critic who is inclined to think that he smells a rat may be confuted by
Camden, according to whom no rats have ever been known in the town of
Hatfield. The extremely solid nature of all the other extracts in my
volume is almost a guarantee of good faith so far as the eighteenth
century copyist is concerned, and the probability that he took it from the
original is strengthened by his having in one place misread _unde_ as
_vide_ and subsequently corrected the error. But allowing that it occurred
on the rolls, was it a genuine transaction or was it a facetious invention
of the manor clerk? I incline to believe that it was genuine. A man who
invented such a case to fill up a blank space on the roll would have been
almost certain to have elaborated it further, while, on the other hand,
having noted the adjournment of the case to 'another place,' to use
parliamentary language, he would not have been likely to add that both
parties were fined. Granting that the action was actually brought, we are
left in doubt whether Robert was a simple gull with whom John had been
amusing himself, or whether the defendant really believed that he could
fulfil his contract. Again, what was that contract? Latin, though
admirably clear in many respects, suffers from the absence of the definite
article, and it is difficult to be certain whether it was a question of
'the Devil' or 'a devil'; judging by the price, the latter seems more
probable, as threepence-halfpenny for the Prince of Darkness seems
absurdly little, and I believe that _Diabolus ligatus_ was sometimes
applied to a divining spirit imprisoned by magic arts in a bottle or
crystal. However that may be, it is not probable that a law court has ever
before or since been asked to decide the question of proprietary rights in
the devil or his imps.
[Illustration: '_Diabolus ligatus._']
II
HIGHWAYS
So much is heard of the modern facilities for travelling that one might
almost think that before the days of Cook (Thomas of the tickets, not the
Polar Mandeville) no Englishman had ever stirred abroad. Yet it is hardly
questionable that in mediæval times the proportion of Englishmen who had
visited foreign lands was far larger than at the present day. Thanks to
military feudalism it is scarcely an exaggeration to say that during the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries most of our country gentlemen had seen
service in France, taking with them contingents of hired or pressed men
from every village in the land. For the more peaceful classes there were
the attractions of the pilgrimage, the spiritual advantages outweighing
the dangers and hardships of a journey to Rome, and the celebrated
shrine of St. James of Compostella drawing thousands every year to Spain.
Still earlier the Crusades drew the pious and the martial alike yet
farther afield, but of those who journeyed to the East many did not
return. At all time a pretty sharp limit was set to the travels of the
ordinary man by the seaboard of Palestine, and those who penetrated still
deeper into the mysterious East were few. It is therefore interesting to
follow Geoffrey of Langley on his embassy to the Tartar Court in 1292 and
back to England, piecing together the story of his travels from the
prosaic accounts of his paymaster.
Towards the end of the twelfth century the Tartars, a nomadic tribe who
inhabited the district between the Caucasus and the Euphrates and
professed the Christianity of the Nestorians, came into some prominence in
Europe through the fame of their Khan, the celebrated 'Prester John.' He,
however, was killed in 1203 by the terrible Genghiz Khan the Mogul, from
Turkestan, whose successors adopted the name and, after one or two
generations, the religion of the conquered Tartars. Argon, King or Emperor
of the Tartars, accepted Christianity in 1289, and in alliance with the
kings of Armenia and Georgia inflicted a severe defeat upon the forces of
the Soldan. Later in the same year his ambassadors reached Europe, charged
to preach a new crusade for the ejection of the Saracens from Palestine.
Strengthened with commendatory letters from the Pope, they visited the
English Court. King Edward made them welcome, and wrote to Argon
expressing his delight at his proposed attack upon the Sultan of Babylon,
and promising to come in person as soon as the Pope would sanction his
going to the Holy Land. To cement the alliance he promised to send the
king some gerfalcons, for which he had asked. This letter was written in
September 1290, and next year the falcons were duly dispatched by the
hands of Sir Geoffrey of Langley.
The embassy reached Trebizond about the middle of June 1292, and obtained
quarters for themselves and the precious gerfalcons while waiting for a
safe-conduct to the Tartar Court. The king's whereabouts were uncertain,
and Nicholas de Chartres, Geoffrey's squire, and Conrad, nephew of the
ambassador's chief-of-staff, Buskerell, were sent by sea to Samsoun, and
thence first to Kaisarieh and then to Sivas, where they waited for the
king. At last all was ready; a tent had been made from cotton cloth and
scarlet and grey material, bought in Trebizond, a parasol had been
purchased for the ambassador, and a horse for him to ride, and also a
mule, which cost more than three times as much as the horse. For the first
stage of the journey to Tabriz, where they were to see the king, thirty
horses were hired, but at Baiburt, which they reached on July 25, the
number was reduced, and from Baiburt to Zaratkana only fourteen horses
were employed. Beyond the giving of presents to Tartars and others,
including a gift of cloth to 'the lady' of Erz Roum, little is recorded
of the journey to Tabriz--the city of baths and iced drinks, as the
Spanish ambassadors to Timour Bey found it a century later.
The embassy left Tabriz, carrying with them a leopard as a present from
the Tartar king, and on Friday, September 26, reached the busy trading
town of Khoi, where Gonzalez de Clavijo on his way to Samarcand in 1406
saw a giraffe, which he deemed, 'to a man who had never seen such an
animal before, a wonderful sight.' Sunday night they spent at 'Nosseya,'
presumably Nuskar, and Monday at a village 'of the Armenians,' evidently
near the Lake of Van, as fish appear for the first time amongst the
provisions bought, in addition to the usual bread, cheese, and fruit. At
Argish on the Lake of Van boots were bought for three members of the
suite, the horses were shod and stores laid in, including wine, meat,
ducks, eggs, and salt. After stopping one night at 'Jaccaon,' Melasgird
was reached, where they dismissed their mounted escort from Argish and
proceeded under fresh escort through three nameless Saracen villages to
Erz Roum, which they reached on Monday, October 6. A two days' halt was
made here while they laid in stores and had their clothes washed. The wear
and tear of travelling began to be felt; boots had to be bought for the
chaplain, John the clerk, Robert, Gerard, another Robert, and William and
Martin the grooms, and a hat and shoes for Willecok. On the Wednesday
night, when they stayed at another Saracen village, they were entertained
by native minstrels, and the following day they reached Baiburt, where
John the scullion's boots gave out. Here they had to lay in stores, as the
next two halts were to be 'in the fields,' away from habitations.
[Illustration: '_A wonderful sight._']
At last, on Monday, October 13, they found themselves back at Trebizond,
where they rested for a week and invested largely in new shoes, as well as
in such heavy and bulky conveniences as pots and pans, plates, dishes, and
stools, with which they had had to dispense on their journey. The Saracen
porters who had carried the baggage from Tabriz were paid off, a Tartar
who had rendered some small service was rewarded with a carpet, and the
ambassador's suite received their wages and allowances of linen. At the
head of the suite was Andrew Balaban, who received a scarlet robe in
addition to his wages, and Martin the latimer, or interpreter; then there
were Willecok the chamberer, John the clerk, Walter the cook, Martin
Lombard the larderer, and Michael and Jonot 'of the kitchen'; Chyzerin,
Copin, and Tassin the falconers, Jacques and Oliver the grooms, Michael de
Suria, Theodoric, Manfred, Gerardin, Robert, and Robekin, and one or two
others of whom we learn nothing but their names. Altogether there must
have been about twenty or thirty persons who sailed from Trebizond and
after a slow voyage reached Constantinople on Sunday, November 9.
At Constantinople, which the accountant by an ingenious error of
derivation calls 'Constantinus Nobilis,' the galley lay for a week,
possibly delayed by adverse winds. There were compensations for the delay;
oysters, hares, mallards, chestnuts, pears, and apples must have been
welcome luxuries after the hardships and monotony of the past weeks, and
it is possibly more than a coincidence that the doctor had to be called in
to attend Richard. Even the leopard fared daintily, three chickens making
a pleasant change from his usual mutton. At last everything was ready,
the clothes had been washed, John the clerk's hose had been mended, some
Persian cloth had been bought for Richard's tabard, and the parasol had
been re-covered, which seems hardly necessary, unless it was to be used as
an umbrella; the weather being cold, eighteen sets of wraps (_muffeles_)
were bought for the suite, while Sir Geoffrey procured fur-lined robes of
vair, gules, and white fox with a hood of 'Alcornyne,' and on Monday,
November 17, the galley set sail for Italy.
Otranto was reached on Saturday, November 29, and here the ambassador and
part of his suite landed, Richard and Robert going on at once to Brindisi
by boat. The galley waited long enough to revictual and to allow of
cleaning the leopard's cage, and then went on with the rest of the suite
and the heavier luggage to Genoa. On Sunday, the Bishop of Otranto having
kindly lent them horses, the ambassador's party started on their journey
overland to Genoa, reaching Lecce in time for dinner and an impromptu
entertainment by three minstrels. The first four days of December were
spent at Brindisi, whence they went on up the east coast by Villanuova and
Mola to Barletta, then turning inland to 'Tres Sanctos,' which may have
been Trinitapoli, but was chiefly noteworthy for a dinner of chicken,
pigeons, and sausages. Next morning, Wednesday, December 10, they lunched
at San Lorenzo on their way to Troja, and so, past 'Crevaco' to 'Bonum
Albergum,' which, if it was not Benevento, was not far from that town.
Two days more brought them, by Monte Sarchio and Acerra, to Naples, where
they remained until Thursday, the 18th. Here they were once more in a land
of plenty and could feast on pheasants, partridges, mallards, hares, and
pigeons, skilfully seasoned with sage and parsley, garlic, and saffron.
Two mules and a dappled grey horse were bought, as well as some glasses
and earthenware pots and mugs, and the party set out for Capua, sending
their silver plate on ahead by the hands of Manfred Oldebrand. At Capua,
on Friday, December 19, Tassin the falconer died, much regretted by his
brother falconer, Hanekin, to whom he owed 11_s._ 4_d._, and offerings
were made for the good of his soul.
[Illustration: '_An impromptu entertainment by three minstrels._']
Five days' march, through Mignano, Ceprano, Anagni, and a place called
'Mulera,' which I cannot identify, brought them to Rome. At Rome they
spent Christmas. A doctor was called in to attend one of the grooms, and
medicine was obtained for a horse, possibly without avail, as two horses
were bought for thirty florins, from 'the merchants of the Ricardi.' On
Sunday, the 28th, the journey was resumed, Isola and Sutri forming the
first day's march, Viterbo and Monte Fiascone the second. Acquapendente
was reached on Tuesday, and here they spent 18_d._ on 'a small box
(_cofinello_) in which to carry eel pies.' Passing San Quirico, Siena was
reached on the 1st of January, their road after that leading through San
Cossiano, Pistoia, and Buggione, to Lucca. From Lucca they struck across
to the coast, through Avenza and Sarzana to Sestri, and so up by Rapallo
and Recco to Genoa, which they reached on Sunday, January 11. At Genoa
they found their companions, who had come round by sea. A house was hired
from Pucino Roncini, the galley was unloaded and paid off, its cost from
Trebizond to Genoa being £200, a sum more formidable in appearance than in
reality, as the Genoese pound was only about 3_s._ 6_d._ of English money.
Tamorace the Tartar was dismissed with the present of a silver cup, and
there remained only the leopard to link them with the East.
At Genoa the series of accounts terminates, but the dispatch of a
messenger to the Marquess of Saluzzo suggests that our travellers were
going through his territory, by the same road that Henry of Bolingbroke,
Earl of Derby and afterwards King of England, followed just a century
later on his return from Venice and the East, taking with him, by a
coincidence, a leopard. In that case they would have gone inland, past
Novi, Asti, and Turin to Chambéry in Savoy, then northwards to Châlons,
and by Beaune, Châtillon, and Nogent-sur-Saône to Paris. Thence they would
probably have made for Wissant, and so across to Dover, reaching England
about the beginning of September, 1293, or rather earlier, after two years
of almost continual travelling. Of the wonderful things that they saw, and
the yet more wonderful things that they heard--tales of monstrous men,
uncanny beasts, and evil spirits--of their adventures, perils of
shipwreck, and perils of robbers, no record has survived; but something
of their slow journeying, the trying desert marches, the vexatious delays
of contrary winds, pleasantly varied by the relaxation of a halt in some
great city, we have managed to piece together.
Such exceptional voyages as those of Geoffrey of Langley to Tabriz or of
Gonzalez de Clavijo to Samarcand are interesting for their rarity; but a
value of another kind attaches to the embassy of Hugh de Vere to the Papal
Court in 1298. It was a placid and uneventful journey, and would seem to
have been not merely without adventures, but without incidents. Beyond the
trifling worries attendant on pack saddles and harness that required
constant repairs, the trifling interest derived from varying changes of
diet, and the complication of accounts caused by the existence of an
entirely fresh monetary standard in each state through which the
travellers passed, there was little to record but the list of stages on
the journey. As, however, the route followed was the main road to Rome,
along which passed a constant stream of pilgrims, prompted by piety or a
wish to see the world--priests seeking benefices for themselves or curses
for their neighbours; penitents desiring absolution; appellants with their
wallets stuffed with deeds, decrees, and legal precedents, and their
appellees carrying the weightier argument of English gold--it is worth
while following the embassy and noting the stopping-places. Most of these
are identical with those used by Henry of Bolingbroke on his return from
Venice almost a century later, and were, therefore, evidently the usual
stages on this road.
[Illustration: _Pilgrims._]
Hugh de Vere and his suite, consisting of two knights, two chaplains, a
clerk, ten esquires, and some thirty grooms and other attendants,
assembled at Paris on Good Friday, April 4, 1298, and next day rode as far
as Rozoy, contenting themselves on the journey, as it was a fast day, with
fish and fruit. The next day being Easter Sunday they did not start until
after dinner, but reached Provins, fifty miles south-east of Paris, in the
evening. From Provins of the Roses the cavalcade passed by Pavillon down
the valley of the Seine to Bar-sur-Seine, where, Lent being over, they
feasted on meat and pies and flauns, a kind of mediæval pancake
particularly popular at Easter-time, according to Haliwell. They soon
entered Burgundy, and turning south through Montbard followed for some
distance the route now taken by the Canal de Bourgogne with its
innumerable locks, and after halting a night at 'Flori'--which occurs in
Bolingbroke's account as 'Floreyn,' but would seem to have dwindled out
of the maps if not out of existence--reached Beaune; and still doing an
average of thirty miles a day came to Lyons, stopping at Tournus and
Bellville on the way, on Monday, April 14. After following the valley of
the Rhone a few miles farther south, they turned off eastwards near Vienne
through St. Georges to Voiron and thence northwards, passing close to the
Grande Chartreuse, across the borders of Savoy to Chambéry. So far the
currency in use had been 'neir Turneis,' or black money of Tours, 14_d._
of 'petit tournois' being equivalent to one 'gros tournois,' the standard
to which all other denominations are reduced in these accounts, a coin
worth approximately 3_d._ sterling; but now and all the way through Savoy
and Piedmont payments are entered in 'Vieneys,' of which seventeen went to
the 'gros tournois.'
Through the mountainous district of Savoy progress was markedly slower,
the sixty miles from Chambéry to Susa taking six days. The road by which
they travelled followed the valley of the Arc, as does the modern railway,
past Montmélian, la Chambre, and St. Michel; but as the Mont Cenis tunnel
had not then been completed the ambassador and his suite had to go farther
east to Lansle Bourg, toiling up Mont Cenis to the hospice founded on that
storm-swept road by the pious King Louis, first of his name, and then
dropping down to Piedmont and the ancient town of Susa, where after the
hardships of the day's journey they regaled themselves with 'tartes et
flaunes.' Whether it was the climbing or the flauns I do not know, but
next day Sir Hugh's palfreman was ill, and another servant had to be put
in his place at Avigliano. On Friday, April 25, Turin was reached, and a
stay was made here until the following Tuesday, a rest that must have been
welcome after three weeks' continuous travelling. Portmanteaux and bags
were repaired, clothes washed, and bodies reinvigorated by a more varied
choice of food than was possible while travelling; shoulders of mutton,
pigeons, chickens, figs, grapes, and other fruit were bought, and the cook
prepared 'charlet,' evidently an ancestress of the aristocratic Charlotte
Russe rather than of her plebeian namesake Apple Charlotte, as the
constituents were milk and eggs. The journey was resumed on Wednesday,
April 30, the route lying eastwards through Chivasso and Moncalvo to an
unidentifiable place, 'Basseignanh,' evidently just across the Po in
Lombardy, as here the coinage becomes 'emperials,' of which it required
twenty to make a 'gros tournois.' Lomello, Pavia, Piacenza, Borgo San
Donnino (where for the first time we note a purchase of cheese, for which
the district is still famous), Parma, Reggio, and Modena follow in
uneventful succession, but instead of continuing along the same line to
Bologna, as does the modern traveller, the embassy now turned sharply to
the south-west to Sassuolo. In this more countrified district the rate of
exchange fell, and the 'gros tournois' was only worth eighteen instead of
twenty 'emperials,' but as a compensation the accountant notes under
Frassinoro, the next station on the road through the picturesque valley of
the Secchia, that the expenses of four days were small, thanks to the
presents of 'la Marcoys.' I am not clear as to the identity of this
Marquess; all this part of Italy was a mass of little lordships and
semi-independent principalities, but for the most part their lords were
Dukes. The Marquess of Carrara seems a reasonable suggestion--if I am
right in thinking that there was such a person, and am not confusing him
with the Marquess of Carabas, who, from his occurrence in the history of
_Puss in Boots_, was presumably a noble of Catalonia. Lucca was reached on
the eve of Ascension Day, and the feast itself was spent at Pistoia, where
the coinage in use was 'Pisans,' the 'gros tournois' being worth 4_s._
2_d._ of Pisan money. The same currency continued in use in Florence and
Siena, after which 'curteneys' are introduced, the 'gros tournois' being
worth 5_s._ of this money, which, however, was only in use for two days,
during which halts were made at Acquapendente and Santa Cristina, a town
on the shore of the Lake of Bolsena, which name commemorates that saint's
escape from martyrdom by drowning, thanks to the miraculous buoyancy of
her millstone, on which she floated to shore as St. Piran floated on his
stone to the delectable duchy of Cornwall. After this the accounts are
kept at Viterbo in 'paperins,' 3_s._ 4_d._ of papal money being equivalent
to the 'gros tournois,' changing next day, for the last time on the way
out, to 'provis,' at 2_s._ 10_d._ Passing Sutri and Isola, Rome was
reached on Whit Monday. Here they found Master Thomas of Southwark, who
had been sent on ahead to hire lodgings and furniture, and here they spent
six weeks.
[Illustration: '_St. Piran._']
Pope Boniface having agreed to act as arbiter between the Kings of France
and England, Sir Hugh de Vere's mission was accomplished and the embassy
left Rome on the afternoon of Thursday, July 9, the Count of Savoy
accompanying them as far as Isola, their first halting-place. The route
followed as far as Pistoia was the same as that taken on the way out, but
by rather shorter stages, as several of the party appear to have been
knocked up by the heat. At San Quirico, between Acquapendente and Siena,
hackneys were hired for the invalids and special dishes were prepared for
them--eggs, honey, and apples being bought 'to make appilmus,' as well as
'verjus, peresill et autre sause.' Ten miles out of Pistoia, at Buggiano,
a halt had to be made and rooms hired for the sick members of the party,
who were left here while the others went on to Lucca. Here a fortnight's
stay was made, and when the journey was resumed, on August 5, progress was
very slow. Possibly in order to get the benefit of the sea air a different
route was followed from this point. The halt at Lucca had not restored the
strength of the invalids, and the party crept on at about five miles a
day, stopping at insignificant villages, such as 'Pont Sent Pere' and
'Valprumaye' between Lucca and Camajore, 'Fregedo' on the coast between
Pietrasanta and Sarzana, 'Pamarne' and 'La Matillane' between Sarzana,
where a three days' halt was made, and Borghetto. It would seem that there
was a particularly bad piece of road after Sestri, as Sir Hugh and the
other sick persons were taken by boat from Sestri to Chiavari, where a
whole week was spent. During this halt Wilkoc the clerk was sent into
Genoa to fetch a doctor for Sir Hugh, and at the same time, money having
run short, fresh supplies were obtained from some Pistoian merchants
resident in the town. Fortunately Genoa was well furnished with both cash
and curatives, for not only was it one of the richest ports in Europe, but
it shared with its rival, Venice, the fame of producing a 'treacle' which
possessed as many healing virtues as any of the quack compounds that now
make England hideous to the railway traveller.
After halts at Rapallo, Recco, and Nervi, Genoa was reached on September
4. Here they rested for two weeks, and as the treacle had apparently
proved ineffectual, even when supplemented with 'surupes, leitwaires,
especeries, emplastres et totes manieres de medicines,' seven members of
the party who were still ill were sent by sea to Savona. Their comrades
who came by land having joined them, they left the coast and turned north
through Cortemiglia, 'Castillol,' which I suppose is Castagnole,
Villanova, and Rivoli, ten miles west of Turin, to Susa. Here two days
were spent and 'Monsieur Johan Carbonel and Jak le Gigneur' dined with
them, but who these guests were I do not know. From Susa to Chambéry the
route followed was that by which the embassy had travelled on their way
out, but from Chambéry they took a more easterly road through Belley, St.
Rambert, and Bourg, rejoining the former route at Tournus. From 'Petit
Paris,' somewhere between Nogent-sur-Seine and Tournan, four men were sent
on ahead to secure accommodation. Only one night was spent in Paris, and
our travellers pressed on northwards through Hodancourt, Etrépagny,
Oisemont, and Neufchâtel by Boulogne to Wissant, which they reached on the
last day of October, and whence they crossed to England a week later,
regaling themselves in the meanwhile with whelks and mustard--not
necessarily eaten together.
[Illustration: '_... crossed to England._']
Sir Hugh and his company had thus been out of England eight months, the
journey to Rome occupying some seven weeks, but the return trip covering
four months. If we have no hint of any adventures and few details of
anything but food, it only shows that the roads were safe and the
travellers good Englishmen.
III
CORONATIONS