XIV

Objections and Answers—Chiappini’s Ignorance—Name of the Maker

of the Exchange—Prolonged Pregnancy—Absence from Paris—Motive

of the Second Journey—Birth of the Duc de Montpensier and

the Comte de Beaujolais—Letter dated from Turin—Apparent

Contradictions—Virtues of the Duchess.

In setting forth the strong arguments in my own favour, I have also

considered those that might be urged against me, and I hasten to answer

them.

1st. “In his letter Chiappini said that I was born in a position almost

similar to, but still lower than that given me by my marriage to Lord

Newborough. Yet how great a difference between them! How superior was

the first to the second, if I really had the honour of belonging to the

august house of Orleans.”

This mistake can be corrected in a few words.

Every one must see how extremely important it was to guard against any

indiscretion on the part of the jailer, perhaps even such involuntary

revelations as his pride in the lofty position of his son might draw from

him.

Every sort of precaution, therefore, was taken to keep him in ignorance

of the exalted rank of the Sieur de Joinville, whom he never knew but as

a rich nobleman simply bearing the title of Count, a title so common in

Italy that no one pays any attention to it, so to speak.

It was by this title he must have called my true father, in order to do

away with milord’s constant suspicions, when he came to London; and my

husband, knowing more about the French nobility than he did, and having

a notion that I might have its blood in my veins, gave me his commands,

then so inconceivable, to avoid the great people of that nation,[56]

fearing, no doubt, that some unlooked-for circumstance might let me

discover my origin through them, which would infallibly have parted

me for ever from him whose only means of overcoming my insurmountable

repugnance was his perpetual references to the low estate from which he

claimed to have raised me.

2nd. “Does it not seem strange that the Duc de Chartres, anxious to

consign an atrocious crime to everlasting oblivion, should have assumed

a name belonging to his family, and one so easily recognizable?”

There is nothing to prove that when he first came to live at Modigliana,

under the name of Comte de Joinville, he had formed the fatal plan.

Perhaps the simultaneous pregnancy of his wife and Chiappini’s may have

really given him the first idea.

[Illustration: LOUIS-PHILIPPE, KING OF FRANCE]

But let us suppose, as is more probable, that this hateful plan had been

long made; how could he know what were the decrees of Providence?

The Duchess might just as well be about to give him a boy as a girl. In

that case, it would have been made public at once; Bishops, Cardinals,

the Pope himself, would have been informed of it; a courier would have

been dispatched to Versailles; the Prince and Princess would have excused

themselves at Court by saying that the reason of their secret journey

was to go to invoke the Virgin of Loretto for the granting of a happy

_accouchement_, which they had believed would not take place for some

months yet. Therefore a name not belonging to their family would not only

have made them look foolish, but might have led to their being accused of

falsehood, or have even given rise to legitimate suspicions.

3rd. “Why, even admitting the substitution, should the birth of the

supposed Prince not have been immediately made public? Why bring back to

France the reputed mother with the false appearances of a pregnancy which

was made to last some months longer?”

An invincible sense of shame must necessarily have prevented a course

which would infallibly have been taken in the absence of all fraud, under

the hypothesis of deceit.

Not only was self-betrayal to be dreaded, but some possible imprudent

talker; and after that there would be no way of concealing a secret that

the mere inspection of the infants must reveal to the least skilful

physiognomists.

The correctness of this conjecture was suddenly proved by experience;

there is some indiscreet talk, and, in spite of the determined silence

of the interested party, a little more and all would have been

discovered.[57]

Hence a thousand anxieties, a thousand cares;[58] hence the absolute

necessity of having recourse to expedients and thinking out new

stratagems; and hence, above all, the very natural idea of putting a long

interval between the real and the fictitious accouchement, so as to stop

tongues, and, if need arose, to fall back upon the difference in dates.

4th. “Is it absolutely certain that the accused Prince and Princess were

absent from Paris at the time of the exchange? The papers of the day seem

to show the contrary. Do they not report that the Duke was in the Chapel

Royal on April 8, being Holy Thursday; that, on the 13th of the following

May, he accompanied his Majesty to the great review of the troops on the

Plain of Sablons, and that in the month of June of that same year the

Duchess was seen at the opera?”

We could, no doubt, content ourselves with sending our readers back to

the unimpeachable testimony which has already vouched for the actual

fact,[59] without taking the trouble to reconcile it with the vague and

often incorrect assertions of many newspapers; but, for the sake of

fuller proof, we are willing to discuss the matter briefly.

As to the Duchess, it is incontestable that her absences after the

10th of October, 1771, were so lengthy and so mysterious that certain

historians, not knowing how to account for them, have maintained that

she stayed at the waters of Forges during two consecutive years; while

several eye-witnesses still living testify that she spent there only two

of what they call their seasons, of about three weeks each.

It was on the 16th of June, exactly two months after my birth[60]—a time

quite long enough for her return—that she was first seen at the opera.

Monseigneur the Dauphin and Madame la Dauphine were expected; and the

_Duchess de Chartres_, says a writer, “_had taken care to be in her box

before the arrival of the august couple_; so much was she in doubt as to

their demeanour towards her.”[61]

It is equally well known that the Duke was not in Paris towards the end

of May 1773, and that, failing him, recourse had to be had to the Princes

of the house of Condé to appear at the funeral-service for the King of

Sardinia celebrated at Notre-Dame.

The list of assistants at the Holy Thursday ceremonies and at the Sablons

review ought to be looked upon as mere official etiquette rather than

historical and accurate reports of events; the constant uniformity during

a long series of years to be noted is a convincing proof of this.

And even admitting that the Duc de Chartres was actually in Paris on Holy

Thursday 1773, what does that prove?

At most that he was not at Modigliana the following Friday, the day of my

birth.

But this, far from being against me, becomes, in a fashion, a presumption

in my favour, as being absolutely in accordance with the deposition of

the sisters Bandini, who swore to having seen the Sieur Joinville before

and after the exchange, but said nothing of his being there on the day it

was made.

What they said about that fatal day related to the Borghi family, the

two children, the two mothers, even to Chiappini; the Comte alone is not

mentioned.[62]

It might well be believed, then, that, the better to deceive inquiry,

after having sealed his infamous compact, he went back to Court to

perform his usual function at that sacred solemnity;[63] and, as he was

an expert traveller, and even able to drive a chariot himself, it would

have been still possible for him to start at once for the Apennines and

get back there during the five weeks between the 8th of April and the

13th of May.

5th. “Supposing the Duke and Duchess of Chartres to have been the

perpetrators of this abominable traffic, would the Duchess have returned

to Italy three years later? Would she have reappeared under the same name

of Comtesse Joinville and with such a display of luxury and magnificence?”

Although at the time the Prince and Princess must have suffered from

grave fears, they had, nevertheless, ground for hoping that influence and

money would, if necessary, be able to stifle the accusing voices of a few

poor and timid witnesses.

But could they be certain of equally good luck in the future?

Therefore it was necessary to think of and provide for everything. Well,

what more efficacious and advantageous way of doing this was there than

to put people on a wrong scent by confusing the dates? And supposing that

some unlucky echoes of the old rumours at Brisighella and Ravenna[64]

were still to be heard, what more likely to destroy them than boldness

and bravado? What more plausible, deluding and beguiling than a visit

in state after so short a lapse of time, a procedure which our opposers

think so improbable?

In this matter we feel that the objection absolutely contradicts itself.

Let us examine it in detail.

Nature does not easily give up its rights; it makes itself heard even in

the hardest hearts, and the heart of a mother cannot possibly remain deaf

to its mighty voice.

Therefore the Duchess’s whole mind is drawn and attracted to the spot

that holds the first-fruit of her maternity, and there is born in her the

ardent desire to turn her steps thither.

Despite _convenances_, despite obstacles, despite a thousand objections,

this desire must needs find fulfilment, with these two remarkable

circumstances: _i.e._[65] the first, that the Duke seems to have

consented to his wife’s request, only on the condition that she would

bind herself in a very special fashion to keeping the secret inviolable

by becoming a Freemason;[66] the second, that the arrival of the Princess

at Florence exactly coincides with the time when great influence must

have been used with regard to Chiappini, who was not only suddenly called

to fill a more honourable and lucrative post, but was admitted to some

sort of intimacy with his sovereign, who was good enough also to take a

quite wonderful interest in me.[67]

Among the patrimonial estates belonging to the Orleans family, that of

Joinville was the finest;[68] it was therefore the most natural name

to take for an incognito; to choose another might possibly serve to

increase the King’s displeasure and to awake dangerous suspicions.

Moreover, the correct pronunciation of the word is so strange to Italian

lips that it was hardly probable that the wretched inhabitants of

Modigliana would recognize it by the mere reading of the newspapers,

which the greater number of them never saw.[69]

Finally, if Madame de Chartres displayed such magnificence and brilliancy

in the places she condescended to visit, it was only to put every one on

the wrong scent and the better to convince them that she had absolutely

nothing to do with the simple and retiring lady so few people had seen

some years earlier.

6th. “Supposing that Louis-Philippe-Joseph had determined on the

substitution before his wife had given him a male child, would not the

subsequent births of the Duc de Montpensier and the Comte de Beaujolais

have induced him to make every effort to return the substituted child to

its real position?”

But, admitting in our turn the possibility of such a reparation, there

was always time enough to carry it out; and it was expedient to make sure

if the two first would live long; for, from their earliest years alarming

symptoms must have given rise to very sad and, alas! but too true

forebodings,[70] while the health of their _elder brother_ was so assured

and excellent that there was no need for fear about him.

The Memoirs of Maria Stella (Lady Newborough) · 第 52 / 92 题