The family is, in fact, the first association by natural right, and

therefore every constitution which embraces it and does not take it for

its foundation is vitiated and sterile. The founders of the work knew

this, and were, moreover, not allowed to forget it by the daily

reproaches they received—“You are destroying the family; you are

destroying the parish!”—and what not. But how to reach the family so as

to be of service to it instead of injurious was not for some time made

clear. The Circle of Montparnasse, the prototype of the rest, had

avoided rather than faced the difficulty by disposing of its active

functions in favor only of its unmarried members. But this was plainly

not the solution.

The solution had, however, been discovered, at no great distance from

Rheims, in the great manufacturing region which has for the motive

power of its machines the waters of the Suippe, for its boundary the

extensive woods which form an oasis of verdure in the burning plains of

Champagne, and for its population factory-men, who wander, at the

bidding of the industrial fluctuations of the time, to and from the

looms of the north, of Rheims, or of St. Quentin—a population

exceptionally indigent, since the struggle between capital and wages,

inaugurated by liberalism, has become the normal condition of the

producer and the consumer.

In the hamlet of Val-des-Bois, in the centre of this district, an

industrial family settled about half a century ago, and brought with it

the example of every Christian virtue. Kind towards their workmen,

generous even beyond their gains, Messieurs Harmel assembled around

their vast establishment all the religious and philanthropic

institutions by means of which it has hitherto been attempted to

re-establish harmony in the world of labor.

As is but too frequently the case, they failed in this attempt

completely. But they were not daunted, nor did they rest satisfied with

their past endeavors; for, if they loved the working-men, they loved

their Lord still more, and desired as earnestly as ever that he should

reign in the hearts of those in their employ.

Not many years ago it occurred to one of them to introduce among the

population of their factories—which did not count a single practising

Christian—the principle of the Catholic Association. He determined to

ask four men to join together to form the nucleus of a circle, and

three young girls to be received as _Enfants de Marie_ and wear the

badge. In proportion as the associations developed themselves he

multiplied them according to the sex, age, and condition of each

individual; and this with such success that at the present time the

twelve hundred souls who people Val-des-Bois are united in a marvellous

aggregation of pious confraternities, among whose members are made, in

the course of a year, more than ten thousand communions, in the

intention of making reparation to our Lord for the outrages he receives

in the modern factory.

Then, also, as earthly goods are often increased abundantly to those

who seek first the kingdom of God, the principle of Catholic

Association applied to the families of the Factory of the Sacred Heart

(l’Usine du Sacrè-Cœur)—for it bears this name—has realized there

innumerable economical benefits, a fact which will not surprise those

who know the power of this principle. Assistance of every kind,

clothing, food, and fuel at very reasonable prices, schools free of

expense to the parents, and occasional holidays for recreation, have

brought with them, together with economy, the comfort also and

prosperity of the families. All these institutions, economic,

charitable, and religious, are governed by those personally interested.

The _circle_, which brings together the fathers of families, is, as it

were, the centre of this machinery; and the master, who is its motive

power, associates with himself not only all the members of his own

family and the chaplain of the factory, but also his principal

employés, to fulfil the paternal function of a protecting and directing

committee, and so to secure to the association the chances of

continuance as well as the fruits of example. To this end delegates are

annually appointed, who, under the presidency of the master, are the

guardians of the corporation.

We will give the result of all these well-considered combinations in M.

Harmel’s own words:[113]

“By the persevering endeavors of many years we have attained the end at

which we aimed. Families are reconstituted, peace and love have taken

the place of quarrels and disorder around the domestic hearth; the

mother rejoices at the change wrought in her husband and children; the

father finds in a new life the courage and happiness of labor; his home

is delightful to him from the respect of his children, the ready

cheerfulness of his wife, and the love of all. Economy has put an end

to debts and created savings; the anniversary festivals of the family

bring back that affectionate gayety and warmth which give repose amid

the fatigues of life, and inspire fresh ardor to go bravely on the way.

When we are in the midst of these good and honest faces transformed by

Christian influences, we read there confidence and love, and thank the

good God who has made the large family of Val-des-Bois.” Such are the

experiences there obtained, as if to complete those of the Cercle

Montparnasse.

Alone among the many excellent men who, after the war and Commune,

arose to attempt some means of healing the internal wounds of France,

the members of the _Œuvre Ouvrière_ took a solemn engagement, the terms

of which were marked out with precision. Each member affixes his

signature to an individual and public act of devoted adhesion to the

doctrines defined by the _Syllabus of the Errors of Modern Society_.

Preserved, therefore, from the liberalism which in reality puts

oppression into the hands of the strongest, and the socialism which

demands it for the masses, they will pursue more efficaciously than

either of these the vindication of the popular interests, such as the

due observance of the Sunday and the protection of the family and home,

and, guided by grace and supported by prayer, will find Christian

solutions for all the social questions of labor.

The work of the Catholic circles has set on foot a periodical for the

study and discussion of these questions—namely, the review which

borrows its title from one of the principles of the work:

_L’Association Catholique_. It is open to all questions, but not to all

doctrines, for a work which, at the head of its statutes, invokes the

definitions of the Catholic Church cannot admit the errors which she

has condemned. It numbers among its contributors some of the best

social economists and solid Christian writers of the time, and thus

provides weapons of proof to the polemics of the Catholic press,

besides furthering the great social effort made by the association,

which now reckons three hundred circles in all parts of France.

In conclusion, we would mention that it must be borne in mind that the

important part in this good work is not the exclusive institution of

circles, this being only the first and one of the different forms under

which the principle is brought to act. That principle is the direction

and protection of the working-classes by the higher and more educated,

and the association of the interests of both, as opposed to the

lamentable antagonism of the same different classes which is, in our

times, the great difficulty of social government and the source of

increasing disorder and conflict. These associations are intended to

react, by every possible means, against the erroneous social theories

so numerous and so impotent for good, and to bring into practice the

only true and effectual social law—namely, conformity to the social

duties of Catholics. Our religion has remedies for all evils; its

practice is supreme political and social wisdom, and in the alarming

state of society among the working-classes there cannot be, nor ever

will be, found any other course to be adopted than to return to the

rules of Christian life. It is evident, then, how wide a field is

opened by such a desire breaking forth in the hearts and minds of

fervent Christians such as M. de Mun and his friends, and it would be

impossible to show in few words all that it has produced and is

producing by the grace of God; and although this work of charity has

originated in France, and at present exists only in France, it may, it

is to be hoped, give rise to similar laudable efforts in all countries,

where also, among their associations of Catholic circles for the

working-classes, shall, as in this country, be raised the _labarum_ of

Constantine and its sacred motto: “In hoc signo vinces.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

THE RIVER’S VOICE.

I.

Through the long hours the day’s strong life had flowed

In sunshine, working good deeds silently,

In clouds whose shadows set new harmony

Among the hills—God’s justice’ old abode.

Through mountain hollows had the wind swept down,

Turning green leaves to silver in the sun,

Winning the meadows in broad waves to run

Where still unlevelled shone their grassy crown.

The troubled river had no vision borne

Of gleaming hill and tree-o’ershadowed shore;

The birches, bending their lost mirror o’er,

Met but the driven waves’ unwilling scorn;

Yet heaven’s blue the broken waters bore,

The breeze but strengthened as it hurried o’er.

II.

Lightening their labor with a careless song,

Birds o’er the meadow swept with busy wing,

Flashed in and out the forests’ sheltering,

While clamorous council held the crickets’ throng.

Swift fell the grass beneath the mower’s stroke

To win its perfect ripeness ‘ere day’s end,

When should, the harvest bearing, meekly bend

The mild-eyed oxen ‘neath the unwieldy yoke.

Broken with sound was even the noonday rest—

Shrill-piping locust called imperiously,

Impetuous bee proclaimed its industry,

And blue-mailed flies pursued an endless quest;

Only from throbbing river rose no song

Blending its music with life’s murmuring throng.

III.

Day closed, and busy life lay down to rest.

A shade that moved not held in cold embrace

The yielding meadows and the hills’ calm face,

About whose silence burned the cloudless west.

No leafy murmur rose from darkening wood,

Hushed the pure gladness of the robins’ trill;

Called from low covert some lone whip-poor-will

Only to heighten eve’s still solitude.

The wind asleep, the quiet waters bore

Vision of sky and mountains’ deepening shade,

And touch of bending birches, softly laid,

As the still stream gave back their glance once more.

Clear, through the silence, drifted rippling tones—

The patient river singing to the stones.

IV.

So, through the day, had flowed the river’s song,

So borne the stream its burden of strong life

Spite of its troubled waters’ windy strife—

Heaven in its breast—and, as it sped along,

Bearing its loyal service to the sea,

Praising the stones that gave it voice to sing,

With constant sweetness, whose soft murmuring,

Unwearying ever in its melody,

Was hidden in life’s song that filled the day

With chords confused of labor manifold.

Only with evening’s peaceful skies of gold

Came the lost music of the river’s lay—

Like some brave life whose sweetness but is known

When holy silence doth world-sounds dethrone.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

PAPAL ELECTIONS.

I.

The succession of the Roman pontiffs rests on the word of God; other

lines of princes may fail, their line shall last until the end of the

world. Still, although there will ever be a series of legitimate

successors in the Papacy, the manner of succession has varied, being

left to human prudence, which accommodates itself to times and places,

yet ever under an overruling Providence that directs to its own ends no

less the vices than the virtues of men.

The election of a pope is the most important event that takes place in

the world. It affects immediately several hundred millions of Catholics

in their dearest hopes of religion, and it touches indirectly the

interests of all other people on the earth besides. In the pope the

world receives a vicar of Christ, a successor of St. Peter, and an

infallible judge in matters of faith and morals. The Papacy was always

conferred regularly by way of election—from the chief of the apostles,

chosen by our Lord himself, to Pius IX., now reigning, who was selected

by the cardinals of the Holy Roman Church on the 17th of June, 1846.

Between these there have been two hundred and sixty popes, if we follow

the number given by the _Gerarchia Cattolica_, which is published

annually at Rome.

On the 25th of July, 1876, our Holy Father, in a discourse to the

students of the several colleges in Rome subject to the Propaganda,

took occasion to speak quite earnestly of attempts that were being made

in Italy to unsettle the minds of Catholics on papal elections by

teaching that they were originally _popular_ ones, and that the natural

right of the laity in them (which, it was asserted, had been exercised

without question for twelve hundred years) was arbitrarily and

unlawfully taken away by Pope Alexander III. The errors of this new

schismatical party may be reduced to two points—viz., that the share

which the people were once usually allowed to take in the election of

sacred ministers was a right and not a privilege accorded by the

visible head of the church to ages of faith and fervor; and that

Alexander III. deprived the Romans of this right in the election of

their chief pastor.

Let us state, in the first place, that it is heretical to maintain that

the laity have a strict—_i.e._, inherent or divine—right to elect their

pastors, and historically false to assert that such a right was ever

allowed by the rulers of the church or was ever exercised by the

Christian people. The authorities to confirm our statement are so

numerous as to cause almost an _embarras de richesses_. Besides the

great collections which are the common sources of ecclesiastical

erudition—the Fathers, the councils, annals, papal bulls; the

Bollandists, and particularly, as regards papal elections, the

_Propylæum ad septem tomos Maji_; the works of Thomassin, Gretser,

Bellarmine, and others—we may cite here Selvaggio’s _Antiquitatum

Christianarum Institutiones_, lib. i. par. i. cap. xxi.; Mamacchi’s

_Origines et Antiquitates Christianæ_, tom. iv. lib. iv.; and

Colenzio’s _Dissertationi intorno varie Controversie di Storia ed

Archeologia Ecclesiastica_, diss. vi. _Del preteso dritto del popolo

cristiano nell’ clezione dei Sacri Ministri_.

The earliest manner of electing the popes was by the votes of the Roman

clergy cast in the presence of the faithful, who assisted as witnesses

to the godliness of the subject proposed, and to testify that besides

his personal merits he was an acceptable person on account, perhaps, of

his birth, his nationality, his appearance, or of some other

adventitious circumstance which enhanced his popularity with the great

body of the people, and would cause him, also, to be looked upon with

less disfavor _by them who are without_.[114] Although these elections

belonged to the clergy and laity of the Roman Church—or we should say,

rather, to the higher clergy and the representatives of the laity—the

relative rights or parts of each class of electors were not apparently

determined by express enactment, but upon grounds of common sense and

equity; such, for instance, as that _Episcopus deligatur, plebe

præsente, quæ singulorum vitam plenissime norit, et uniuscujusque actum

de ejus conversatione prospexit_,[115] or that _Nullus invitis detur

episcopus_.[116] Bellarmine,[117] Sixtus Senensis,[118] Petrus de

Marca,[119] and Thomassin[120] prove that the people’s part in such

elections was more perfunctory than real, since testimony of a man’s

good repute could be otherwise obtained, and that even an expression of

preference was not always heeded; as we learn from the same Pope

Celestine, who wrote to the bishops of Apulia and Calabria: _Docendus

est populus, non sequendus; nosque si nesciunt, eosquid liceat quidve

non liceat, commonere non his consensum præbere debemus._[121] The

Roman people, then, did not and could not have, except by usurpation

and abuse, a decisive voice in the election of the pope; for such an

act is by God’s ordinance placed beyond the jurisdiction of the laity.

After the martyrdom of St. Fabian, in January, A.D. 250, the Holy See

remained vacant for a year and a half, until in the month of June, 251,

Cornelius was raised to that post of perilous dignity under a tyrant

like Decius, who had declared that he would sooner see a new pretender

to the empire than another bishop of Rome. This election, although made

almost unanimously by all orders, gave rise to the first schism,

because Novatian, who headed the rigorous party in the affair of the

_Lapsi_, was consecrated bishop and set himself up as anti-pope. We

have an invaluable testimony to the election of St. Cornelius from the

pen of St. Cyprian: _Factus est autem Cornelius episcopus de Dei et

Christi ejus judicio, de clericorum pæne omnium testimonio, de plebis,

quæ tunc adfuit, suffragio et de sacerdotum antiquorum et bonorum

virorum collegio, cum nemo ante se factus esset, cum Fabiani locus id

est cum locus Petri et gradus cathedræ sacerdotalis vacaret._[122] From

this passage of the great Bishop of Carthage we can obtain, says

Baronius,[123] a tolerably good idea of a papal election in the early

ages. Prayers were first offered up to God to obtain his assistance in

making a choice; the desire of the faithful, or rather of their

representatives, and such testimony to the worth of the subjects

proposed as they were prepared to give was heard; the wish of the Roman

clergy, and their willing assent to the proceedings, were inquired into

and sought; and after maturely weighing the for and against, the

bishops of the vicinity, with any others in communion with the Holy See

who happened to be in Rome at the time, went into executive session and

gave the decisive votes—_in commitiis suffragia ferebant_. With regard

to those among the laity who took part in these elections, we must

observe that in the beginning, as long as the majority of Christians

was composed of persons who had embraced the faith from pure and

unworldly motives, whose aim was to behold the church prosperous and

glorious, and whose charity, being yet warm, sought not their own end

_but that which is another’s_,[124] the whole body of Christians who

had reached mature years and belonged to that sex which alone had a

voice in the church[125] gave their testimony and assent in favor of

that one whom it was proposed to elect;[126] but the evils of anything

like a popular election in a great city were so manifest[127] that

attempts were soon made to leave the choice of such on the part both of

clergy and laity—but earlier in the case of the latter order—to a

select body or committee, a general suffrage being gradually superseded

by the votes of approval given by the rich only and the high in

station.

We find, perhaps, a germ of this even in the earliest times.[128] The

Council of Laodicea (A.D. 365) clearly desired that the choice should

be made by some definitely-organized body, and not by a mere

mass-meeting; St. Leo and the Roman council of A.D. 442, and again the

former in Epist. lxxxix.cvi., expressly mention the “_Honorati_,” the

magnates at such elections.[129] The influence of the principal

personages in a city was not to be ignored through the clamor of those

who too often formed only a mob.[130] A letter of Pope Cornelius to

Fabius, Bishop of Antioch, has fortunately been preserved by

Eusebius,[131] which gives us the exact number of the Roman clergy of

every grade, and a clue[132] to what may have been the Christian

population of Rome, in the middle of the third century. According to

these precious statistics, there were then belonging to the Roman

clergy 46 priests, 7 deacons, 7 subdeacons, 42 acolytes, 52 exorcists,

readers, and _ostiarii_. Fifteen hundred widows and orphans were

provided for by the church, whose children composed an immense

population in the capital of the empire. Hence we may rest assured that

deliberations for the election of the Roman pontiff could not have been

open to all of either clergy or laity, but must necessarily, in the

interests of good order, and by reason of the small size of places of

public meetings then possessed by the Christians, have been confined to

a select number.

The ancient records of the Roman Church reaching back to the beginning

of the early middle ages, which have been published by Mabillon and

Galletti, show us its clergy divided into three distinct classes—viz.,

priests, dignitaries, and inferior ministers. The priests were the

seven cardinal suburbican bishops and the twenty-eight

cardinal-priests; the dignitaries were the archdeacon and the seven

palatine judges (prothonotaries-apostolic); the inferior ministers were

the subdeacons, acolytes, and notaries without office at court. The

laity was likewise divided into three classes—viz., citizens, soldiers,

and commoners; _i.e._, the nobility, the army, and the Third

Estate.[133]

After the death of Pope Zozimus, on the 26th of December, 418, a

majority of the clergy and people elected the cardinal-priest Boniface

to succeed him. A serious dispute immediately arose. Eulalius, the

archdeacon, who, as such, had been practically the most important

personage of the Holy See after the pontiff himself, and felt indignant

at having been passed over in the election, held possession of the

Lateran Palace, where he was chosen pope by a few of the clergy, to

whose faction, however, _all_ the deacons and three bishops

belonged.[134] The fear of future contests suggested to Pope Boniface

I., who is described by Anastasius as unambitious, of mild character;

and devoted to good works, to obtain from the Emperor Honorius, in the

year 420, a rescript by which it was decreed that, in the contingency

of a double election, neither rival should be pope, but that the clergy

and people should proceed to another choice. The decree was almost

textually inserted in the canon law.[135] This difference between St.

Boniface and Eulalius, or rather the latter’s schism, gave occasion to

the first interference of the secular arm in the election of the Roman

pontiffs. St. Hilary, who was elected in the year 461, convened a

council of forty-eight bishops at Rome, and, among other provisions for

filling worthily the Holy See, declared that _no pope should ever

appoint his own successor_. Despite this recent enactment, Boniface

II.—in whose favor, however, it must be said that he sought to

preclude, as even a greater evil than a passing violation of the

canons, the threatened interference of the Gothic king, who wanted to

put a partisan on the papal throne—called a council at St. Peter’s in

the year 531, and there designated the celebrated deacon Vigilius as

his coadjutor with future succession. Subsequently, repenting his

action, he called another council, and with his own hand burned the

paper appointing him.[136]

The Catholic World, Vol. 26, October, 1877, to March, 1878 · 第 72 / 116 段