanted. For the same reason it was futile for the

opponents of slavery to try to prohibit by law its extension

westward--the westerners had no desire or use for it. It was this

contention over slavery in western territory which was the

abstraction over which the Civil War was fought.

Many people before 1860, saw the folly of this controversy. Governor

Robert J. Walker of Mississippi recognized that the west would never

be open to slavery, as did Stanton of Tennessee and Senator Toombs of

Georgia. The status of slavery in the west had been automatically

settled by the laws of nature. The two sections, however, cherished

perverted ideas of each other. It was reported, and actually

believed, in the north, that Senator Robert Toombs, of Georgia, had

boastfully declared that he would call the roll of his slaves in

Massachusetts.

The following incidents given in Macy's "Political Parties in The

United States," pages 209 to 211, are illustrative of the state of

public excitement preceding the Civil War. In an effort to dictate

the slave policy of the west, Charlie B. Lines, a deacon of a New

Haven congregation, had enlisted a company of seventy-nine emigrants

for the war. A meeting was held in the church shortly before their

departure, for the purpose of raising funds, at which many clergymen

and members of the Yale College faculty were present. The leaders of

the party announced that Sharpe's rifles were lacking and that they

were needed for self-defense. After an earnest address from Henry

Ward Beecher, the subscription began. Professor Silliman started the

subscription with one Sharpe's rifle; the pastor of the church gave

the second. Fifty was the number wanted. Then Beecher announced

that if twenty-five were pledged on the spot, Plymouth Church would

furnish the rest. Churches in both sections had by that time become

agencies for propagating hatred. Another incident is a southern one.

Colonel Bufort of Alabama sold a number of his slaves valued at

$20,000, and invested the money to equip a troop of three hundred

soldiers to fight for southern rights in Kansas. "The day that

Bufort's battalion started from Montgomery they marched to the

Baptist Church. The Methodist minister solemnly invoked the divine

blessing on the enterprise; the Baptist pastor gave Bufort a finely

bound Bible, and said that a subscription had been raised to present

each emigrant with a copy of the Holy Scripture." This battalion

left for the west armed with Bibles and Sharpe's rifles. The

existence of such a condition of excitement made it an easy matter to

precipitate war.

In political contests the natural tendency is for persons of extreme

views to gain leadership--decided and partisan convictions are easily

described and understood, whereas people of moderate and discreet

judgment often lack conviction themselves and so cannot very well

impress their views upon the masses. Garrison's extreme abuse of the

south was met there with similar other extremes. The abolitionists

had great sympathy for the oppressed but great hatred for the

oppressor, and regarded the slave owner as personally responsible for

slavery rather than as an agent of circumstances. Perhaps if the

abolitionists had directed their appeal to the moral conscience of

the south, avoiding sectional and personal abuse, secession would

never have taken place. The south met this abuse by demanding that

all anti-slavery publications be excluded from the mails. Books,

papers, and all publications suspected of containing anti-slavery

propaganda were taken from the mails and publicly burned at

Charleston, S. C. There were many manifestations of disregard for

the sanctity of the mails. The north judged the south by these

extreme actions, and the efforts of the south to suppress

anti-slavery agitation resulted only in greater propaganda for the

abolitionists.

The public is quick to demand war, but is not so willing to accept

its hardships. During the conflict it was necessary for both the

north and the south to suspend civil liberties, including freedom of

the press and speech. Expressions that might weaken war morale were

punished--both sections suspended the writ of habeas corpus and

arbitrarily imprisoned their citizens. About 38,000 people were

imprisoned in the north while the number in the south is unknown.

Both sections, as in all major wars, resorted to the draft to recruit

soldiers. Yet, with all these weapons at their disposal, the

northern army succeeded in enlisting only about 1,325,000 of its

native white population out of a total of 23,000,000. Besides

approximately 1,325,000 native whites, the northern army consisted of

300,000 whites from the south, 186,000 negroes, and 500,000

foreigners. Left to the voluntary support of its citizens neither

section could have carried on the war, as no major war of modern

times could have been fought with that voluntary support alone. The

draft acts of both sections allowed for the employment of

substitutes, which, of course, was hard on the poorer classes who

could not employ substitutes, but the richer classes often avoided

army service by this method. It is impossible to obtain an exact

figure for the number of substitutes employed, but the Secretary of

War under Davis considered 50,000 a low estimate for the Confederate

army in 1864. Desertion was frequent on both sides. Rhodes

estimates the number of deserters in the south at 100,000 in 1864.

Much has been heard of the heroism and sacrifice displayed during the

conflict, but little of the crimes committed by both sections. Only

the pleasant phases of the war have survived. When Joseph Holt and

Robert Dale Owen were appointed by Secretary of War Stanton to adjust

claims for materials supplied to the War Department, they found fraud

at every turn, and before making their final report in July, 1862,

secured deductions of nearly $17,000,000 from claims amounting to

$50,000,000. One claim alone was reduced $1,000,000 and another was

reduced $580,000. One senator had received $10,000 for securing an

order from the War Department for a client. Colonel Henry S. Olcott,

who was appointed special commissioner to investigate frauds, after a

thorough examination of the facts announced that from 20% to 25% of

the expenditures of the Federal treasury during the Civil War was

tainted with fraud, and, according to his estimate, approximately

$700,000,000 was paid through fraud. (See Rhodes, Vol. V, page 220.)

In commenting upon moral conditions during the conflict, the

_Springfield Republican_ said editorially: "It is a sad, a shocking

picture of life in Washington, which our correspondents are giving

us;--a Bureau of the Treasury Department made a home of seduction and

prostitution; the necessities of poor and pretty women made the means

of their debauchery by high government officials; members of Congress

putting their mistresses into clerkships in the departments; whiskey

drinking ad libitum." (See Rhodes, Vol. V, page 212.) These are

some of the typical incidents of conditions in both sections, but

text books in treating of this war, as of all others, present only

those phases which glorify the conflict.

The cost of the Civil War, including the expenditures of both

sections, pensions, destruction of property, and other indirect

expenses, was $12,000,000,000. Its damage to the moral and spiritual

development of the United States cannot be estimated.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Dodd, W. E.--_The Cotton Kingdom_.

Lonn--_Desertion During the Civil War_.

Macy, Jesse--_The Anti-Slavery Crusade_.

Macy, Jesse--_Political Parties in the United States_. Chapters 7-22.

Rhodes, James Ford--_History of the United States_. Vols. I-V.

Stephenson, N. W.--_The Day of the Confederacy_.

Stephenson, N. W.--_Abraham Lincoln and the Union_.

Wood, William--_Captain of the Civil War_.

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