Book I.

THE

WORKS OF HORACE,

WITH

ENGLISH NOTES,

BY THE

REV. A. J. MACLEANE, M.A.

HEAD-MASTER OF KING EDWARD'S SCHOOL, BATH

REVISED AND EDITED

BY

REGINALD H. CHASE, A.M.

Boston:

ALLYN AND BACON.

1895.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by

JOHN BARTLETT.

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of

Massachusetts

TWENTIETH EDITION.

University Press John Wilson & Son,

Cambridge.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Life of Horace vii

Carminum Liber Primus 1

Carminum Liber Secundus 32

Carminum Liber Tertius 51

Carminum Liber Quartus 83

Carmen Saeculare 101

Epodon Liber 104

Satirarum Liber Primus 124

Satirarum Liber Secundus 152

Epistolarum Liber Primus 181

Epistolarum Liber Secundus 210

Epistola ad Pisones (De Arte Poëtica) 223

NOTES.

Odes.--Book I. 239

Odes.--Book II. 285

Odes.--Book III. 312

Odes.--Book IV. 352

The Secular Hymn 375

The Book of Epodes 379

Satires.--Book I. 403

Satires.--Book II. 449

Epistles.--Book I. 498

Epistles.--Book II. 545

The Art of Poetry 562

Beck's Introduction to the Metres of Horace 577

LIFE OF HORACE.

The materials for Horace's life are derived almost entirely from his own

works. A few additional facts are obtained from a short memoir,

attributed to Suetonius.

He was born on the 8th of December, A.U.C. 689 (B.C. 65), at or near

Venusia[1] (Venosa), in the Apennines, on the borders of Lucania and

Apulia. His father was a freedman,[2] having, as his name proves, been

the slave of some person of the Horatia gens. As Horace implies that he

himself was ingenuus,[3] his father must have obtained his freedom

before his birth. He afterwards followed the calling of a coactor,[4] a

collector of money in some way or other, it is not known in what. He

made, in this capacity, enough to purchase an estate, probably a small

one, near the above town, where the poet was born. We hear nothing of

his mother, except that Horace speaks of both his parents with

affection.[5] His father, probably seeing signs of talent in him as a

child, was not content to have him educated at a provincial school, but

took him (at what age he does not say, but probably about twelve) to

Rome, where he became a pupil of Orbilius Pupillus,[6] who had a school

of much note, attended by boys of good family, and whom Horace

remembered all his life as an irritable teacher, given unnecessarily to

the use of the rod. With him he learnt grammar, the earlier Latin

authors, and Homer. He attended other masters (of rhetoric, poetry, and

music perhaps), as Roman boys were wont, and had the advantage (to which

he afterwards looked back with gratitude) of his father's care and moral

training during this part of his education. It was usual for young men

of birth and ability to be sent to Athens, to finish their education by

the study of Greek literature and philosophy under native teachers; and

Horace went there too, at what age is not known, but probably when he

was about twenty. Whether his father was alive at that time, or dead, is

uncertain. If he went to Athens at twenty, it was in B.C. 45, the year

before Julius Cæsar was assassinated. After that event, Brutus and

Cassius left Rome and went to Greece. Foreseeing the struggle that was

before them, they got round them many of the young men at that time

studying at Athens, and Horace was appointed tribune[7] in the army of

Brutus, a high command, for which he was not qualified. He went with

Brutus into Asia Minor, and finally shared his defeat at Philippi, B.C.

42. He makes humorous allusion to this defeat in his Ode to Pompeius

Varus (ii. 7). After the battle he came to Italy, having obtained

permission to do so, like many others who were willing to give up a

desperate cause and settle quietly at home. His patrimony,[8] however,

was forfeited, and he seems to have had no means of subsistence, which

induced him to employ himself in writing verses, with the view, perhaps,

of bringing himself into notice,[9] rather than for the purpose of

making money by their sale. By some means he managed to get a place as

scriba[10] in the Quæstor's office, whether by purchase or interest does

not appear. In either case, we must suppose he contrived soon to make

friends, though he could not do so by the course he pursued, without

also making many enemies. His Satires are full of allusions to the

enmity his verses had raised up for him on all hands. He became

acquainted, among other literary persons, with Virgil and Varius, who,

about three years after his return (B.C. 39), introduced him to Mæcenas,

who was careful of receiving into his circle a tribune of Brutus, and

one whose writings were of a kind that was new and unpopular. He

accordingly saw nothing of Horace for nine months after his introduction

to him. He then sent for him (B.C. 38), and from that time continued to

be his patron and warmest friend.

At his house, probably, Horace became intimate with Pollio, and the many

persons of consideration whose friendship he appears to have enjoyed.

Through Mæcenas, also, it is probable Horace was introduced to Augustus;

but when that happened is uncertain. In B.C. 37, Mæcenas was deputed by

Augustus to meet M. Antonius at Brundisium, and he took Horace with him

on that journey, of which a detailed account is given in the fifth

Satire of the first book. Horace appears to have parted from the rest of

the company at Brundisium, and perhaps returned to Rome by Tarentum and

Venusia. (See S. i. 5, Introduction.) Between this journey and B.C. 32,

Horace received from his friend the present of a small estate in the

valley of the Digentia (Licenza), situated about thirty-four miles from

Rome, and fourteen from Tibur, in the Sabine country. Of this property

he gives a description in his Epistle to Quintius (i. 16), and he

appears to have lived there a part of every year, and to have been fond

of the place, which was very quiet and retired, being four miles from

the nearest town, Varia (Vico Varo), a municipium perhaps, but not a

place of any importance. During this interval he continued to write

Satires and Epodes, but also, it appears probable, some of the Odes,

which some years later he published, and others which he did not

publish. These compositions, no doubt, were seen by his friends, and

were pretty well known before any of them were collected for

publication. The first book of the Satires was published probably in

B.C. 35, the Epodes in B.C. 30, and the second book of Satires in the

following year, when Horace was about thirty-five years old. When

Augustus returned from Asia, in B.C. 29, and closed the gates of Janus,

being the acknowledged head of the republic, Horace appeared among his

most hearty adherents. He wrote on this occasion one of his best Odes

(i. 2), and employed his pen in forwarding those reforms which it was

the first object of Augustus to effect. (See Introduction to C. ii. 15.)

His most striking Odes appear, for the most part, to have been written

after the establishment of peace. Some may have been written before, and

probably were. But for some reason it would seem that he gave himself

more to lyric poetry after his thirty-fifth year than he had done

before. He had most likely studied the Greek poets while he was at

Athens, and some of his imitations may have been written early. If so,

they were most probably improved and polished, from time to time, (for

he must have had them by him, known perhaps only to a few friends, for

many years,) till they became the graceful specimens of artificial

composition that they are. Horace continued to employ himself in this

kind of writing (on a variety of subjects, convivial, amatory,

political, moral,--some original, many no doubt suggested by Greek

poems) till B.C. 24, when there are reasons for thinking the first three

books of the Odes were published. During this period, Horace appears to

have passed his time at Rome, among the most distinguished men of the

day, or at his house in the country, paying occasional visits to Tibur,

Præneste, and Baiæ, with indifferent health, which required change of

air. About the year B.C. 26 he was nearly killed by the falling of a

tree, on his own estate, which accident he has recorded in one of his

Odes (ii. 13), and occasionally refers to; once in the same stanza with

a storm in which he was nearly lost off Cape Palinurus,[11] on the

western coast of Italy. When this happened, nobody knows. After the

publication of the three books of Odes, Horace seems to have ceased from

that style of writing, or nearly so; and the only other compositions we

know of his having produced in the next few years are metrical Epistles

to different friends, of which he published a volume probably in B.C. 20

or 19. He seems to have taken up the study of the Greek philosophical

writers, and to have become a good deal interested in them, and also to

have been a little tired of the world, and disgusted with the jealousies

his reputation created. His health did not improve as he grew older, and

he put himself under the care of Antonius Musa, the emperor's new

physician.[12] By his advice he gave up, for a time at least, his

favorite Baiæ. But he found it necessary to be a good deal away from

Rome, especially in the autumn and winter.[13]

In B.C. 17, Augustus celebrated the Ludi Seculares, and Horace was

required to write an Ode for the occasion, which he did, and it has been

preserved. This circumstance, and the credit it brought him, may have

given his mind another leaning to Ode-writing, and have helped him to

produce the fourth book, a few pieces in which may have been written at

any time. It is said that Augustus particularly desired Horace to

publish another book of Odes, in order that those he wrote upon the

victories of Drusus and Tiberius (4 and 14) might appear in it. The

latter of these Odes was not written, probably, till B.C. 13, when

Augustus returned from Gaul. If so, the book was probably published in

that year, when Horace was fifty-two. The Odes of the fourth book show

no diminution of power, but the reverse. There are none in the first

three books that surpass, or perhaps equal, the Ode in honor of Drusus,

and few superior to that which is addressed to Lollius. The success of

the first three books, and the honor of being chosen to compose the Ode

at the Ludi Seculares, seem to have given him encouragement. There are

no incidents in his life during the above period recorded or alluded to

in his poems. He lived five years after the publication of the fourth

book of Odes, if the above date be correct, and during that time, I

think it probable, he wrote the Epistles to Augustus and Florus which

form the second book; and having conceived the intention of writing a

poem on the art and progress of poetry, he wrote as much of it as

appears in the Epistle to the Pisones which has been preserved among his

works. It seems, from the Epistle to Florus, that Horace at this time

had to resist the urgency of friends begging him to write, one in this

style and another in that, and that he had no desire to gratify them and

to sacrifice his own ease to a pursuit in which it is plain he never

took any great delight. He was likely to bring to it less energy as his

life was drawing prematurely to a close, through infirmities either

contracted or aggravated during his irrational campaigning with Brutus,

his inaptitude for which he appears afterwards to have been perfectly

aware of. He continued to apply himself to the study of moral philosophy

till his death, which took place, according to Eusebius, on the 27th of

November, B.C. 8, in the fifty-seventh year of his age, and within a few

days of its completion. Mæcenas died the same year, also towards the

close of it; a coincidence that has led some to the notion, that Horace

hastened his own death that he might not have the pain of surviving his

patron. According to Suetonius, his death (which he places after his

fifty-ninth year) was so sudden, that he had not time to execute his

will, which is opposed to the notion of suicide. The two friends were

buried near one another "in extremis Esquiliis," in the farthest part of

the Esquiliæ, that is, probably, without the city walls, on the ground

drained and laid out in gardens by Mæcenas. (See S. i. 8,

Introduction.)

FOOTNOTES

[Footnote 1: C. iii. 4. 9; C. iv. 9. 2; S. ii. 1. 34.]

[Footnote 2: S. i. 6. 6. 46, 47.]

[Footnote 3: S. i. 6. 8.]

[Footnote 4: S. i. 6. 86.]

[Footnote 5: S. i. 6. 96.]

[Footnote 6: Epp. ii. 1. 71; ibid. 2. 41.]

[Footnote 7: S. i. 6. 48.]

[Footnote 8: Epp. ii. 2. 50.]

[Footnote 9: Some persons reject this notion, supposing Horace to mean,

in the passage on which it is founded (Epp. ii. 2. 51), that poverty

made him desperate and careless of consequences, but that when he became

comparatively rich he lost that stimulus.]

[Footnote 10: Suet. Vit. S. ii. 6. 36.]

[Footnote 11: C. iii. 4. 28.]

[Footnote 12: Epp. i. 15.]

[Footnote 13: Epp. i. 7. 1-13.]

CARMINUM LIBER PRIMUS.

CARMEN I.

Maecenas atavis edite regibus

O et praesidium et dulce decus meum,

Sunt quos curriculo pulverem Olympicum

Collegisse juvat metaque fervidis

Evitata rotis palmaque nobilis. 5

Terrarum dominos evehit ad Deos,

Hunc si mobilium turba Quiritium

Certat tergeminis tollere honoribus;

Illum si proprio condidit horreo

Quidquid de Libycis verritur areis. 10

Gaudentem patrios findere sarculo

Agros Attalicis conditionibus

Nunquam dimoveas, ut trabe Cypria

Myrtoum pavidus nauta secet mare.

Luctantem Icariis fluctibus Africum 15

Mercator metuens otium et oppidi

Laudat rura sui; mox reficit rates

Quassas indocilis pauperiem pati.

Est qui nec veteris pocula Massici

Nec partem solido demere de die 20

Spernit, nunc viridi membra sub arbuto

Stratus, nunc ad aquae lene caput sacrae.

Multos castra juvant et lituo tubae

Permixtus sonitus bellaque matribus

Detestata. Manet sub Jove frigido 25

Venator tenerae conjugis immemor,

Seu visa est catulis cerva fidelibus,

Seu rupit teretes Marsus aper plagas.

Me doctarum hederae praemia frontium

Dis miscent superis; me gelidum nemus 30

Nympharumque leves cum Satyris chori

Secernunt populo, si neque tibias

Euterpe cohibet nec Polyhymnia

Lesboum refugit tendere barbiton.

Quod si me lyricis vatibus inseris, 35

Sublimi feriam sidera vertice.

CARMEN II.

Jam satis terris nivis atque dirae

Grandinis misit Pater, et rubente

Dextera sacras jaculatus arces

Terruit Urbem,

Terruit gentes, grave ne rediret 5

Seculum Pyrrhae nova monstra questae,

Omne cum Proteus pecus egit altos

Visere montes,

Piscium et summa genus haesit ulmo

Nota quae sedes fuerat columbis, 10

Et superjecto pavidae natarunt

Aequore damae.

Vidimus flavum Tiberim retortis

Littore Etrusco violenter undis

Ire dejectum monumenta regis 15

Templaque Vestae;

Iliae dum se nimium querenti

Jactat ultorem, vagus et sinistra

Labitur ripa Jove non probante u-

xorius amnis. 20

Audiet cives acuisse ferrum

Quo graves Persae melius perirent;

Audiet pugnas vitio parentum

Rara juventus.

Quem vocet divum populus ruentis 25

Imperi rebus? prece qua fatigent

Virgines sanctae minus audientem

Carmina Vestam?

Cui dabit partes scelus expiandi

Juppiter? Tandem venias precamur 30

Nube candentes humeros amictus,

Augur Apollo;

Sive tu mavis, Erycina ridens,

Quam Jocus circum volat et Cupido;

Sive neglectum genus et nepotes 35

Respicis auctor,

Heu nimis longo satiate ludo,

Quem juvat clamor galeaeque leves

Acer et Mauri peditis cruentum

Voltus in hostem; 40

Sive mutata juvenem figura

Ales in terris imitaris, almae

Filius Maiae, patiens vocari

Caesaris ultor:

Serus in caelum redeas diuque 45

Laetus intersis populo Quirini;

Neve te nostris vitiis iniquum

Ocior aura

Tollat: hic magnos potius triumphos,

Hic ames dici pater atque princeps, 50

Neu sinas Medos equitare inultos

Te duce, Caesar.

CARMEN III.

Sic te diva potens Cypri,

Sic fratres Helenae lucida sidera,

Ventorumque regat pater,

Obstrictis aliis praeter Iapyga:

Navis, quae tibi creditum 5

Debes Virgilium finibus Atticis

Reddas incolumem precor,

Et serves animae dimidium meae.

Illi robur et aes triplex

Circa pectus erat qui fragilem truci 10

Commisit pelago ratem

Primus, nec timuit praecipitem Africum

Decertantem Aquilonibus

Nec tristes Hyadas, nec rabiem Noti

Quo non arbiter Hadriae 15

Major tollere seu ponere volt freta.

Quem Mortis timuit gradum

Qui siccis oculis monstra natantia,

Qui vidit mare turgidum et

Infames scopulos Acroceraunia? 20

Nequicquam deus abscidit

Prudens Oceano dissociabili

Terras si tamen impiae

Non tangenda rates transiliunt vada.

Audax omnia perpeti 25

Gens humana ruit per vetitum nefas.

Audax Iapeti genus

Ignem fraude mala gentibus intulit.

Post ignem aetheria domo

Subductum macies et nova febrium 30

Terris incubuit cohors,

Semotique prius tarda necessitas

Leti corripuit gradum.

Expertus vacuum Daedalus aëra

Pennis non homini datis; 35

Perrupit Acheronta Herculeus labor.

Nil mortalibus ardui est;

Caelum ipsum petimus stultitia neque

Per nostrum patimur scelus

Iracunda Jovem ponere fulmina. 40

CARMEN IV.

Solvitur acris hiems grata vice veris et Favoni,

Trahuntque siccas machinae carinas,

Ac neque jam stabulis gaudet pecus aut arator igni;

Nec prata canis albicant pruinis.

Jam Cytherea choros ducit Venus imminente Luna, 5

Junctaeque Nymphis Gratiae decentes

Alterno terram quatiunt pede, dum graves Cyclopum

Volcanus ardens urit officinas.

Nunc decet aut viridi nitidum caput impedire myrto

Aut flore terrae quem ferunt solutae. 10

Nunc et in umbrosis Fauno decet immolare lucis,

Seu poscat agnam sive malit haedum.

Pallida Mors aequo pulsat pede pauperum tabernas

Regumque turres. O beate Sesti,

Vitae summa brevis spem nos vetat inchoare longam. 15

Jam te premet nox fabulaeque Manes

Et domus exilis Plutonia: quo simul mearis,

Nec regna vini sortiere talis

Nec tenerum Lycidan mirabere, quo calet juventus

Nunc omnis et mox virgines tepebunt. 20

CARMEN V.

Quis multa gracilis te puer in rosa

Perfusus liquidis urget odoribus

Grato, Pyrrha, sub antro?

Cui flavam religas comam

Simplex munditiis? Heu quoties fidem 5

Mutatosque deos flebit et aspera

Nigris aequora ventis

Emirabitur insolens

Qui nunc te fruitur credulus aurea;

Qui semper vacuam, semper amabilem 10

Sperat nescius aurae

Fallacis. Miseri quibus

Intentata nites! Me tabula sacer

Votiva paries indicat uvida

Suspendisse potenti 15

Vestimenta maris deo.

CARMEN VI.

Scriberis Vario fortis et hostium

Victor Maeonii carminis alite,

Quam rem cunque ferox navibus aut equis

Miles te duce gesserit.

Nos, Agrippa, neque haec dicere nec gravem 5

Pelidae stomachum cedere nescii

Nec cursus duplicis per mare Ulixei

Nec saevam Pelopis domum

Conamur tenues grandia, dum pudor

Imbellisque lyrae Musa potens vetat 10

Laudes egregii Caesaris et tuas

Culpa deterere ingeni.

Quis Martem tunica tectum adamantina

Digne scripserit aut pulvere Troico

Nigrum Merionen aut ope Palladis 15

Tydiden superis parem?

Nos convivia, nos proelia virginum

Sectis in juvenes unguibus acrium

Cantamus vacui, sive quid urimur

Non praeter solitum leves. 20

CARMEN VII.

Laudabunt alii claram Rhodon aut Mytilenen

Aut Epheson bimarisve Corinthi

Moenia vel Baccho Thebas vel Apolline Delphos

Insignes aut Thessala Tempe.

Sunt quibus unum opus est intactae Palladis urbem 5

Carmine perpetuo celebrare et

Undique decerptam fronti praeponere olivam.

Plurimus in Junonis honorem

Aptum dicit equis Argos ditesque Mycenas.

Me nec tam patiens Lacedaemon 10

Nec tam Larissae percussit campus opimae,

Quam domus Albuneae resonantis

Et praeceps Anio ac Tiburni lucus et uda

Mobilibus pomaria rivis.

Albus ut obscuro deterget nubila caelo 15

Saepe Notus neque parturit imbres

Perpetuo, sic tu sapiens finire memento

Tristitiam vitaeque labores

Molli, Plance, mero, seu te fulgentia signis

Castra tenent, seu densa tenebit 20

Tiburis umbra tui. Teucer Salamina patremque

Cum fugeret tamen uda Lyaeo

Tempora populea fertur vinxisse corona,

Sic tristes affatus amicos:

Quo nos cunque feret melior fortuna parente 25

Ibimus, o socii comitesque.

Nil desperandum Teucro duce et auspice Teucro;

Certus enim promisit Apollo

Ambiguam tellure nova Salamina futuram.

O fortes pejoraque passi 30

Mecum saepe viri, nunc vino pellite curas;

Cras ingens iterabimus aequor.

CARMEN VIII.

Lydia, dic, per omnes

Te deos oro, Sybarin cur properas amando

Perdere; cur apricum

Oderit campum patiens pulveris atque solis?

Cur neque militaris 5

Inter aequales equitat, Gallica nec lupatis

Temperat ora frenis?

Cur timet flavum Tiberim tangere? Cur olivum

Sanguine viperino

Cautius vitat, neque jam livida gestat armis 10

Brachia saepe disco,

Saepe trans finem jaculo nobilis expedito?

Quid latet, ut marinae

Filium dicunt Thetidis sub lacrymosa Trojae

Funera ne virilis 15

Cultus in caedem et Lycias proriperet catervas?

CARMEN IX.

Vides ut alta stet nive candidum

Soracte, nec jam sustineant onus

Silvae laborantes geluque

Flumina constiterint acuto.

Dissolve frigus ligna super foco 5

Large reponens, atque benignius

Deprome quadrimum Sabina,

O thaliarche, merum diota.

Permitte divis cetera, qui simul

Stravere ventos aequore fervido 10

Deproeliantes nec cupressi

Nec veteres agitantur orni.

Quid sit futurum cras fuge quaerere, et

Quem Fors dierum cunque dabit lucro

Appone, nec dulces amores 15

Sperne puer neque tu choreas,

Donec virenti canities abest

Morosa. Nunc et campus et areae

Lenesque sub noctem susurri

Composita repetantur hora; 20

Nunc et latentis proditor intimo

Gratus puellae risus ab angulo,

Pignusque dereptum lacertis

Aut digito male pertinaci.

CARMEN X.

Mercuri facunde nepos Atlantis,

Qui feros cultus hominum recentum

Voce formasti catus et decorae

More palaestrae,

Te canam magni Jovis et deorum 5

Nuntium curvaeque lyrae parentem,

Callidum quidquid placuit jocoso

Condere furto.

Te boves olim nisi reddidisses

Per dolum amotas puerum minaci 10

Voce dum terret, viduus pharetra

Risit Apollo.

Quin et Atridas duce te superbos

Ilio dives Priamus relicto

Thessalosque ignes et iniqua Trojae 15

Castra fefellit.

Tu pias laetis animas reponis

Sedibus virgaque levem coërces

Aurea turbam, superis deorum

Gratus et imis. 20

CARMEN XI.

Tu ne quaesieris, scire nefas, quem mihi, quem tibi

Finem di dederint, Leuconoë, nec Babylonios

Tentaris numeros. Ut melius quidquid erit pati,

Seu plures hiemes seu tribuit Juppiter ultimam,

Quae nunc oppositis debilitat pumicibus mare 5

Tyrrhenum. Sapias, vina liques, et spatio brevi

Spem longam reseces. Dum loquimur fugerit invida

Aetas: carpe diem quam minimum credula postero.

CARMEN XII.

Quem virum aut heroa lyra vel acri

Tibia sumis celebrare, Clio,

Quem deum? Cujus recinet jocosa

Nomen imago

Aut in umbrosis Heliconis oris 5

Aut super Pindo, gelidove in Haemo

Unde vocalem temere insecutae

Orphea silvae

Arte materna rapidos morantem

Fluminum lapsus celeresque ventos, 10

Blandum et auritas fidibus canoris

Ducere quercus?

Quid prius dicam solitis parentis

Laudibus, qui res hominum ac deorum,

Qui mare ac terras variisque mundum 15

Temperat horis?

Unde nil majus generatur ipso,

Nec viget quidquam simile aut secundum:

Proximos illi tamen occupavit

Pallas honores. 20

Proeliis audax, neque te silebo

Liber et saevis inimica Virgo

Beluis nec te, metuende certa

Phoebe sagitta.

Dicam et Alciden puerosque Ledae, 25

Hunc equis, illum superare pugnis

Nobilem; quorum simul alba nautis

Stella refulsit

Defluit saxis agitatus humor,

Concidunt venti fugiuntque nubes, 30

Et minax, quod sic voluere, ponto

Unda recumbit.

Romulum post hos prius an quietum

Pompili regnum memorem an superbos

Tarquini fasces dubito, an Catonis 35

Nobile letum.

Regulum et Scauros animaeque magnae

Prodigum Paullum superante Poeno

Gratus insigni referam Camena

Fabriciumque. 40

Hunc et incomptis Curium capillis

Utilem bello tulit et Camillum

Saeva paupertas et avitus apto

Cum lare fundus.

Crescit occulto velut arbor aevo, 45

Fama Marcelli; micat inter omnes

Julium sidus velut inter ignes

Luna minores.

Gentis humanae pater atque custos

Orte Saturno, tibi cura magni 50

Caesaris fatis data: tu secundo

Caesare regnes.

Ille, seu Parthos Latio imminentes

Egerit justo domitos triumpho

Sive subjectos Orientis orae 55

Seras et Indos,

Te minor latum reget aequus orbem;

Tu gravi curru quaties Olympum,

Tu parum castis inimica mittes

Fulmina lucis. 60

CARMEN XIII.

Cum tu, Lydia, Telephi

Cervicem roseam, cerea Telephi

Laudas brachia vae meum

Fervens difficili bile tumet jecur.

Tunc nec mens mihi nec color 5

Certa sede manet, humor et in genas

Furtim labitur, arguens

Quam lentis penitus macerer ignibus.

Uror, seu tibi candidos

Turparunt humeros immodicae mero 10

Rixae sive puer furens

Impressit memorem dente labris notam.

Non, si me satis audias,

Speres perpetuum dulcia barbare

Laedentem oscula, quae Venus 15

Quinta parte sui nectaris imbuit.

Felices ter et amplius

Quos irrupta tenet copula, nec malis

Divolsus querimoniis

Suprema citius solvet amor die. 20

CARMEN XIV.

O navis, referent in mare te novi

Fluctus! O quid agis? Fortiter occupa

Portum. Nonne vides ut

Nudum remigio latus

Et malus celeri saucius Africo 5

Antennaeque gemant ac sine funibus

Vix durare carinae

Possint imperiosius

Aequor? Non tibi sunt integra lintea,

Non di, quos iterum pressa voces malo. 10

Quamvis Pontica pinus,

Silvae filia nobilis,

Jactes et genus et nomen inutile;

Nil pictis timidus navita puppibus

Fidit. Tu, nisi ventis 15

Debes ludibrium, cave.

Nuper sollicitum quae mihi taedium,

Nunc desiderium curaque non levis,

Interfusa nitentes

Vites aequora Cycladas. 20

CARMEN XV.

Pastor cum traheret per freta navibus

Idaeis Helenen perfidus hospitam,

Ingrato celeres obruit otio

Ventos ut caneret fera

Nereus fata: Mala ducis avi domum 5

Quam multo repetet Graecia milite,

Conjurata tuas rumpere nuptias

Et regnum Priami vetus.

Heu heu quantus equis, quantus adest viris

Sudor! quanta moves funera Dardanae 10

Genti! Jam galeam Pallas et aegida

Currusque et rabiem parat.

Nequicquam Veneris praesidio ferox

Pectes caesariem grataque feminis

Imbelli cithara carmina divides; 15

Nequicquam thalamo graves

Hastas et calami spicula Cnossii

Vitabis strepitumque et celerem sequi

Ajacem; tamen heu serus adulteros

Crines pulvere collines. 20

Non Laërtiaden, exitium tuae

Genti, non Pylium Nestora respicis?

Urgent impavidi te Salaminius

Teucer et Sthenelus sciens

Pugnae, sive opus est imperitare equis 25

Non auriga piger; Merionen quoque

Nosces. Ecce furit te reperire atrox

Tydides melior patre,

Quem tu cervus uti vallis in altera

Visum parte lupum graminis immemor 30

Sublimi fugies mollis anhelitu,

Non hoc pollicitus tuae.

Iracunda diem proferet Ilio

Matronisque Phrygum classis Achilleï;

Post certas hiemes uret Achaïcus 35

Ignis Iliacas domos.

CARMEN XVI.

O matre pulchra filia pulchrior,

Quem criminosis cunque voles modum

Pones ïambis, sive flamma

Sive mari libet Hadriano.

Non Dindymene, non adytis quatit 5

Mentem sacerdotum incola Pythius,

Non Liber aeque, non acuta

Sic geminant Corybantes aera

Tristes ut irae, quas neque Noricus

Deterret ensis nec mare naufragum 10

Nec saevus ignis nec tremendo

Juppiter ipse ruens tumultu.

Fertur Prometheus, addere principi

Limo coactus particulam undique

Desectam, et insani leonis 15

Vim stomacho apposuisse nostro.

Irae Thyesten exitio gravi

Stravere, et altis urbibus ultimae

Stetere causae, cur perirent

Funditus imprimeretque muris 20

Hostile aratrum exercitus insolens.

Compesce mentem: me quoque pectoris

Tentavit in dulci juventa

Fervor et in celeres ïambos

Misit furentem; nunc ego mitibus 25

Mutare quaero tristia, dum mihi

Fias recantatis amica

Opprobriis animumque reddas.

CARMEN XVII.

Velox amoenum saepe Lucretilem

Mutat Lycaeo Faunus et igneam

Defendit aestatem capellis

Usque meis pluviosque ventos.

Impune tutum per nemus arbutos 5

Quaerunt latentes et thyma deviae

Olentis uxores mariti,

Nec virides metuunt colubras

Nec Martiales Haedileae lupos,

Utcunque dulci, Tyndari, fistula 10

Valles et Usticae cubantis

Laevia personuere saxa.

Di me tuentur, dis pietas mea

Et Musa cordi est. Hic tibi copia

Manabit ad plenum benigno 15

Ruris honorum opulenta cornu.

Hic in reducta valle Caniculae

Vitabis aestus et fide Teïa

Dices laborantes in uno

Penelopen vitreamque Circen; 20

Hic innocentis pocula Lesbii

Duces sub umbra, nec Semeleïus

Cum Marte confundet Thyoneus

Proelia, nec metues protervum

Suspecta Cyrum, ne male dispari 25

Incontinentes injiciat manus

Et scindat haerentem coronam

Crinibus immeritamque vestem.

CARMEN XVIII.

Nullam, Vare, sacra vite prius severis arborem

Circa mite solum Tiburis et moenia Catili.

Siccis omnia nam dura deus proposuit, neque

Mordaces aliter diffugiunt sollicitudines.

Quis post vina gravem militiam aut pauperiem crepat? 5

Quis non te potius, Bacche pater, teque, decens Venus?

At ne quis modici transiliat munera Liberi

Centaurea monet cum Lapithis rixa super mero

Debellata, monet Sithoniis non levis Euius,

Cum fas atque nefas exiguo fine libidinum 10

Discernunt avidi. Non ego te, candide Bassareu,

Invitum quatiam, nec variis obsita frondibus

Sub divum rapiam. Saeva tene cum Berecyntio

Cornu tympana, quae subsequitur caecus Amor sui

Et tollens vacuum plus nimio Gloria verticem, 15

Arcanique Fides prodiga, perlucidior vitro.

CARMEN XIX.

Mater saeva Cupidinum

Thebanaeque jubet me Semeles puer

Et lasciva Licentia

Finitis animum reddere amoribus.

Urit me Glycerae nitor 5

Splendentis Pario marmore purius;

Urit grata protervitas

Et voltus nimium lubricus adspici.

In me tota ruens Venus

Cyprum deseruit, nec patitur Scythas 10

Et versis animosum equis

Parthum dicere nec quae nihil attinent.

Hic vivum mihi caespitem, hic

Verbenas, pueri, ponite thuraque

Bimi cum patera meri: 15

Mactata veniet lenior hostia.

CARMEN XX.

Vile potabis modicis Sabinum

Cantharis Graeca quod ego ipse testa

Conditum levi, datus in theatro

Cum tibi plausus,

Care Maecenas eques, ut paterni 5

Fluminis ripae simul et jocosa

Redderet laudes tibi Vaticani

Montis imago.

Caecubum et prelo domitam Caleno

Tu bibes uvam: mea nec Falernae 10

Temperant vites neque Formiani

Pocula colles.

CARMEN XXI.

Dianam tenerae dicite virgines,

Intonsum, pueri, dicite Cynthium

Latonamque supremo

Dilectam penitus Jovi.

Vos laetam fluviis et nemorum coma, 5

Quaecunque aut gelido prominet Algido

Nigris aut Erymanthi

Silvis aut viridis Cragi;

Vos Tempe totidem tollite laudibus,

Natalemque, mares, Delon Apollinis, 10

Insignemque pharetra

Fraternaque humerum lyra.

Hic bellum lacrumosum, hic miseram famem

Pestemque a populo et principe Caesare in

Persas atque Britannos 15

Vestra motus aget prece.

CARMEN XXII.

Integer vitae scelerisque purus

Non eget Mauris jaculis neque arcu

Nec venenatis gravida sagittis,

Fusce, pharetra,

Sive per Syrtes iter aestuosas 5

Sive facturus per inhospitalem

Caucasum vel quae loca fabulosus

Lambit Hydaspes.

Namque me silva lupus in Sabina,

Dum meam canto Lalagen et ultra 10

Terminum curis vagor expeditis,

Fugit inermem,

Quale portentum neque militaris

Daunias latis alit aesculetis,

Nec Jubae tellus generat leonum 15

Arida nutrix.

Pone me pigris ubi nulla campis

Arbor aestiva recreatur aura,

Quod latus mundi nebulae malusque

Juppiter urget; 20

Pone sub curru nimium propinqui

Solis in terra domibus negata:

Dulce ridentem Lalagen amabo,

Dulce loquentem.

CARMEN XXIII.

Vitas hinnuleo me similis, Chloë,

Quaerenti pavidam montibus aviis

Matrem non sine vano

Aurarum et silüae metu.

Nam seu mobilibus veris inhorruit 5

Adventus foliis seu virides rubum

Dimovere lacertae,

Et corde et genibus tremit.

Atqui non ego te tigris ut aspera

Gaetulusve leo frangere persequor: 10

Tandem desine matrem

Tempestiva sequi viro.

CARMEN XXIV.

Quis desiderio sit pudor aut modus

Tam cari capitis? Praecipe lugubres

Cantus, Melpomene, cui liquidam pater

Vocem cum cithara dedit.

Ergo Quinctilium perpetuus sopor 5

Urget! cui Pudor, et Justitiae soror

Incorrupta Fides nudaque Veritas

Quando ullum inveniet parem?

Multis ille bonis flebilis occidit,

Nulli flebilior quam tibi, Virgili. 10

Tu frustra pius heu non ita creditum

Poscis Quinctilium deos.

Quod si Threïcio blandius Orpheo

Auditam moderere arboribus fidem,

Non vanae redeat sanguis imagini, 15

Quam virga semel horrida

Non lenis precibus fata recludere

Nigro compulerit Mercurius gregi.

Durum: sed levius fit patientia

Quidquid corrigere est nefas. 20

CARMEN XXV.

Parcius junctas quatiunt fenestras

Ictibus crebris juvenes protervi,

Nec tibi somnos adimunt, amatque

Janua limen,

Quae prius multum facilis movebat 5

Cardines; audis minus et minus jam:

"Me tuo longas pereunte noctes,

Lydia, dormis?"

Invicem moechos anus arrogantes

Flebis in solo levis angiportu, 10

Thracio bacchante magis sub inter-

lunia vento,

Cum tibi flagrans amor et libido

Quae solet matres furiare equorum

Saeviet circa jecur ulcerosum, 15

Non sine questu

Laeta quod pubes hedera virente

Gaudeat pulla magis atque myrto,

Aridas frondes hiemis sodali

Dedicet Hebro. 20

CARMEN XXVI.

Musis amicus tristitiam et metus

Tradam protervis in mare Creticum

Portare ventis, quis sub Arcto

Rex gelidae metuatur orae,

Quid Tiridaten terreat unice 5

Securus. O, quae fontibus integris

Gaudes, apricos necte flores,

Necte meo Lamiae coronam,

Pimplea dulcis! Nil sine te mei

Prosunt honores: hunc fidibus novis, 10

Hunc Lesbio sacrare plectro

Teque tuasque decet sorores.

CARMEN XXVII.

Natis in usum laetitiae scyphis

Pugnare Thracum est: tollite barbarum

Morem, verecundumque Bacchum

Sanguineis prohibete rixis!

Vino et lucernis Medus acinaces 5

Immane quantum discrepat: impium

Lenite clamorem, sodales,

Et cubito remanete presso!

Voltis severi me quoque sumere

Partem Falerni? Dicat Opuntiae 10

Frater Megillae quo beatus

Volnere, qua pereat sagitta.

Cessat voluntas? Non alia bibam

Mercede. Quae te cunque domat Venus

Non erubescendis adurit 15

Ignibus ingenuoque semper

Amore peccas. Quidquid habes age

Depone tutis auribus. Ah miser,

Quanta laborabas Charybdi,

Digne puer meliore flamma! 20

Quae saga, quis te solvere Thessalis

Magus venenis, quis poterit deus?

Vix illigatum te triformi

Pegasus expediet Chimaera.

CARMEN XXVIII.

Te maris et terrae numeroque carentis arenae

Mensorem cohibent, Archyta,

Pulveris exigui prope litus parva Matinum

Munera, nec quidquam tibi prodest

Aërias tentasse domos, animoque rotundum 5

Percurrisse polum morituro.

Occidit et Pelopis genitor, conviva deorum,

Tithonusque remotus in auras

Et Jovis arcanis Minos admissus, habentque

Tartara Panthoiden iterum Orco 10

Demissum, quamvis clipeo Trojana refixo

Tempora testatus nihil ultra

Nervos atque cutem morti concesserat atrae,

Judice te non sordidus auctor

Naturae verique. Sed omnes una manet nox 15

Et calcanda semel via leti:

Dant alios Furiae torvo spectacula Marti;

Exitio est avidum mare nautis;

Mixta senum ac juvenum densentur funera, nullum

Saeva caput Proserpina fugit. 20

Me quoque devexi rapidus comes Orionis

Illyricis Notus obruit undis.

At tu, nauta, vagae ne parce malignus arenae

Ossibus et capiti inhumato

Particulam dare: sic quodcunque minabitur Eurus 25

Fluctibus Hesperiis Venusinae

Plectantur silvae te sospite, multaque merces

Unde potest tibi defluat aequo

Ab Jove Neptunoque sacri custode Tarenti.

Negligis immeritis nocituram 30

Postmodo te natis fraudem committere? Fors et

Debita jura vicesque superbae

Te maneant ipsum: precibus non linquar inultis,

Teque piacula nulla resolvent.

Quamquam festinas non est mora longa; licebit 35

Injecto ter pulvere curras.

CARMEN XXIX.

Icci, beatis nunc Arabum invides

Gazis, et acrem militiam paras

Non ante devictis Sabaeae

Regibus, horribilique Medo

Nectis catenas? Quae tibi virginum, 5

Sponso necato barbara serviet?

Puer quis ex aula capillis

Ad cyathum statuetur unctis,

Doctus sagittas tendere Sericas

Arcu paterno? Quis neget arduis 10

Pronos relabi posse rivos

Montibus et Tiberim reverti,

Cum tu coëmptos undique nobilis

Libros Panaeti Socraticam et domum

Mutare loricis Hiberis 15

Pollicitus meliora tendis?

CARMEN XXX.

O Venus, regina Cnidi Paphique,

Sperne dilectam Cypron, et vocantis

Thure te multo Glycerae decoram

Transfer in aedem.

Fervidus tecum puer et solutis 5

Gratiae zonis properentque Nymphae

Et parum comis sine te Juventas

Mercuriusque.

CARMEN XXXI.

Quid dedicatum poscit Apollinem

Vates? quid orat de patera novum

Fundens liquorem? Non opimae

Sardiniae segetes feraces,

Non aestuosae grata Calabriae 5

Armenta, non aurum aut ebur Indicum,

Non rura quae Liris quieta

Mordet aqua taciturnus amnis,

Premant Calena falce quibus dedit

Fortuna vitem, dives et aureis 10

Mercator exsiccet culullis

Vina Syra reparata merce,

Dis carus ipsis, quippe ter et quater

Anno revisens aequor Atlanticum

Impune. Me pascunt olivae, 15

Me cichorea, levesque malvae.

Frui paratis et valido mihi,

Latoë, dones et precor integra

Cum mente, nec turpem senectam

Degere, nec cithara carentem. 20

CARMEN XXXII.

Poscimur. Si quid vacui sub umbra

Lusimus tecum quod et hunc in annum

Vivat et plures, age dic Latinum,

Barbite, carmen,

Lesbio primum modulate civi, 5

Qui ferox bello tamen inter arma,

Sive jactatam religarat udo

Litore navim,

Liberum et Musas Veneremque et illi

Semper haerentem puerum canebat 10

Et Lycum nigris oculis nigroque

Crine decorum.

O decus Phoebi et dapibus supremi

Grata testudo Jovis, o laborum

Dulce lenimen, mihi cunque salve 15

Rite vocanti.

CARMEN XXXIII.

Albi, ne doleas plus nimio memor

Immitis Glycerae, neu miserabiles

Decantes elegos cur tibi junior

Laesa praeniteat fide.

Insignem tenui fronte Lycorida 5

Cyri torret amor, Cyrus in asperam

Declinat Pholoën; sed prius Apulis

Jungentur capreae lupis

Quam turpi Pholoë peccet adultero.

Sic visum Veneri, cui placet impares 10

Formas atque animos sub juga aënea

Saevo mittere cum joco.

Ipsum me, melior cum peteret Venus,

Grata detinuit compede Myrtale

Libertina, fretis acrior Hadriae 15

Curvantis Calabros sinus.

CARMEN XXXIV.

Parcus deorum cultor et infrequens

Insanientis dum sapientiae

Consultus erro, nunc retrorsum

Vela dare atque iterare cursus

Cogor relictos; namque Diespiter, 5

Igni corusco nubila dividens

Plerumque, per purum tonantes

Egit equos volucremque currum

Quo bruta tellus et vaga flumina,

Quo Styx et invisi horrida Taenari 10

Sedes Atlanteusque finis

Concutitur. Valet ima summis

Mutare et insignem attenuat deus

Obscura promens; hinc apicem rapax

Fortuna cum stridore acuto 15

Sustulit, hic posuisse gaudet.

CARMEN XXXV.

O Diva, gratum quae regis Antium,

Praesens vel imo tollere de gradu

Mortale corpus, vel superbos

Vertere funeribus triumphos,

Te pauper ambit sollicita prece 5

Ruris colonus, te dominam aequoris

Quicunque Bithyna lacessit

Carpathium pelagus carina.

Te Dacus asper, te profugi Scythae

Urbesque gentesque et Latium ferox 10

Regumque matres barbarorum et

Purpurei metuunt tyranni,

Injurioso ne pede proruas

Stantem columnam, neu populus frequens

Ad arma cessantes, ad arma 15

Concitet imperiumque frangat.

Te semper anteit saeva Necessitas

Clavos trabales et cuneos manu

Gestans aëna, nec severus

Uncus abest, liquidumque plumbum. 20

Te Spes et albo rara Fides colit

Velata panno nec comitem abnegat,

Utcunque mutata potentes

Veste domos inimica linquis.

At volgus infidum et meretrix retro 25

Perjura cedit, diffugiunt cadis

Cum faece siccatis amici

Ferre jugum pariter dolosi.

Serves iturum Caesarem in ultimos

Orbis Britannos et juvenum recens 30

Examen Eois timendum

Partibus Oceanoque rubro.

Eheu cicatricum et sceleris pudet

Fratrumque. Quid nos dura refugimus

Aetas? quid intactum nefasti 35

Liquimus? unde manum juventus

Metu deorum continuit? quibus

Pepercit aris? O utinam nova

Incude diffingas retusum in

Massagetas Arabasque ferrum! 40

CARMEN XXXVI.

Et thure et fidibus juvat

Placare et vituli sanguine debito

Custodes Numidae deos,

Qui nunc Hesperia sospes ab ultima

Caris multa sodalibus, 5

Nulli plura tamen dividit oscula

Quam dulci Lamiae, memor

Actae non alio rege puertiae

Mutataeque simul togae.

Cressa ne careat pulchra dies nota, 10

Neu promptae modus amphorae,

Neu morem in Salium sit requies pedum,

Neu multi Damalis meri

Bassum Threïcia vincat amystide,

Neu desint epulis rosae, 15

Neu vivax apium, neu breve lilium.

Omnes in Damalin putres

Deponent oculos, nec Damalis novo

Divelletur adultero

Lascivis hederis ambitiosior. 20

CARMEN XXXVII.

Nunc est bibendum, nunc pede libero

Pulsanda tellus, nunc Saliaribus

Ornare pulvinar deorum

Tempus erat dapibus, sodales.

Antehac nefas depromere Caecubum 5

Cellis avitis, dum Capitolio

Regina dementes ruinas

Funus et imperio parabat

Contaminato cum grege turpium

Morbo virorum, quidlibet impotens 10

Sperare fortunaque dulci

Ebria. Sed minuit furorem

Vix una sospes navis ab ignibus,

Mentemque lymphatam Mareotico

Redegit in veros timores 15

Caesar, ab Italia volantem

Remis adurgens, accipiter velut

Molles columbas, aut leporem citus

Venator in campis nivalis

Haemoniae, daret ut catenis 20

Fatale monstrum: quae generosius

Perire quaerens, nec muliebriter

Expavit ensem nec latentes

Classe cita reparavit oras.

Ausa et jacentem visere regiam 25

Voltu sereno, fortis et asperas

Tractare serpentes, ut atrum

Corpore combiberet venenum,

Deliberata morte ferocior,

Saevis Liburnis scilicet invidens 30

Privata deduci superbo

Non humilis mulier triumpho.

CARMEN XXXVIII.

Persicos odi, puer, apparatus,

Displicent nexae philyra coronae;

Mitte sectari rosa quo locorum

Sera moretur.

Simplici myrto nihil allabores

Sedulus curo: neque te ministrum

Dedecet myrtus neque me sub arta

Vite bibentem.

CARMINUM LIBER SECUNDUS

CARMEN I.

Motum ex Metello consule civicum

Bellique causas et vitia et modos

Ludumque Fortunae gravesque

Principum amicitias et arma

Nondum expiatis uncta cruoribus, 5

Periculosae plenum opus aleae,

Tractas et incedis per ignes

Suppositos cineri doloso.

Paullum severae Musa tragoediae

Desit theatris: mox ubi publicas 10

Res ordinaris grande munus

Cecropio repetes cothurno,

Insigne maestis praesidium reis

Et consulenti, Pollio, curiae,

Cui laurus aeternos honores 15

Delmatico peperit triumpho.

Jam nunc minaci murmure cornuum

Perstringis aures, jam litui strepunt,

Jam fulgor armorum fugaces

Terret equos equitumque voltus: 20

Audire magnos jam videor duces

Non indecoro pulvere sordidos,

Et cuncta terrarum subacta

Praeter atrocem animum Catonis.

Juno et deorum quisquis amicior 25

Afris inulta cesserat impotens

Tellure victorum nepotes

Rettulit inferias Jugurthae.

Quis non Latino sanguine pinguior

Campus sepulcris impia proelia 30

Testatur auditumque Medis

Hesperiae sonitum ruinae?

Qui gurges, aut quae flumina lugubris

Ignara belli? quod mare Dauniae

Non decoloravere caedes? 35

Quae caret ora cruore nostro?

Sed ne relictis, Musa procax, jocis,

Ceae retractes munera neniae:

Mecum Dionaeo sub antro

Quaere modos leviore plectro. 40

CARMEN II.

Nullus argento color est avaris

Abdito terris, inimice lamnae

Crispe Sallusti, nisi temperato

Splendeat usu.

Vivet extento Proculeius aevo 5

Notus in fratres animi paterni;

Illum aget penna metuente solvi

Fama superstes.

Latius regnes avidum domando

Spiritum, quam si Libyam remotis 10

Gadibus jungas et uterque Poenus

Serviat uni.

Crescit indulgens sibi dirus hydrops,

Nec sitim pellit nisi causa morbi

Fugerit venis et aquosus albo 15

Corpore languor.

Redditum Cyri solio Phraaten

Dissidens plebi numero beatorum

Eximit Virtus, populumque falsis

Dedocet uti 20

Vocibus, regnum et diadema tutum

Deferens uni propriamque laurum

Quisquis ingentes oculo inretorto

Spectat acervos.

CARMEN III.

Aequam memento rebus in arduis

Servare mentem, non secus in bonis

Ab insolenti temperatam

Laetitia, moriture Delli,

Seu maestus omni tempore vixeris, 5

Seu te in remoto gramine per dies

Festos reclinatum bearis

Interiore nota Falerni.

Quo pinus ingens albaque populus

Umbram hospitalem consociare amant 10

Ramis? Quid obliquo laborat

Lympha fugax trepidare rivo?

Huc vina et unguenta et nimium breves

Flores amoenae ferre jube rosae,

Dum res et aetas et sororum 15

Fila trium patiuntur atra.

Cedes coëmptis saltibus et domo

Villaque flavus quam Tiberis lavit,

Cedes et exstructis in altum

Divitiis potietur heres. 20

Divesne prisco natus ab Inacho

Nil interest an pauper et infima

De gente sub divo moreris,

Victima nil miserantis Orci.

Omnes eodem cogimur, omnium 25

Versatur urna serius ocius

Sors exitura et nos in aeternum

Exilium impositura cumbae.

CARMEN IV.

Ne sit ancillae tibi amor pudori,

Xanthia Phoceu! Prius insolentem

Serva Briseis niveo colore

Movit Achillem;

Movit Ajacem Telamone natum 5

Forma captivae dominum Tecmessae;

Arsit Atrides medio in triumpho

Virgine rapta,

Barbarae postquam cecidere turmae

Thessalo victore et ademptus Hector 10

Tradidit fessis leviora tolli

Pergama Grais.

Nescias an te generum beati

Phyllidis flavae decorent parentes:

Regium certe genus et penates 15

Maeret iniquos.

Crede non illam tibi de scelesta

Plebe dilectam, neque sic fidelem,

Sic lucro aversam potuisse nasci

Matre pudenda. 20

Brachia et voltum teretesque suras

Integer laudo; fuge suspicari,

Cujus octavum trepidavit aetas

Claudere lustrum.

CARMEN V.

Nondum subacta ferre jugum valet

Cervice, nondum munia comparis

Aequare nec tauri ruentis

In venerem tolerare pondus.

Circa virentes est animus tuae 5

Campos juvencae, nunc fluviis gravem

Solantis aestum, nunc in udo

Ludere cum vitulis salicto

Praegestientis. Tolle cupidinem

Immitis uvae: jam tibi lividos 10

Distinguet Auctumnus racemos

Purpureo varius colore.

Jam te sequetur: currit enim ferox

Aetas et illi quos tibi dempserit

Apponet annos; jam proterva 15

Fronte petet Lalage maritum:

Dilecta quantum non Pholoë fugax,

Non Chloris albo sic humero nitens,

Ut pura nocturno renidet

Luna mari, Cnidiusve Gyges, 20

Quem si puellarum insereres choro

Mire sagaces falleret hospites

Discrimen obscurum solutis

Crinibus ambiguoque vultu.

CARMEN VI.

Septimi, Gades aditure mecum et

Cantabrum indoctum juga ferre nostra et

Barbaras Syrtes ubi Maura semper

Aestuat unda,

Tibur Argeo positum colono 5

Sit meae sedes utinam senectae,

Sit modus lasso maris et viarum

Militiaeque!

Unde si Parcae prohibent iniquae,

Dulce pellitis ovibus Galaesi 10

Flumen et regnata petam Laconi

Rura Phalantho.

Ille terrarum mihi praeter omnes

Angulus ridet ubi non Hymetto

Mella decedunt viridique certat 15

Baca Venafro;

Ver ubi longum tepidasque praebet

Juppiter brumas, et amicus Aulon

Fertili Baccho minimum Falernis

Invidet uvis. 20

Ille te mecum locus et beatae

Postulant arces: ibi tu calentem

Debita sparges lacrima favillam

Vatis amici.

CARMEN VII.

O saepe mecum tempus in ultimum

Deducte Bruto militiae duce,

Quis te redonavit Quiritem

Dis patriis Italoque caelo,

Pompei meorum prime sodalium, 5

Cum quo morantem saepe diem mero

Fregi coronatus nitentes

Malobathro Syrio capillos?

Tecum Philippos et celerem fugam

Sensi relicta non bene parmula, 10

Cum fracta virtus et minaces

Turpe solum tetigere mento.

Sed me per hostes Mercurius celer

Denso paventem sustulit aëre;

Te rursus in bellum resorbens 15

Unda fretis tulit aestuosis.

Ergo obligatam redde Jovi dapem

Longaque fessum militia latus

Depone sub lauru mea nec

Parce cadis tibi destinatis. 20

Oblivioso levia Massico

Ciboria exple; funde capacibus

Unguenta de conchis. Quis udo

Deproperare apio coronas

Curatve myrto? quem Venus arbitrum 25

Dicet bibendi? Non ego sanius

Bacchabor Edonis: recepto

Dulce mihi furere est amico.

CARMEN VIII.

Ulla si juris tibi pejerati

Poena, Barine, nocuisset unquam,

Dente si nigro fieres vel uno

Turpior ungui,

Crederem. Sed tu, simul obligasti 5

Perfidum votis caput enitescis

Pulchrior multo, juvenumque prodis

Publica cura.

Expedit matris cineres opertos

Fallere et toto taciturna noctis 10

Signa cum caelo, gelidaque divos

Morte carentes.

Ridet hoc inquam Venus ipsa, rident

Simplices Nymphae ferus et Cupido

Semper ardentes acuens sagittas 15

Cote cruenta.

Adde quod pubes tibi crescit omnis,

Servitus crescit nova nec priores

Impiae tectum dominae relinquunt

Saepe minati. 20

Te suis matres metuunt juvencis,

Te senes parci miseraeque nuper

Virgines nuptae, tua ne retardet

Aura maritos.

CARMEN IX.

Non semper imbres nubibus hispidos

Manant in agros aut mare Caspium

Vexant inaequales procellae

Usque, nec Armeniis in oris,

Amice Valgi, stat glacies iners 5

Menses per omnes aut Aquilonibus

Querceta Gargani laborant

Et foliis viduantur orni:

Tu semper urges flebilibus modis

Mysten ademptum, nec tibi Vespero 10

Surgente decedunt amores

Nec rapidum fugiente Solem.

At non ter aevo functus amabilem

Ploravit omnes Antilochum senex

Annos, nec impubem parentes 15

Troilon, aut Phrygiae sorores

Flevere semper. Desine mollium

Tandem querelarum, et potius nova

Cantemus Augusti tropaea

Caesaris et rigidum Niphaten, 20

Medumque flumen gentibus additum

Victis minores volvere vertices,

Intraque praescriptum Gelonos

Exiguis equitare campis.

CARMEN X.

Rectius vives, Licini, neque altum

Semper urgendo neque, dum procellas

Cautus horrescis, nimium premendo

Litus iniquum.

Auream quisquis mediocritatem 5

Diligit tutus caret obsoleti

Sordibus tecti, caret invidenda

Sobrius aula.

Saepius ventis agitatur ingens

Pinus et celsae graviore casu 10

Decidunt turres feriuntque summos

Fulgura montes.

Sperat infestis, metuit secundis

Alteram sortem bene praeparatum

Pectus. Informes hiemes reducit 15

Juppiter, idem

Summovet. Non si male nunc et olim

Sic erit: quondam cithara tacentem

Suscitat musam, neque semper arcum

Tendit Apollo. 20

Rebus angustis animosus atque

Fortis appare; sapienter idem

Contrahes vento nimium secundo

Turgida vela.

CARMEN XI.

Quid bellicosus Cantaber et Scythes,

Hirpine Quinti, cogitet Hadria

Divisus objecto remittas

Quaerere, nec trepides in usum

Poscentis aevi pauca. Fugit retro 5

Levis juventas et decor, arida

Pellente lascivos amores

Canitie facilemque somnum.

Non semper idem floribus est honor

Vernis neque uno Luna rubens nitet 10

Voltu: quid aeternis minorem

Consiliis animum fatigas?

Cur non sub alta vel platano vel hac

Pinu jacentes sic temere et rosa

Canos odorati capillos, 15

Dum licet, Assyriaque nardo

Potamus uncti? Dissipat Euius

Curas edaces. Quis puer ocius

Restinguet ardentis Falerni

Pocula praetereunte lympha? 20

Quis devium scortum eliciet domo

Lyden? Eburna dic age cum lyra

Maturet in comptum Lacaenae

More comas religata nodum.

CARMEN XII.

Nolis longa ferae bella Numantiae,

Nec dirum Hannibalem, nec Siculum mare

Poeno purpureum sanguine mollibus

Aptari citharae modis;

Nec saevos Lapithas et nimium mero 5

Hylaeum domitosque Herculea manu

Telluris juvenes, unde periculum

Fulgens contremuit domus

Saturni veteris; tuque pedestribus

Dices historiis proelia Caesaris, 10

Maecenas, melius ductaque per vias

Regum colla minacium.

Me dulces dominae Musa Licymniae

Cantus, me voluit dicere lucidum

Fulgentes oculos et bene mutuis 15

Fidum pectus amoribus;

Quam nec ferre pedem dedecuit choris,

Nec certare joco nec dare brachia

Ludentem nitidis virginibus, sacro

Dianae celebris die. 20

Num tu quae tenuit dives Achaemenes,

Aut pinguis Phrygiae Mygdonias opes

Permutare velis crine Licymniae,

Plenas aut Arabum domos?

Dum flagrantia detorquet ad oscula 25

Cervicem, aut facili saevitia negat,

Quae poscente magis gaudeat eripi,

Interdum rapere occupet.

CARMEN XIII.

Ille et nefasto te posuit die,

Quicunque primum, et sacrilega manu

Produxit, arbos, in nepotum

Perniciem opprobriumque pagi;

Illum et parentis crediderim sui 5

Fregisse cervicem et penetralia

Sparsisse nocturno cruore

Hospitis; ille venena Colchica

Et quidquid usquam concipitur nefas

Tractavit, agro qui statuit meo 10

Te, triste lignum, te caducum

In domini caput immerentis.

Quid quisque vitet nunquam homini satis

Cautum est in horas: navita Bosporum

Poenus perhorrescit neque ultra 15

Caeca timet aliunde fata,

Miles sagittas et celerem fugam

Parthi, catenas Parthus et Italum

Robur; sed improvisa leti

Vis rapuit rapietque gentes. 20

Quam paene furvae regna Proserpinae

Et judicantem vidimus Aeacum

Sedesque discretas piorum et

Aeoliis fidibus querentem

Sappho puellis de popularibus, 25

Et te sonantem plenius aureo,

Alcaee, plectro dura navis,

Dura fugae mala, dura belli!

Utrumque sacro digna silentio

Mirantur umbrae dicere; sed magis 30

Pugnas et exactos tyrannos

Densum humeris bibit aure volgus.

Quid mirum, ubi illis carminibus stupens

Demittit atras belua centiceps

Aures et intorti capillis 35

Eumenidum recreantur angues?

Quin et Prometheus et Pelopis parens

Dulci laborum decipitur sono;

Nec curat Orion leones

Aut timidos agitare lyncas. 40

CARMEN XIV.

Eheu fugaces, Postume, Postume,

Labuntur anni, nec pietas moram

Rugis et instanti senectae

Afferet indomitaeque morti,--

Non, si trecenis, quotquot eunt dies, 5

Amice, places illacrumabilem

Plutona tauris, qui ter amplum

Geryonen Tityonque tristi

Compescit unda, scilicet omnibus

Quicunque terrae munere vescimur, 10

Enaviganda sive reges

Sive inopes erimus coloni.

Frustra cruento Marte carebimus,

Fractisque rauci fluctibus Hadriae,

Frustra per auctumnos nocentem 15

Corporibus metuemus Austrum:

Visendus ater flumine languido

Cocytos errans et Danai genus

Infame damnatusque longi

Sisyphus Aeolides laboris. 20

Linquenda tellus et domus et placens

Uxor, neque harum quas colis arborum

Te praeter invisas cupressos

Ulla brevem dominum sequetur.

Absumet heres Caecuba dignior 25

Servata centum clavibus, et mero

Tinget pavimentum superbo

Pontificum potiore coenis.

CARMEN XV.

Jam pauca aratro jugera regiae

Moles relinquent; undique latius

Extenta visentur Lucrino

Stagna lacu, platanusque caelebs

Evincet ulmos; tum violaria et 5

Myrtus et omnis copia narium

Spargent olivetis odorem

Fertilibus domino priori,

Tum spissa ramis laurea fervidos

Excludet ictus. Non ita Romuli 10

Praescriptum et intonsi Catonis

Auspiciis veterumque norma.

Privatus illis census erat brevis,

Commune magnum: nulla decempedis

Metata privatis opacam 15

Porticus excipiebat Arcton,

Nec fortuitum spernere caespitem

Leges sinebant, oppida publico

Sumptu jubentes et deorum

Templa novo decorare saxo. 20

CARMEN XVI.

Otium divos rogat in patente

Prensus Aegaeo, simul atra nubes

Condidit lunam neque certa fulgent

Sidera nautis;

Otium bello furiosa Thrace, 5

Otium Medi pharetra decori,

Grosphe, non gemmis neque purpura ve-

nale neque auro.

Non enim gazae neque consularis

Summovet lictor miseros tumultus 10

Mentis, et curas laqueata circum

Tecta volantes.

Vivitur parvo bene cui paternum

Splendet in mensa tenui salinum,

Nec leves somnos timor aut cupido 15

Sordidus aufert.

Quid brevi fortes jaculamur aevo

Multa? Quid terras alio calentes

Sole mutamus? Patriae quis exsul

Se quoque fugit? 20

Scandit aeratas vitiosa naves

Cura nec turmas equitum relinquit,

Ocior cervis et agente nimbos

Ocior Euro.

Laetus in praesens animus quod ultra est 25

Oderit curare et amara lento

Temperet risu; nihil est ab omni

Parte beatum.

Abstulit clarum cita mors Achillem,

Longa Tithonum minuit senectus, 30

Et mihi forsan tibi quod negarit,

Porriget hora.

Te greges centum Siculaeque circum

Mugiunt vaccae, tibi tollit hinnitum

Apta quadrigis equa, te bis Afro 35

Murice tinctae

Vestiunt lanae: mihi parva rura et

Spiritum Graiae tenuem Camenae

Parca non mendax dedit et malignum

Spernere volgus. 40

CARMEN XVII.

Cur me querelis exanimas tuis?

Nec dis amicum est nec mihi te prius

Obire, Maecenas, mearum

Grande decus columenque rerum.

Ah te meae si partem animae rapit 5

Maturior vis, quid moror altera,

Nec carus aeque nec superstes

Integer? Ille dies utramque

Ducet ruinam. Non ego perfidum

Dixi sacramentum: ibimus, ibimus 10

Utcunque praecedes, supremum

Carpere iter comites parati.

Me nec Chimaerae spiritus igneae

Nec, si resurgat, centimanus Gyas

Divellet unquam: sic potenti 15

Justitiae placitumque Parcis.

Seu Libra seu me Scorpios adspicit

Formidolosus pars violentior

Natalis horae, seu tyrannus

Hesperiae Capricornus undae, 20

Utrumque nostrum incredibili modo

Consentit astrum. Te Jovis impio

Tutela Saturno refulgens

Eripuit volucrisque Fati

Tardavit alas, cum populus frequens 25

Laetum theatris ter crepuit sonum:

Me truncus illapsus cerebro

Sustulerat, nisi Faunus ictum

Dextra levasset, Mercurialium

Custos virorum. Reddere victimas 30

Aedemque votivam memento:

Nos humilem feriemus agnam.

CARMEN XVIII.

Non ebur neque aureum

Mea renidet in domo lacunar;

Non trabes Hymettiae

Premunt columnas ultima recisas

Africa; neque Attali 5

Ignotus heres regiam occupavi;

Nec Laconicas mihi

Trahunt honestae purpuras clientae:

At fides et ingeni

Benigna vena est, pauperemque dives 10

Me petit; nihil supra

Deos lacesso, nec potentem amicum

Largiora flagito,

Satis beatus unicis Sabinis.

Truditur dies die, 15

Novaeque pergunt interire lunae.

Tu secanda marmora

Locas sub ipsum funus, et sepulcri

Immemor struis domos

Marisque Baiis obstrepentis urges 20

Summovere litora,

Parum locuples continente ripa.

Quid, quod usque proximos

Revellis agri terminos et ultra

Limites clientium 25

Salis avarus? Pellitur paternos

In sinu ferens deos

Et uxor et vir sordidosque natos;

Nulla certior tamen

Rapacis Orci fine destinata 30

Aula divitem manet

Herum. Quid ultra tendis? Aequa tellus

Pauperi recluditur

Regumque pueris, nec satelles Orci

Callidum Promethea 35

Revexit auro captus. Hic superbum

Tantalum atque Tantali

Genus coërcet; hic levare functum

Pauperem laboribus

Vocatus atque non vocatus audit. 40

CARMEN XIX.

Bacchum in remotis carmina rupibus

Vidi docentem--credite posteri--

Nymphasque discentes et aures

Capripedum Satyrorum acutas.

Euoe, recenti mens trepidat metu 5

Plenoque Bacchi pectore turbidum

Laetatur. Euoe, parce Liber,

Parce, gravi metuende thyrso!

Fas pervicaces est mihi Thyiadas

Vinique fontem lactis et uberes 10

Cantare rivos, atque truncis

Lapsa cavis iterare mella;

Fas et beatae conjugis additum

Stellis honorem tectaque Penthei

Disjecta non leni ruina, 15

Thracis et exitium Lycurgi.

Tu flectis amnes, tu mare barbarum,

Tu separatis uvidus in jugis

Nodo coërces viperino

Bistonidum sine fraude crines: 20

Tu, cum parentis regna per arduum

Cohors Gigantum scanderet impia,

Rhoetum retorsisti leonis

Unguibus horribilique mala;

Quamquam choreis aptior et jocis 25

Ludoque dictus non sat idoneus

Pugnae ferebaris: sed idem

Pacis eras mediusque belli.

Te vidit insons Cerberus aureo

Cornu decorum, leniter atterens 30

Caudam, et recedentis trilingui

Ore pedes tetigitque crura.

CARMEN XX.

Non usitata nec tenui ferar

Penna biformis per liquidum aethera

Vates, neque in terris morabor

Longius, invidiaque major

Urbes relinquam. Non ego pauperum 5

Sanguis parentum, non ego quem vocas,

Dilecte Maecenas, obibo,

Nec Stygia cohibebor unda.

Jam jam residunt cruribus asperae

Pelles, et album mutor in alitem 10

Superne, nascunturque leves

Per digitos humerosque plumae.

Jam Daedaleo ocior Icaro

Visam gementis litora Bospori

Syrtesque Gaetulas canorus 15

Ales Hyperboreosque campos.

Me Colchus et qui dissimulat metum

Marsae cohortis Dacus et ultimi

Noscent Geloni, me peritus

Discet Hiber Rhodanique potor. 20

Absint inani funere neniae

Luctusque turpes et querimoniae;

Compesce clamorem ac sepulcri

Mitte supervacuos honores.

CARMINUM LIBER TERTIUS.

CARMEN I.

Odi profanum vulgus et arceo;

Favete linguis: carmina non prius

Audita Musarum sacerdos

Virginibus puerisque canto.

Regum timendorum in proprios greges, 5

Reges in ipsos imperium est Jovis

Clari Giganteo triumpho,

Cuncta supercilio moventis.

Est ut viro vir latius ordinet

Arbusta sulcis, hic generosior 10

Descendat in Campum petitor,

Moribus hic meliorque fama

Contendat, illi turba clientium

Sit major: aequa lege Necessitas

Sortitur insignes et imos; 15

Omne capax movet urna nomen.

Districtus ensis cui super impia

Cervice pendet non Siculae dapes

Dulcem elaborabunt saporem,

Non avium citharaeque cantus 20

Somnum reducent. Somnus agrestium

Lenis virorum non humiles domos

Fastidit umbrosamque ripam,

Non Zephyris agitata Tempe.

Desiderantem quod satis est neque 25

Tumultuosum sollicitat mare,

Nec saevus Arcturi cadentis

Impetus aut orientis Haedi,

Non verberatae grandine vineae

Fundusque mendax, arbore nunc aquas 30

Culpante nunc torrentia agros

Sidera nunc hiemes iniquas.

Contracta pisces aequora sentiunt

Jactis in altum molibus; huc frequens

Caementa demittit redemptor 35

Cum famulis dominusque terrae

Fastidiosus. Sed Timor et Minae

Scandunt eodem quo dominus, neque

Decedit aerata triremi, et

Post equitem sedet atra Cura. 40

Quodsi dolentem nec Phrygius lapis

Nec purpurarum sidere clarior

Delenit usus nec Falerna

Vitis Achaemeniumque costum,

Cur invidendis postibus et novo 45

Sublime ritu moliar atrium?

Cur valle permutem Sabina

Divitias operosiores?

CARMEN II.

Angustam amice pauperiem pati

Robustus acri militia puer

Condiscat, et Parthos feroces

Vexet eques metuendus hasta,

Vitamque sub divo et trepidis agat 5

In rebus. Illum ex moenibus hosticis

Matrona bellantis tyranni

Prospiciens et adulta virgo

Suspiret, eheu, ne rudis agminum

Sponsus lacessat regius asperum 10

Tactu leonem, quem cruenta

Per medias rapit ira caedes.

Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori:

Mors et fugacem persequitur virum,

Nec parcit imbellis juventae 15

Poplitibus timidoque tergo.

Virtus repulsae nescia sordidae

Intaminatis fulget honoribus,

Nec sumit aut ponit secures

Arbitrio popularis aurae. 20

Virtus recludens immeritis mori

Caelum negata tentat iter via,

Coetusque volgares et udam

Spernit humum fugiente penna.

Est et fideli tuta silentio 25

Merces: vetabo qui Cereris sacrum

Vulgarit arcanae sub isdem

Sit trabibus fragilemve mecum

Solvat phaselon; saepe Diespiter

Neglectus incesto addidit integrum: 30

Raro antecedentem scelestum

Deseruit pede Poena claudo.

CARMEN III.

Justum et tenacem propositi virum

Non civium ardor prava jubentium,

Non voltus instantis tyranni

Mente quatit solida, neque Auster

Dux inquieti turbidus Hadriae, 5

Nec fulminantis magna manus Jovis;

Si fractus illabatur orbis

Impavidum ferient ruinae.

Hac arte Pollux et vagus Hercules

Enisus arces attigit igneas, 10

Quos inter Augustus recumbens

Purpureo bibit ore nectar.

Hac te merentem, Bacche pater, tuae

Vexere tigres indocili jugum

Collo trahentes; hac Quirinus 15

Martis equis Acheronta fugit,

Gratum elocuta consiliantibus

Junone divis: Ilion, Ilion

Fatalis incestusque judex

Et mulier peregrina vertit 20

In pulverem, ex quo destituit deos

Mercede pacta Laomedon, mihi

Castaeque damnatum Minervae

Cum populo et duce fraudulento.

Jam nec Lacaenae splendet adulterae 25

Famosus hospes nec Priami domus

Perjura pugnaces Achivos

Hectoreis opibus refringit,

Nostrisque ductum seditionibus

Bellum resedit. Protinus et graves 30

Iras et invisum nepotem

Troica quem peperit sacerdos

Marti redonabo; illum ego lucidas

Inire sedes, ducere nectaris

Succos, et adscribi quietis 35

Ordinibus patiar deorum.

Dum longus inter saeviat Ilion

Romamque pontus qualibet exsules

In parte regnanto beati;

Dum Priami Paridisque busto 40

Insultet armentum et catulos ferae

Celent inultae stet Capitolium

Fulgens, triumphatisque possit

Roma ferox dare jura Medis.

Horrenda late nomen in ultimas 45

Extendat oras, qua medius liquor

Secernit Europen ab Afro,

Qua tumidus rigat arva Nilus,

Aurum irrepertum et sic melius situm

Cum terra celat spernere fortior, 50

Quam cogere humanos in usus

Omne sacrum rapiente dextra.

Quicunque mundo terminus obstitit

Hunc tangat armis, visere gestiens

Qua parte debacchentur ignes, 55

Qua nebulae pluviique rores.

Sed bellicosis fata Quiritibus

Hac lege dico, ne nimium pii

Rebusque fidentes avitae

Tecta velint reparare Troiae. 60

Troiae renascens alite lugubri

Fortuna tristi clade iterabitur,

Ducente victrices catervas

Conjuge me Jovis et sorore.

Ter si resurgat murus aëneus 65

Auctore Phoebo ter pereat meis

Excisus Argivis, ter uxor

Capta virum puerosque ploret.

Non hoc jocosae conveniet lyrae:

Quo, Musa, tendis? Desine pervicax 70

Referre sermones deorum et

Magna modis tenuare parvis.

CARMEN IV.

Descende caelo et dic age tibia

Regina longum Calliope melos,

Seu voce nunc mavis acuta,

Seu fidibus citharaque Phoebi.

Auditis, an me ludit amabilis 5

Insania? Audire et videor pios

Errare per lucos amoenae

Quos et aquae subeunt et aurae.

Me fabulosae Vulture in Apulo

Altricis extra limen Apuliae 10

Ludo fatigatumque somno

Fronde nova puerum palumbes

Texere, mirum quod foret omnibus,

Quicunque celsae nidum Acherontiae

Saltusque Bantinos et arvum 15

Pingue tenent humilis Forenti,

Ut tuto ab atris corpore viperis

Dormirem et ursis, ut premerer sacra

Lauroque collataque myrto,

Non sine dis animosus infans. 20

Vester, Camenae, vester in arduos

Tollor Sabinos, seu mihi frigidum

Praeneste seu Tibur supinum

Seu liquidae placuere Baiae.

Vestris amicum fontibus et choris 25

Non me Philippis versa acies retro,

Devota non exstinxit arbos,

Nec Sicula Palinurus unda.

Utcunque mecum vos eritis, libens

Insanientem navita Bosporum 30

Tentabo et urentes arenas

Litoris Assyrii viator;

Visam Britannos hospitibus feros

Et laetum equino sanguine Concanum,

Visam pharetratos Gelonos 35

Et Scythicum inviolatus amnem.

Vos Caesarem altum, militia simul

Fessas cohortes addidit oppidis,

Finire quaerentem labores

Pierio recreatis antro. 40

Vos lene consilium et datis et dato

Gaudetis almae. Scimus, ut impios

Titanas immanemque turmam

Fulmine sustulerit caduco,

Qui terram inertem, qui mare temperat 45

Ventosum, et urbes regnaque tristia,

Divosque mortalesque turbas

Imperio regit unus aequo.

Magnum illa terrorem intulerat Jovi

Fidens juventus horrida brachiis, 50

Fratresque tendentes opaco

Pelion imposuisse Olympo.

Sed quid Typhoëus et validus Mimas,

Aut quid minaci Porphyrion statu,

Quid Rhoetus evolsisque truncis 55

Enceladus jaculator audax

Contra sonantem Palladis aegida

Possent ruentes? Hinc avidus stetit

Volcanus, hinc matrona Juno et

Nunquam humeris positurus arcum, 60

Qui rore puro Castaliae lavit

Crines solutos, qui Lyciae tenet

Dumeta natalemque silvam,

Delius et Patareus Apollo.

Vis consili expers mole ruit sua: 65

Vim temperatam di quoque provehunt

In majus; idem odere vires

Omne nefas animo moventes.

Testis mearum centimanus Gyas

Sententiarum, notus et integrae 70

Tentator Orion Dianae

Virginea domitus sagitta.

Injecta monstris Terra dolet suis

Maeretque partus fulmine luridum

Missos ad Orcum; nec peredit 75

Impositam celer ignis Aetnen,

Incontinentis nec Tityi jecur

Reliquit ales, nequitiae additus

Custos; amatorem trecentae

Pirithoum cohibent catenae. 80

CARMEN V.

Caelo Tonantem credidimus Jovem

Regnare: praesens divus habebitur

Augustus adjectis Britannis

Imperio gravibusque Persis.

Milesne Crassi conjuge barbara 5

Turpis maritus vixit et hostium,

Pro curia inversique mores!

Consenuit socerorum in armis

Sub rege Medo Marsus et Apulus,

Anciliorum et nominis et togae 10

Oblitus aeternaeque Vestae,

Incolumi Jove et urbe Roma?

Hoc caverat mens provida Reguli

Dissentientis condicionibus

Foedis et exemplo trahentis 15

Perniciem veniens in aevum,

Si non periret immiserabilis

Captiva pubes. Signa ego Punicis

Adfixa delubris et arma

Militibus sine caede, dixit, 20

Derepta vidi; vidi ego civium

Retorta tergo brachia libero

Portasque non clausas et arva

Marte coli populata nostro.

Auro repensus scilicet acrior 25

Miles redibit. Flagitio additis

Damnum: neque amissos colores

Lana refert medicata fuco,

Nec vera virtus quum semel excidit

Curat reponi deterioribus. 30

Si pugnat extricata densis

Cerva plagis erit ille fortis

Qui perfidis se credidit hostibus,

Et Marte Poenos proteret altero,

Qui lora restrictis lacertis 35

Sensit iners timuitque mortem.

Hic unde vitam sumeret inscius

Pacem duello miscuit. O pudor!

O magna Karthago, probrosis

Altior Italiae ruinis! 40

Fertur pudicae conjugis osculum

Parvosque natos ut capitis minor

Ab se removisse et virilem

Torvus humi posuisse voltum:

Donec labantes consilio patres 45

Firmaret auctor nunquam alias dato,

Interque maerentes amicos

Egregius properaret exsul.

Atqui sciebat quae sibi barbarus

Tortor pararet; non aliter tamen 50

Dimovit obstantes propinquos,

Et populum reditus morantem,

Quam si clientum longa negotia

Dijudicata lite relinqueret,

Tendens Venafranos in agros 55

Aut Lacedaemonium Tarentum.

CARMEN VI.

Delicta majorum immeritus lues,

Romane, donec templa refeceris

Aedesque labentes deorum et

Foeda nigro simulacra fumo.

Dis te minorem quod geris imperas: 5

Hinc omne principium, huc refer exitum.

Di multa neglecti dederunt

Hesperiae mala luctuosae.

Jam bis Monaeses et Pacori manus

Non auspicatos contudit impetus 10

Nostros et adjecisse praedam

Torquibus exiguis renidet.

Paene occupatam seditionibus

Delevit Urbem Dacus et Aethiops,

Hic classe formidatus, ille 15

Missilibus melior sagittis.

Fecunda culpae secula nuptias

Primum inquinavere et genus et domos;

Hoc fonte derivata clades

In patriam populumque fluxit. 20

Motus doceri gaudet Ionicos

Matura virgo et fingitur artibus;

Jam nunc et incestos amores

De tenero meditatur ungui:

Mox juniores quaerit adulteros 25

Inter mariti vina, neque eligit

Cui donet impermissa raptim

Gaudia luminibus remotis;

Sed jussa coram non sine conscio

Surgit marito, seu vocat institor 30

Seu navis Hispanae magister,

Dedecorum pretiosus emptor.

Non his juventus orta parentibus

Infecit aequor sanguine Punico,

Pyrrhumque et ingentem cecidit 35

Antiochum Hannibalemque dirum;

Sed rusticorum mascula militum

Proles, Sabellis docta ligonibus

Versare glebas et severae

Matris ad arbitrium recisos 40

Portare fustes, sol ubi montium

Mutaret umbras et juga demeret

Bobus fatigatis, amicum

Tempus agens abeunte curru.

Damnosa quid non imminuit dies? 45

Aetas parentum pejor avis tulit

Nos nequiores, mox daturos

Progeniem vitiosiorem.

CARMEN VII.

Quid fles, Asterie, quem tibi candidi

Primo restituent vere Favonii

Thyna merce beatum,

Constantis juvenem fide,

Gygen? Ille Notis actus ad Oricum 5

Post insana Caprae sidera frigidas

Noctes non sine multis

Insomnis lacrimis agit.

Atqui sollicitae nuntius hospitae,

Suspirare Chloën et miseram tuis 10

Dicens ignibus uri,

Tentat mille vafer modis.

Ut Proetum mulier perfida credulum

Falsis impulerit criminibus nimis

Casto Bellerophonti 15

Maturare necem, refert.

Narrat paene datum Pelea Tartaro,

Magnessam Hippolyten dum fugit abstinens;

Et peccare docentes

Fallax historias movet. 20

Frustra: nam scopulis surdior Icari

Voces audit adhuc integer. At tibi

Ne vicinus Enipeus

Plus justo placeat cave;

Quamvis non alius flectere equum sciens 25

Aeque conspicitur gramine Martio,

Nec quisquam citus aeque

Tusco denatat alveo.

Prima nocte domum claude neque in vias

Sub cantu querulae despice tibiae, 30

Et te saepe vocanti

Duram difficilis mane.

CARMEN VIII.

Martiis caelebs quid agam Kalendis,

Quid velint flores et acerra thuris

Plena miraris, positusque carbo in

Caespite vivo,

Docte sermones utriusque linguae? 5

Voveram dulces epulas et album

Libero caprum prope funeratus

Arboris ictu.

Hic dies anno redeunte festus

Corticem adstrictum pice dimovebit 10

Amphorae fumum bibere institutae

Consule Tullo.

Sume, Maecenas, cyathos amici

Sospitis centum et vigiles lucernas

Perfer in lucem; procul omnis esto 15

Clamor et ira.

Mitte civiles super urbe curas:

Occidit Daci Cotisonis agmen,

Medus infestus sibi luctuosis

Dissidet armis, 20

Servit Hispanae vetus hostis orae

Cantaber sera domitus catena;

Jam Scythae laxo meditantur arcu

Cedere campis.

Neglegens ne qua populus laboret 25

Parce privatus nimium cavere;

Dona praesentis cape laetus horae et

Linque severa.

CARMEN IX.

Donec gratus eram tibi

Nec quisquam potior brachia candidae

Cervici juvenis dabat,

Persarum vigui rege beatior.

Donec non alia magis 5

Arsisti neque erat Lydia post Chloën,

Multi Lydia nominis

Romana vigui clarior Ilia.

Me nunc Thressa Chloë regit

Dulces docta modos et citharae sciens, 10

Pro qua non metuam mori

Si parcent animae fata superstiti.

Me torret face mutua

Thurini Calais filius Ornyti,

Pro quo bis patiar mori 15

Si parcent puero fata superstiti.

Quid si prisca redit Venus

Diductosque jugo cogit aëneo,

Si flava excutitur Chloë

Rejectaeque patet janua Lydiae? 20

Quamquam sidere pulchrior

Ille est, tu levior cortice et improbo

Iracundior Hadria,

Tecum vivere amem, tecum obeam libens.

CARMEN X.

Extremum Tanain si biberes, Lyce,

Saevo nupta viro, me tamen asperas

Porrectum ante fores objicere incolis

Plorares Aquilonibus.

Audis quo strepitu janua, quo nemus 5

Inter pulchra satum tecta remugiat

Ventis, et positas ut glaciet nives

Puro numine Juppiter?

Ingratam Veneri pone superbiam,

Ne currente retro funis eat rota. 10

Non te Penelopen difficilem procis

Tyrrhenus genuit parens.

O quamvis neque te munera nec preces

Nec tinctus viola pallor amantium

Nec vir Pieria pellice saucius 15

Curvat, supplicibus tuis

Parcas, nec rigida mollior aesculo

Nec Mauris animum mitior anguibus.

Non hoc semper erit liminis aut aquae

Caelestis patiens latus. 20

CARMEN XI.

Mercuri,--nam te docilis magistro

Movit Amphion lapides canendo,--

Tuque testudo resonare septem

Callida nervis,

Nec loquax olim neque grata, nunc et 5

Divitum mensis et amica templis,

Dic modos Lyde quibus obstinatas

Applicet aures,

Quae velut latis equa trima campis,

Ludit exsultim metuitque tangi, 10

Nuptiarum expers et adhuc protervo

Cruda marito.

Tu potes tigres comitesque silvas

Ducere et rivos celeres morari;

Cessit immanis tibi blandienti 15

Janitor aulae

Cerberus, quamvis furiale centum

Muniant angues caput ejus atque

Spiritus teter saniesque manet

Ore trilingui. 20

Quin et Ixion Tityosque voltu

Risit invito, stetit urna paullum

Sicca dum grato Danai puellas

Carmine mulces.

Audiat Lyde scelus atque notas 25

Virginum poenas et inane lymphae

Dolium fundo pereuntis imo,

Seraque fata

Quae manent culpas etiam sub Orco.

Impiae,--nam quid potuere majus?-- 30

Impiae sponsos potuere duro

Perdere ferro!

Una de multis face nuptiali

Digna perjurum fuit in parentem

Splendide mendax et in omne virgo 35

Nobilis aevum,

Surge, quae dixit juveni marito,

Surge, ne longus tibi somnus, unde

Non times, detur; socerum et scelestas

Falle sorores, 40

Quae velut nactae vitulos leaenae

Singulos eheu lacerant: ego illis

Mollior nec te feriam neque intra

Claustra tenebo.

Me pater saevis oneret catenis 45

Quod viro clemens misero peperci:

Me vel extremos Numidarum in agros

Classe releget.

I pedes quo te rapiunt et aurae

Dum favet nox et Venus, i secundo 50

Omine et nostri memorem sepulcro

Scalpe querelam.

CARMEN XII.

Miserarum est neque amori dare ludum neque dulci

Mala vino lavere, aut exanimari metuentes

Patruae verbera linguae.

Tibi qualum Cythereae puer ales, tibi telas

Operosaeque Minervae studium aufert, Neobule, 5

Liparaei nitor Hebri,

Simul unctos Tiberinis humeros lavit in undis,

Eques ipso melior Bellerophonte, neque pugno

Neque segni pede victus;

Catus idem per apertum fugientes agitato 10

Grege cervos jaculari et celer alto latitantem

Fruticeto excipere aprum.

CARMEN XIII.

O fons Bandusiae, splendidior vitro,

Dulci digne mero non sine floribus,

Cras donaberis haedo

Cui frons turgida cornibus

Primis et venerem et proelia destinat; 5

Frustra: nam gelidos inficiet tibi

Rubro sanguine rivos

Lascivi suboles gregis.

Te flagrantis atrox hora Caniculae

Nescit tangere, tu frigus amabile 10

Fessis vomere tauris

Praebes et pecori vago.

Fies nobilium tu quoque fontium,

Me dicente cavis impositam ilicem

Saxis, unde loquaces 15

Lymphae desiliunt tuae.

CARMEN XIV.

Herculis ritu modo dictus, o plebs,

Morte venalem petiisse laurum

Caesar Hispana repetit penates

Victor ab ora.

Unico gaudens mulier marito 5

Prodeat justis operata sacris,

Et soror clari ducis et decorae

Supplice vitta

Virginum matres juvenumque nuper

Sospitum. Vos, o pueri et puellae 10

Jam virum expertae, male ominatis

Parcite verbis.

Hic dies vere mihi festus atras

Eximet curas; ego nec tumultum

Nec mori per vim metuam tenente 15

Caesare terras.

I pete unguentum, puer, et coronas

Et cadum Marsi memorem duelli,

Spartacum si qua potuit vagantem

Fallere testa. 20

Dic et argutae properet Neaerae

Murrheum nodo cohibere crinem;

Si per invisum mora janitorem

Fiet, abito.

Lenit albescens animos capillus 25

Litium et rixae cupidos protervae;

Non ego hoc ferrem calidus juventa

Consule Planco.

CARMEN XV.

Uxor pauperis Ibyci,

Tandem nequitiae fige modum tuae

Famosisque laboribus:

Maturo propior desine funeri

Inter ludere virgines 5

Et stellis nebulam spargere candidis.

Non si quid Pholoën satis

Et te, Chlori, decet: filia rectius

Expugnat juvenum domos,

Pulso Thyias uti concita tympano. 10

Illam cogit amor Nothi

Lascivae similem ludere capreae:

Te lanae prope nobilem

Tonsae Luceriam, non citharae decent,

Nec flos purpureus rosae 15

Nec poti vetulam faece tenus cadi.

CARMEN XVI.

Inclusam Danaën turris aënea

Robustaeque fores et vigilum canum

Tristes excubiae munierant satis

Nocturnis ab adulteris,

Si non Acrisium virginis abditae 5

Custodem pavidum Juppiter et Venus

Risissent, fore enim tutum iter et patens

Converso in pretium deo.

Aurum per medios ire satellites

Et perrumpere amat saxa potentius 10

Ictu fulmineo: concidit auguris

Argivi domus ob lucrum

Demersa exitio; diffidit urbium

Portas vir Macedo et subruit aemulos

Reges muneribus; munera navium 15

Saevos illaqueant duces.

Crescentem sequitur cura pecuniam

Majorumque fames. Jure perhorrui

Late conspicuum tollere verticem,

Maecenas, equitum decus. 20

Quanto quisque sibi plura negaverit,

Ab dis plura feret: nil cupientium

Nudus castra peto et transfuga divitum

Partes linquere gestio,

Contemptae dominus splendidior reï, 25

Quam si quidquid arat impiger Apulus

Occultare meis dicerer horreis,

Magnas inter opes inops.

Purae rivus aquae silvaque jugerum

Paucorum et segetis certa fides meae 30

Fulgentem imperio fertilis Africae

Fallit sorte beatior.

Quamquam nec Calabrae mella ferunt apes

Nec Laestrygonia Bacchus in amphora

Languescit mihi nec pinguia Gallicis 35

Crescunt vellera pascuis,

Importuna tamen pauperies abest,

Nec si plura velim tu dare deneges.

Contracto melius parva cupidine

Vectigalia porrigam, 40

Quam si Mygdoniis regnum Alyattei

Campis continuem. Multa petentibus

Desunt multa: bene est cui deus obtulit

Parca quod satis est manu.

CARMEN XVII.

Aeli vetusto nobilis ab Lamo,

(Quando et priores hinc Lamias ferunt

Denominatos et nepotum

Per memores genus omne fastos,

Auctore ab illo ducit originem 5

Qui Formiarum moenia dicitur

Princeps et innantem Maricae

Litoribus tenuisse Lirim

Late tyrannus) cras foliis nemus

Multis et alga litus inutili 10

Demissa tempestas ab Euro

Sternet, aquae nisi fallit augur

Annosa cornix. Dum potis aridum

Compone lignum: cras Genium mero

Curabis et porco bimestri 15

Cum famulis operum solutis.

CARMEN XVIII.

Faune, Nympharum fugientum amator,

Per meos fines et aprica rura

Lenis incedas abeasque parvis

Aequus alumnis,

Si tener pleno cadit haedus anno, 5

Larga nec desunt Veneris sodali

Vina craterae. Vetus ara multo

Fumat odore,

Ludit herboso pecus omne campo,

Cum tibi Nonae redeunt Decembres; 10

Festus in pratis vacat otioso

Cum bove pagus;

Inter audaces lupus errat agnos;

Spargit agrestes tibi silva frondes;

Gaudet invisam pepulisse fossor 15

Ter pede terram.

CARMEN XIX.

Quantum distet ab Inacho

Codrus pro patria non timidus mori

Narras, et genus Aeaci

Et pugnata sacro bella sub Ilio:

Quo Chium pretio cadum 5

Mercemur, quis aquam temperet ignibus,

Quo praebente domum et quota

Pelignis caream frigoribus, taces.

Da lunae propere novae,

Da noctis mediae, da, puer, auguris 10

Murenae: tribus aut novem

Miscentur cyathis pocula commodis.

Qui Musas amat impares

Ternos ter cyathos attonitus petet

Vates; tres prohibet supra 15

Rixarum metuens tangere Gratia

Nudis juncta sororibus.

Insanire juvat: cur Berecyntiae

Cessant flamina tibiae?

Cur pendet tacita fistula cum lyra? 20

Parcentes ego dexteras

Odi: sparge rosas; audiat invidus

Dementem strepitum Lycus

Et vicina seni non habilis Lyco.

Spissa te nitidum coma, 25

Puro te similem, Telephe, Vespero,

Tempestiva petit Rhode:

Me lentus Glycerae torret amor meae.

CARMEN XX.

Non vides, quanto moveas periclo,

Pyrrhe, Gaetulae catulos leaenae?

Dura post paullo fugies inaudax

Proelia raptor

Cum per obstantes juvenum catervas 5

Ibit insignem repetens Nearchum,

Grande certamen tibi praeda cedat

Major an illi.

Interim, dum tu celeres sagittas

Promis, haec dentes acuit timendos, 10

Arbiter pugnae posuisse nudo

Sub pede palmam

Fertur, et leni recreare vento

Sparsum odoratis humerum capillis,

Qualis aut Nireus fuit aut aquosa 15

Raptus ab Ida.

CARMEN XXI.

O nata mecum consule Manlio,

Seu tu querelas sive geris jocos

Seu rixam et insanos amores

Seu facilem, pia testa, somnum,

Quocunque lectum nomine Massicum 5

Servas, moveri digna bono die,

Descende, Corvino jubente

Promere languidiora vina.

Non ille, quamquam Socraticis madet

Sermonibus, te negleget horridus: 10

Narratur et prisci Catonis

Saepe mero caluisse virtus.

Tu lene tormentum ingenio admoves

Plerumque duro; tu sapientium

Curas et arcanum jocoso 15

Consilium retegis Lyaeo;

Tu spem reducis mentibus anxiis

Viresque, et addis cornua pauperi,

Post te neque iratos trementi

Regum apices neque militum arma. 20

Te Liber et, si laeta aderit, Venus

Segnesque nodum solvere Gratiae

Vivaeque producent lucernae,

Dum rediens fugat astra Phoebus.

CARMEN XXII.

Montium custos nemorumque, Virgo,

Quae laborantes utero puellas

Ter vocata audis adimisque leto,

Diva triformis,

Imminens villae tua pinus esto, 5

Quam per exactos ego laetus annos

Verris obliquum meditantis ictum

Sanguine donem.

CARMEN XXIII.

Caelo supinas si tuleris manus

Nascente Luna, rustica Phidyle,

Si thure placaris et horna

Fruge Lares avidaque porca,

Nec pestilentem sentiet Africum 5

Fecunda vitis nec sterilem seges

Robiginem aut dulces alumni

Pomifero grave tempus anno.

Nam quae nivali pascitur Algido

Devota quercus inter et ilices 10

Aut crescit Albanis in herbis

Victima pontificum secures

Cervice tinget: te nihil attinet

Tentare multa caede bidentium

Parvos coronantem marino 15

Rore deos fragilique myrto.

Immunis aram si tetigit manus,

Non sumptuosa blandior hostia

Mollivit aversos Penates

Farre pio et saliente mica. 20

CARMEN XXIV.

Intactis opulentior

Thesauris Arabum et divitis Indiae

Caementis licet occupes

Tyrrhenum omne tuis et mare Apulicum,

Si figit adamantinos 5

Summis verticibus dira Necessitas

Clavos, non animum metu,

Non mortis laqueis expedies caput.

Campestres melius Scythae

Quorum plaustra vagas rite trahunt domos 10

Vivunt, et rigidi Getae

Immetata quibus jugera liberas

Fruges et Cererem ferunt,

Nec cultura placet longior annua,

Defunctumque laboribus 15

Aequali recreat sorte vicarius.

Illic matre carentibus

Privignis mulier temperat innocens,

Nec dotata regit virum

Conjux nec nitido fidit adultero. 20

Dos est magna parentium

Virtus et metuens alterius viri

Certo foedere castitas;

Et peccare nefas aut pretium est mori.

O quisquis volet impias 25

Caedes et rabiem tollere civicam,

Si quaeret Pater Urbium

Subscribi statuis, indomitam audeat

Refrenare licentiam,

Clarus postgenitis; quatenus, heu nefas! 30

Virtutem incolumem odimus,

Sublatam ex oculis quaerimus invidi.

Quid tristes querimoniae

Si non supplicio culpa reciditur?

Quid leges sine moribus 35

Vanae proficiunt, si neque fervidis

Pars inclusa caloribus

Mundi nec Boreae finitimum latus

Durataeque solo nives

Mercatorem abigunt, horrida callidi 40

Vincunt aequora navitae,

Magnum pauperies opprobrium jubet

Quidvis et facere et pati

Virtutisque viam deserit arduae?

Vel nos in Capitolium 45

Quo clamor vocat et turba faventium,

Vel nos in mare proximum

Gemmas et lapides aurum et inutile,

Summi materiem mali,

Mittamus scelerum si bene poenitet. 50

Eradenda cupidinis

Pravi sunt elementa, et tenerae nimis

Mentes asperioribus

Formandae studiis. Nescit equo rudis

Haerere ingenuus puer 55

Venarique timet, ludere doctior,

Seu Graeco jubeas trocho

Seu malis vetita legibus alea,

Cum perjura patris fides

Consortem socium fallat et hospitem 60

Indignoque pecuniam

Heredi properet. Scilicet improbae

Crescunt divitiae; tamen

Curtae nescio quid semper abest reï.

CARMEN XXV.

Quo me, Bacche, rapis tui

Plenum? quae nemora aut quos agor in specus

Velox mente nova? quibus

Antris egregii Caesaris audiar

Aeternum meditans decus 5

Stellis inserere et consilio Jovis?

Dicam insigne recens adhuc

Indictum ore alio. Non secus in jugis

Exsomnis stupet Euias

Hebrum prospiciens et nive candidam 10

Thracen ac pede barbaro

Lustratam Rhodopen, ut mihi devio

Ripas et vacuum nemus

Mirari libet. O Naïadum potens

Baccharumque valentium 15

Proceras manibus vertere fraxinos,

Nil parvum aut humili modo,

Nil mortale loquar. Dulce periculum est,

O Lenaee, sequi deum

Cingentem viridi tempora pampino. 20

CARMEN XXVI.

Vixi puellis nuper idoneus

Et militavi non sine gloria;

Nunc arma defunctumque bello

Barbiton hic paries habebit,

Laevum marinae qui Veneris latus 5

Custodit. Hic hic ponite lucida

Funalia et vectes et arcus

Oppositis foribus minaces.

O quae beatam diva tenes Cyprum et

Memphin carentem Sithonia nive, 10

Regina, sublimi flagello

Tange Chloën semel arrogantem.

CARMEN XXVII.

Impios parrae recinentis omen

Ducat et praegnans canis aut ab agro

Rava decurrens lupa Lanuvino

Fetaque vulpes.

Rumpat et serpens iter institutum 5

Si per obliquum similis sagittae

Terruit mannos: ego cui timebo

Providus auspex,

Antequam stantes repetat paludes

Imbrium divina avis imminentum, 10

Oscinem corvum prece suscitabo

Solis ab ortu.

Sis licet felix ubicunque mavis,

Et memor nostri, Galatea, vivas,

Teque nec laevus vetet ire picus 15

Nec vaga cornix.

Sed vides quanto trepidet tumultu

Pronus Orion. Ego quid sit ater

Hadriae novi sinus et quid albus

Peccet Iapyx. 20

Hostium uxores puerique caecos

Sentiant motus orientis Austri et

Aequoris nigri fremitum et trementes

Verbere ripas.

Sic et Europe niveum doloso 25

Credidit tauro latus et scatentem

Beluis pontum mediasque fraudes

Palluit audax.

Nuper in pratis studiosa florum et

Debitae Nymphis opifex coronae 30

Nocte sublustri nihil astra praeter

Vidit et undas.

Quae simul centum tetigit potentem

Oppidis Creten: Pater, o relictum

Filiae nomen pietasque, dixit, 35

Victa furore!

Unde quo veni? Levis una mors est

Virginum culpae. Vigilansne ploro

Turpe commissum, an vitiis carentem

Ludit imago 40

Vana quae porta fugiens eburna

Somnium ducit? Meliusne fluctus

Ire per longos fuit an recentes

Carpere flores?

Si quis infamem mihi nunc juvencum 45

Dedat iratae lacerare ferro et

Frangere enitar modo multum amati

Cornua monstri.

Impudens liqui patrios Penates,

Impudens Orcum moror. O deorum 50

Si quis haec audis, utinam inter errem

Nuda leones!

Antequam turpis macies decentes

Occupet malas, teneraeque sucus

Defluat praedae, speciosa quaero 55

Pascere tigres.

Vilis Europe, pater urget absens:

Quid mori cessas? Potes hac ab orno

Pendulum zona bene te secuta

Laedere collum. 60

Sive te rupes et acuta leto

Saxa delectant age te procellae

Crede veloci, nisi herile mavis

Carpere pensum

Regius sanguis dominaeque tradi 65

Barbarae pellex.--Aderat querenti

Perfidum ridens Venus et remisso

Filius arcu.

Mox ubi lusit satis: Abstineto,

Dixit, irarum calidaeque rixae 70

Cum tibi invisus laceranda reddet

Cornua taurus.

Uxor invicti Jovis esse nescis:

Mitte singultus; bene ferre magnam

Disce fortunam; tua sectus orbis 75

Nomina ducet.

CARMEN XXVIII.

Festo quid potius die

Neptuni faciam? Prome reconditum

Lyde strenua Caecubum

Munitaeque adhibe vim sapientiae.

Inclinare meridiem 5

Sentis ac, veluti stet volucris dies,

Parcis deripere horreo

Cessantem Bibuli consulis amphoram.

Nos cantabimus invicem

Neptunum et virides Nereïdum comas; 10

Tu curva recines lyra

Latonam et celeris spicula Cynthiae;

Summo carmine quae Cnidon

Fulgentesque tenet Cycladas et Paphon

Junctis visit oloribus; 15

Dicetur merita Nox quoque nenia.

CARMEN XXIX.

Tyrrhena regum progenies, tibi

Non ante verso lene merum cado

Cum flore, Maecenas, rosarum et

Pressa tuis balanus capillis

Jamdudum apud me est. Eripe te morae; 5

Ne semper udum Tibur et Aesulae

Declive contempleris arvum et

Telegoni juga parricidae.

Fastidiosam desere copiam et

Molem propinquam nubibus arduis; 10

Omitte mirari beatae

Fumum et opes strepitumque Romae.

Plerumque gratae divitibus vices,

Mundaeque parvo sub lare pauperum

Coenae sine aulaeis et ostro 15

Sollicitam explicuere frontem.

Jam clarus occultum Andromedae pater

Ostendit ignem, jam Procyon furit

Et Stella vesani Leonis,

Sole dies referente siccos. 20

Jam pastor umbras cum grege languido

Rivumque fessus quaerit et horridi

Dumeta Silvani, caretque

Ripa vagis taciturna ventis.

Tu civitatem quis deceat status 25

Curas et Urbi sollicitus times

Quid Seres et regnata Cyro

Bactra parent Tanaisque discors.

Prudens futuri temporis exitum

Caliginosa nocte premit deus, 30

Ridetque si mortalis ultra

Fas trepidat. Quod adest memento

Componere aequus; cetera fluminis

Ritu feruntur, nunc medio aequore

Cum pace delabentis Etruscum 35

In mare, nunc lapides adesos

Stirpesque raptas et pecus et domus

Volventis una non sine montium

Clamore vicinaeque silvae,

Cum fera diluvies quietos 40

Irritat amnes. Ille potens sui

Laetusque deget, cui licet in diem

Dixisse Vixi: cras vel atra

Nube polum Pater occupato

Vel sole puro; non tamen irritum 45

Quodcunque retro est efficiet, neque

Diffinget infectumque reddet

Quod fugiens semel hora vexit.

Fortuna saevo laeta negotio et

Ludum insolentem ludere pertinax 50

Transmutat incertos honores,

Nunc mihi, nunc alii benigna.

Laudo manentem; si celeres quatit

Pennas resigno quae dedit, et mea

Virtute me involvo probamque 55

Pauperiem sine dote quaero.

Non est meum si mugiat Africis

Malus procellis ad miseras preces

Decurrere, et votis pacisci

Ne Cypriae Tyriaeque merces 60

Addant avaro divitias mari:

Tunc me biremis praesidio scaphae

Tutum per Aegaeos tumultus

Aura feret geminusque Pollux.

CARMEN XXX.

Exegi monumentum aere perennius

Regalique situ pyramidum altius,

Quod non imber edax, non Aquilo impotens

Possit diruere aut innumerabilis

Annorum series et fuga temporum. 5

Non omnis moriar, multaque pars mei

Vitabit Libitinam: usque ego postera

Crescam laude recens dum Capitolium

Scandet cum tacita virgine pontifex.

Dicar qua violens obstrepit Aufidus 10

Et qua pauper aquae Daunus agrestium

Regnavit populorum, ex humili potens,

Princeps Aeolium carmen ad Italos

Deduxisse modos. Sume superbiam

Quaesitam meritis et mihi Delphica 15

Lauro cinge volens, Melpomene, comam.

CARMINUM LIBER QUARTUS.

CARMEN I.

Intermissa, Venus, diu

Rursus bella moves? Parce, precor, precor.

Non sum qualis eram bonae

Sub regno Cinarae. Desine, dulcium

Mater saeva Cupidinum, 5

Circa lustra decem flectere mollibus

Jam durum imperiis: abi

Quo blandae juvenum te revocant preces.

Tempestivius in domum

Paulli purpureis ales oloribus 10

Comissabere Maximi,

Si torrere jecur quaeris idoneum:

Namque et nobilis et decens

Et pro sollicitis non tacitus reis

Et centum puer artium 15

Late signa feret militiae tuae,

Et quandoque potentior

Largi muneribus riserit aemuli

Albanos prope te lacus

Ponet marmoream sub trabe citrea. 20

Illic plurima naribus

Duces thura, lyraeque et Berecyntiae

Delectabere tibiae

Mixtis carminibus non sine fistula;

Illic bis pueri die 25

Numen cum teneris virginibus tuum

Laudantes pede candido

In morem Salium ter quatient humum.

Me nec femina nec puer

Jam nec spes animi credula mutui, 30

Nec certare juvat mero

Nec vincire novis tempora floribus.

Sed cur heu, Ligurine, cur

Manat rara meas lacruma per genas?

Cur facunda parum decoro 35

Inter verba cadit lingua silentio?

Nocturnis ego somniis

Jam captum teneo, jam volucrem sequor

Te per gramina Martii

Campi, te per aquas, dure, volubiles. 40

CARMEN II.

Pindarum quisquis studet aemulari,

Iule, ceratis ope Daedalea

Nititur pennis vitreo daturus

Nomina ponto.

Monte decurrens velut amnis imbres 5

Quem super notas aluere ripas

Fervet immensusque ruit profundo

Pindarus ore,

Laurea donandus Apollinari,

Seu per audaces nova dithyrambos 10

Verba devolvit numerisque fertur

Lege solutis;

Seu deos regesve canit deorum

Sanguinem per quos cecidere justa

Morte Centauri, cecidit tremendae 15

Flamma Chimaerae;

Sive quos Elea domum reducit

Palma caelestes pugilemve equumve

Dicit et centum potiore signis

Munere donat: 20

Flebili sponsae juvenemve raptum

Plorat et vires animumque moresque

Aureos educit in astra nigroque

Invidet Orco.

Multa Dircaeum levat aura cycnum 25

Tendit, Antoni, quotiens in altos

Nubium tractus. Ego apis Matinae

More modoque

Grata carpentis thyma per laborem

Plurimum circa nemus uvidique 30

Tiburis ripas operosa parvus

Carmina fingo.

Concines majore poëta plectro

Caesarem quandoque trahet feroces

Per sacrum clivum merita decorus 35

Fronde Sygambros,

Quo nihil majus meliusve terris

Fata donavere bonique divi,

Nec dabunt quamvis redeant in aurum

Tempora priscum. 40

Concines laetosque dies et Urbis

Publicum ludum super impetrato

Fortis Augusti reditu forumque

Litibus orbum.

Tum meae si quid loquar audiendum 45

Vocis accedet bona pars et, O Sol

Pulcher! o laudande! canam, recepto

Caesare felix.

Teque dum procedis, io Triumphe!

Non semel dicemus, io Triumphe! 50

Civitas omnis dabimusque divis

Thura benignis.

Te decem tauri totidemque vaccae,

Me tener solvet vitulus relicta

Matre qui largis juvenescit herbis 55

In mea vota,

Fronte curvatos imitatus ignes

Tertium lunae referentis ortum,

Qua notam duxit niveus videri

Cetera fulvus. 60

CARMEN III.

Quem tu, Melpomene, semel

Nascentem placido lumine videris,

Illum non labor Isthmius

Clarabit pugilem, non equus impiger

Curru ducet Achaico 5

Victorem, neque res bellica Deliis

Ornatum foliis ducem,

Quod regum tumidas contuderit minas,

Ostendet Capitolio:

Sed quae Tibur aquae fertile praefluunt 10

Et spissae nemorum comae

Fingent Aeolio carmine nobilem.

Romae principis urbium

Dignatur suboles inter amabiles

Vatum ponere me choros, 15

Et jam dente minus mordeor invido.

O, testudinis aureae

Dulcem quae strepitum, Pieri, temperas,

O mutis quoque piscibus

Donatura cycni, si libeat, sonum, 20

Totum muneris hoc tui est:

Quod monstror digito praetereuntium

Romanae fidicen lyrae,

Quod spiro et placeo, si placeo, tuum est.

CARMEN IV.

Qualem ministrum fulminis alitem,

Cui rex deorum regnum in aves vagas

Permisit expertus fidelem

Juppiter in Ganymede flavo,

Olim juventas et patrius vigor 5

Nido laborum propulit inscium,

Vernique jam nimbis remotis

Insolitos docuere nisus

Venti paventem, mox in ovilia

Demisit hostem vividus impetus, 10

Nunc in reluctantes dracones

Egit amor dapis atque pugnae:

Qualemve laetis caprea pascuis

Intenta fulvae matris ab ubere

Jam lacte depulsum leonem 15

Dente novo peritura vidit:

Videre Raetis bella sub Alpibus

Drusum gerentem Vindelici;--quibus

Mos unde deductus per omne

Tempus Amazonia securi 20

Dextras obarmet quaerere distuli,

Nec scire fas est omnia;--sed diu

Lateque victrices catervae

Consiliis juvenis revictae

Sensere quid mens rite, quid indoles 25

Nutrita faustis sub penetralibus

Posset, quid Augusti paternus

In pueros animus Nerones.

Fortes creantur fortibus et bonis;

Est in juvencis, est in equis patrum 30

Virtus, neque imbellem feroces

Progenerant aquilae columbam:

Doctrina sed vim promovet insitam,

Rectique cultus pectora roborant;

Utcunque defecere mores 35

Indecorant bene nata culpae.

Quid debeas, o Roma, Neronibus,

Testis Metaurum flumen et Hasdrubal

Devictus et pulcher fugatis

Ille dies Latio tenebris 40

Qui primus alma risit adorea,

Dirus per urbes Afer ut Italas

Ceu flamma per taedas vel Eurus

Per Siculas equitavit undas.

Post hoc secundis usque laboribus 45

Romana pubes crevit et impio

Vastata Poenorum tumultu

Fana deos habuere rectos;

Dixitque tandem perfidus Hannibal:

Cervi luporum praeda rapacium 50

Sectamur ultro quos opimus

Fallere et effugere est triumphus.

Gens quae cremato fortis ab Ilio

Jactata Tuscis aequoribus sacra

Natosque maturosque patres 55

Pertulit Ausonias ad urbes,

Duris ut ilex tonsa bipennibus

Nigrae feraci frondis in Algido,

Per damna, per caedes, ab ipso

Ducit opes animumque ferro. 60

Non hydra secto corpore firmior

Vinci dolentem crevit in Herculem,

Monstrumve submisere Colchi

Maius Echioniaeve Thebae.

Merses profundo, pulchrior evenit: 65

Luctere, multa proruet integrum

Cum laude victorem geretque

Proelia conjugibus loquenda.

Karthagini jam non ego nuntios

Mittam superbos: occidit, occidit 70

Spes omnis et fortuna nostri

Nominis Hasdrubale interempto.

Nil Claudiae non perficient manus,

Quas et benigno numine Juppiter

Defendit et curae sagaces 75

Expediunt per acuta belli.

CARMEN V.

Divis orte bonis, optime Romulae

Custos gentis, abes jam nimium diu;

Maturum reditum pollicitus patrum

Sancto concilio redi.

Lucem redde tuae, dux bone, patriae: 5

Instar veris enim vultus ubi tuus

Affulsit populo, gratior it dies

Et soles melius nitent.

Ut mater juvenem, quem Notus invido

Flatu Carpathii trans maris aequora 10

Cunctantem spatio longius annuo

Dulci distinet a domo,

Votis ominibusque et precibus vocat,

Curvo nec faciem litore demovet:

Sic desideriis icta fidelibus 15

Quaerit patria Caesarem.

Tutus bos etenim rura perambulat,

Nutrit rura Ceres almaque Faustitas,

Pacatum volitant per mare navitae,

Culpari metuit Fides, 20

Nullis polluitur casta domus stupris,

Mos et lex maculosum edomuit nefas,

Laudantur simili prole puerperae,

Culpam poena premit comes.

Quis Parthum paveat, quis gelidum Scythen, 25

Quis Germania quos horrida parturit

Fetus, incolumi Caesare? quis ferae

Bellum curet Hiberiae?

Condit quisque diem collibus in suis

Et vitem viduas ducit ad arbores; 30

Hinc ad vina redit laetus et alteris

Te mensis adhibet deum;

Te multa prece, te prosequitur mero

Defuso pateris, et Laribus tuum

Miscet numen, uti Graecia Castoris 35

Et magni memor Herculis.

Longas o utinam, dux bone, ferias

Praestes Hesperiae! dicimus integro

Sicci mane die, dicimus uvidi

Cum Sol Oceano subest. 40

CARMEN VI.

Dive, quem proles Niobea magnae

Vindicem linguae Tityosque raptor

Sensit et Trojae prope victor altae

Phthius Achilles,

Ceteris major, tibi miles impar; 5

Filius quamvis Thetidis marinae

Dardanas turres quateret tremenda

Cuspide pugnax.

Ille, mordaci velut icta ferro

Pinus aut impulsa cupressus Euro, 10

Procidit late posuitque collum in

Pulvere Teucro.

Ille non inclusus equo Minervae

Sacra mentito male feriatos

Troas et laetam Priami choreis 15

Falleret aulam;

Sed palam _captis_ gravis, heu nefas heu,

Nescios fari pueros Achivis

Ureret flammis, etiam latentem

Matris in alvo, 20

Ni tuis victus Venerisque gratae

Vocibus divom pater annuisset

Rebus Aeneae potiore ductos

Alite muros.

Doctor argutae fidicen Thaliae, 25

Phoebe, qui Xantho lavis amne crines,

Dauniae defende decus Camenae,

Levis Agyieu.

Spiritum Phoebus mihi, Phoebus artem

Carminis nomenque dedit poëtae. 30

Virginum primae puerique claris

Patribus orti,

Deliae tutela deae fugaces

Lyncas et cervos cohibentis arcu,

Lesbium servate pedem meique 35

Pollicis ictum,

Rite Latonae puerum canentes,

Rite crescentem face Noctilucam,

Prosperam frugum celeremque pronos

Volvere menses. 40

Nupta jam dices: Ego dis amicum,

Seculo festas referente luces,

Reddidi carmen, docilis modorum

Vatis Horati.

CARMEN VII.

Diffugere nives, redeunt jam gramina campis

Arboribusque comae;

Mutat terra vices et decrescentia ripas

Flumina praetereunt;

Gratia cum Nymphis geminisque sororibus audet 5

Ducere nuda choros.

Immortalia ne speres monet annus et almum

Quae rapit hora diem.

Frigora mitescunt Zephyris, ver proterit aestas

Interitura simul 10

Pomifer Auctumnus fruges effuderit, et mox

Bruma recurrit iners.

Damna tamen celeres reparant caelestia lunae:

Nos ubi decidimus,

Quo pius Aeneas quo dives Tullus et Ancus 15

Pulvis et umbra sumus.

Quis scit an adjiciant hodiernae crastina summae

Tempora di superi?

Cuncta manus avidas fugient heredis amico

Quae dederis animo. 20

Cum semel occideris et de te splendida Minos

Fecerit arbitria,

Non, Torquate, genus, non te facundia, non te

Restituet pietas;

Infernis neque enim tenebris Diana pudicum 25

Liberat Hippolytum,

Nec Lethaea valet Theseus abrumpere caro

Vincula Pirithoo.

CARMEN VIII.

Donarem pateras grataque commodus,

Censorine, meis aera sodalibus,

Donarem tripodas, praemia fortium

Graiorum, neque tu pessima munerum

Ferres, divite me scilicet artium 5

Quas aut Parrhasius protulit aut Scopas,

Hic saxo, liquidis ille coloribus

Sollers nunc hominem ponere, nunc deum.

Sed non haec mihi vis, non tibi talium

Res est aut animus deliciarum egens. 10

Gaudes carminibus; carmina possumus

Donare et pretium dicere muneri.

Non incisa notis marmora publicis,

Per quae spiritus et vita redit bonis

Post mortem ducibus, non celeres fugae 15

Rejectaeque retrorsum Hannibalis minae,

Non incendia Karthaginis impiae,

Ejus qui domita nomen ab Africa

Lucratus rediit clarius indicant

Laudes, quam Calabrae Pierides: neque 20

Si chartae sileant quod bene feceris

Mercedem tuleris. Quid foret Iliae

Mavortisque puer si taciturnitas

Obstaret meritis invida Romuli?

Ereptum Stygiis fluctibus Aeacum 25

Virtus et favor et lingua potentium

Vatum divitibus consecrat insulis.

Dignum laude virum Musa vetat mori;

Caelo Musa beat. Sic Jovis interest

Optatis epulis impiger Hercules, 30

Clarum Tyndaridae sidus ab infimis

Quassas eripiunt aequoribus rates,

Ornatus viridi tempora pampino

Liber vota bonos ducit ad exitus.

CARMEN IX.

Ne forte credas interitura quae

Longe sonantem natus ad Aufidum

Non ante vulgatas per artes

Verba loquor socianda chordis:

Non si priores Maeonius tenet 5

Sedes Homerus Pindaricae latent

Ceaeque et Alcaei minaces

Stesichorique graves Camenae;

Nec si quid olim lusit Anacreon

Delevit aetas; spirat adhuc amor 10

Vivuntque commissi calores

Aeoliae fidibus puellae.

Non sola comptos arsit adulteri

Crines, et aurum vestibus illitum

Mirata regalesque cultus 15

Et comites Helene Lacaena,

Primusve Teucer tela Cydonio

Direxit arcu; non semel Ilios

Vexata; non pugnavit ingens

Idomeneus Sthenelusve solus 20

Dicenda Musis proelia; non ferox

Hector vel acer Deiphobus graves

Excepit ictus pro pudicis

Conjugibus puerisque primus.

Vixere fortes ante Agamemnona 25

Multi; sed omnes illacrumabiles

Urgentur ignotique longa

Nocte, carent quia vate sacro.

Paullum sepultae distat inertiae

Celata virtus. Non ego te meis 30

Chartis inornatum silebo,

Totve tuos patiar labores

Impune, Lolli, carpere lividas

Obliviones. Est animus tibi

Rerumque prudens et secundis 35

Temporibus dubiisque rectus,

Vindex avarae fraudis, et abstinens

Ducentis ad se cuncta pecuniae,

Consulque non unius anni

Sed quoties bonus atque fidus 40

Judex honestum praetulit utili,

Rejecit alto dona nocentium

Vultu, per obstantes catervas

Explicuit sua victor arma.

Non possidentem multa vocaveris 45

Recte beatum: rectius occupat

Nomen beati qui deorum

Muneribus sapienter uti

Duramque callet pauperiem pati,

Pejusque leto flagitium timet, 50

Non ille pro caris amicis

Aut patria timidus perire.

CARMEN X.

O crudelis adhuc et Veneris muneribus potens,

Insperata tuae cum veniet pluma superbiae,

Et quae nunc humeris involitant deciderint comae,

Nunc et qui color est puniceae flore prior rosae

Mutatus Ligurinum in faciem verterit hispidam, 5

Dices heu quotiens te speculo videris alterum:

Quae mens est hodie, cur eadem non puero fuit?

Vel cur his animis incolumes non redeunt genae?

CARMEN XI.

Est mihi nonum superantis annum

Plenus Albani cadus; est in horto,

Phylli, nectendis apium coronis;

Est hederae vis

Multa, qua crines religata fulges; 5

Ridet argento domus; ara castis

Vincta verbenis avet immolato

Spargier agno;

Cuncta festinat manus, huc et illuc

Cursitant mixtae pueris puellae; 10

Sordidum flammae trepidant rotantes

Vertice fumum.

Ut tamen noris quibus advoceris

Gaudiis, Idus tibi sunt agendae,

Qui dies mensem Veneris marinae 15

Findit Aprilem;

Jure sollemnis mihi sanctiorque

Paene natali proprio, quod ex hac

Luce Maecenas meus adfluentes

Ordinat annos. 20

Telephum, quem tu petis, occupavit

Non tuae sortis juvenem puella

Dives et lasciva, tenetque grata

Compede vinctum.

Terret ambustus Phaëthon avaras 25

Spes, et exemplum grave praebet ales

Pegasus, terrenum equitem gravatus

Bellerophontem,

Semper ut te digna sequare et ultra

Quam licet sperare nefas putando 30

Disparem vites. Age jam, meorum

Finis amorum--

Non enim posthac alia calebo

Femina--condisce modos amanda

Voce quos reddas; minuentur atrae 35

Carmine curae.

CARMEN XII.

Jam veris comites quae mare temperant

Impellunt animae lintea Thraciae;

Jam nec prata rigent nec fluvii strepunt

Hiberna nive turgidi.

Nidum ponit, Ityn flebiliter gemens, 5

Infelix avis et Cecropiae domus

Aeternum opprobrium, quod male barbaras

Regum est ulta libidines.

Dicunt in tenero gramine pinguium

Custodes ovium carmina fistula, 10

Delectantque deum cui pecus et nigri

Colles Arcadiae placent.

Adduxere sitim tempora, Virgili;

Sed pressum Calibus ducere Liberum

Si gestis, juvenum nobilium cliens, 15

Nardo vina merebere.

Nardi parvus onyx eliciet cadum

Qui nunc Sulpiciis accubat horreis,

Spes donare novas largus amaraque

Curarum eluere efficax. 20

Ad quae si properas gaudia, cum tua

Velox merce veni: non ego te meis

Immunem meditor tingere poculis,

Plena dives ut in domo.

Verum pone moras et studium lucri, 25

Nigrorumque memor, dum licet, ignium

Misce stultitiam consiliis brevem:

Dulce est desipere in loco.

CARMEN XIII.

Audivere, Lyce, di mea vota, di

Audivere, Lyce: fis anus, et tamen

Vis formosa videri

Ludisque et bibis impudens

Et cantu tremulo pota Cupidinem 5

Lentum sollicitas. Ille virentis et

Doctae psallere Chiae

Pulchris excubat in genis.

Importunus enim transvolat aridas

Quercus, et refugit te quia luridi 10

Dentes, te quia rugae

Turpant et capitis nives.

Nec Coae referunt jam tibi purpurae

Nec clari lapides tempora, quae semel

Notis condita fastis 15

Inclusit volucris dies.

Quo fugit venus, heu, quove color? decens

Quo motus? quid habes illius, illius,

Quae spirabat amores,

Quae me surpuerat mihi, 20

Felix post Cinaram, notaque et artium

Gratarum facies? Sed Cinarae breves

Annos fata dederunt,

Servatura diu parem

Cornicis vetulae temporibus Lycen, 25

Possent ut juvenes visere fervidi

Multo non sine risu

Dilapsam in cineres facem.

CARMEN XIV.

Quae cura patrum quaeve Quiritium

Plenis honorum muneribus tuas,

Auguste, virtutes in aevum

Per titulos memoresque fastos

Aeternet, o qua sol habitabiles 5

Illustrat oras maxime principum?

Quem legis expertes Latinae

Vindelici didicere nuper

Quid Marte posses. Milite nam tuo

Drusus Genaunos, implacidum genus, 10

Breunosque veloces, et arces

Alpibus impositas tremendis

Dejecit acer plus vice simplici;

Major Neronum mox grave proelium

Commisit immanesque Raetos 15

Auspiciis pepulit secundis,

Spectandus in certamine Martio,

Devota morti pectora liberae

Quantis fatigaret ruinis;

Indomitas prope qualis undas 20

Exercet Auster, Pleïadum choro

Scindente nubes, impiger hostium

Vexare turmas et frementem

Mittere equum medios per ignes.

Sic tauriformis volvitur Aufidus, 25

Qua regna Dauni praefluit Apuli,

Cum saevit horrendamque cultis

Diluviem meditatur agris,

Ut barbarorum Claudius agmina

Ferrata vasto diruit impetu 30

Primosque et extremos metendo

Stravit humum sine clade victor,

Te copias, te consilium et tuos

Praebente divos. Nam tibi, quo die

Portus Alexandrea supplex 35

Et vacuam patefecit aulam,

Fortuna lustro prospera tertio

Belli secundos reddidit exitus,

Laudemque et optatum peractis

Imperiis decus arrogavit. 40

Te Cantaber non ante domabilis

Medusque et Indus, te profugus Scythes

Miratur, o tutela praesens

Italiae dominaeque Romae.

Te fontium qui celat origines 45

Nilusque et Ister, te rapidus Tigris,

Te beluosus qui remotis

Obstrepit Oceanus Britannis,

Te non paventis funera Galliae

Duraeque tellus audit Hiberiae, 50

Te caede gaudentes Sigambri

Compositis venerantur armis.

CARMEN XV.

Phoebus volentem proelia me loqui

Victas et urbes increpuit lyra,

Ne parva Tyrrhenum per aequor

Vela darem. Tua, Caesar, aetas

Fruges et agris rettulit uberes 5

Et signa nostro restituit Jovi

Derepta Parthorum superbis

Postibus, et vacuum duellis

Janum Quirini clausit, et ordinem

Rectum evaganti frena licentiae 10

Injecit, emovitque culpas,

Et veteres revocavit artes

Per quas Latinum nomen et Italae

Crevere vires famaque et imperi

Porrecta majestas ad ortus 15

Solis ab Hesperio cubili.

Custode rerum Caesare non furor

Civilis aut vis exiget otium,

Non ira quae procudit enses

Et miseras inimicat urbes. 20

Non qui profundum Danubium bibunt

Edicta rumpent Julia, non Getae,

Non Seres infidive Persae,

Non Tanaïn prope flumen orti.

Nosque et profestis lucibus et sacris 25

Inter jocosi munera Liberi

Cum prole matronisque nostris,

Rite deos prius apprecati,

Virtute functos more patrum duces

Lydis remixto carmine tibiis 30

Trojamque et Anchisen et almae

Progeniem Veneris canemus.

CARMEN SAECULARE.

Phoebe silvarumque potens Diana,

Lucidum caeli decus, o colendi

Semper et culti, date, quae precamur

Tempore sacro,

Quo Sibyllini monuere versus 5

Virgines lectas puerosque castos

Dis quibus septem placuere colles

Dicere carmen.

Alme Sol, curru nitido diem qui

Promis et celas aliusque et idem 10

Nasceris, possis nihil urbe Roma

Visere majus.

Rite maturos aperire partus

Lenis, Ilithyia, tuere matres,

Sive tu Lucina probas vocari 15

Seu Genitalis.

Diva, producas subolem patrumque

Prosperes decreta super jugandis

Feminis prolisque novae feraci

Lege marita, 20

Certus undenos decies per annos

Orbis ut cantus referatque ludos

Ter die claro totiesque grata

Nocte frequentes.

Vosque veraces cecinisse, Parcae, 25

Quod semel dictum est stabilisque rerum

Terminus servat, bona jam peractis

Jungite fata.

Fertilis frugum pecorisque Tellus

Spicea donet Cererem corona; 30

Nutriant fetus et aquae salubres

Et Jovis aurae.

Condito mitis placidusque telo

Supplices audi pueros, Apollo:

Siderum regina bicornis audi, 35

Luna, puellas.

Roma si vestrum est opus, Iliaeque

Litus Etruscum tenuere turmae,

Jussa pars mutare Lares et urbem

Sospite cursu, 40

Cui per ardentem sine fraude Trojam

Castus Aeneas patriae superstes

Liberum munivit iter, daturus

Plura relictis:

Di, probos mores docili juventae, 45

Di, senectuti placidae quietem,

Romulae genti date remque prolemque

Et decus omne!

Quaeque vos bubus veneratur albis

Clarus Anchisae Venerisque sanguis, 50

Impetret, bellante prior, jacentem

Lenis in hostem!

Jam mari terraque manus potentes

Medus Albanasque timet secures,

Jam Scythae responsa petunt, superbi 55

Nuper, et Indi.

Jam Fides et Pax et Honos Pudorque

Priscus et neglecta redire Virtus

Audet, apparetque beata pleno

Copia cornu. 60

Augur et fulgente decorus arcu

Phoebus acceptusque novem Camenis,

Qui salutari levat arte fessos

Corporis artus,

Si Palatinas videt aequus arces 65

Remque Romanam Latiumque, felix

Alterum in lustrum meliusque semper

Proroget aevum.

Quaeque Aventinum tenet Algidumque,

Quindecim Diana preces virorum 70

Curet et votis puerorum amicas

Applicet aures.

Haec Jovem sentire deosque cunctos

Spem bonam certamque domum reporto,

Doctus et Phoebi chorus et Dianae 75

Dicere laudes.

EPODON LIBER

CARMEN I.

Ibis Liburnis inter alta navium,

Amice, propugnacula,

Paratus omne Caesaris periculum

Subire, Maecenas, tuo.

Quid nos, quibus te vita si superstite 5

Jucunda, si contra gravis?

Utrumne jussi persequemur otium,

Non dulce ni tecum simul,

An hunc laborem mente laturi decet

Qua ferre non molles viros? 10

Feremus et te vel per Alpium juga

Inhospitalem et Caucasum,

Vel Occidentis usque ad ultimum sinum

Forti sequemur pectore.

Roges tuum labore quid juvem meo, 15

Imbellis ac firmus parum?

Comes minore sum futurus in metu,

Qui major absentes habet;

Ut assidens implumibus pullis avis

Serpentium allapsus timet 20

Magis relictis, non, ut adsit, auxili

Latura plus praesentibus.

Libenter hoc et omne militabitur

Bellum in tuae spem gratiae,

Non ut juvencis illigata pluribus 25

Aratra nitantur mea,

Pecusve Calabris ante sidus fervidum

Lucana mutet pascuis,

Neque ut superni villa candens Tusculi

Circaea tangat moenia. 30

Satis superque me benignitas tua

Ditavit: haud paravero

Quod aut avarus ut Chremes terra premam,

Discinctus aut perdam nepos.

CARMEN II.

Beatus ille qui procul negotiis,

Ut prisca gens mortalium,

Paterna rura bobus exercet suis,

Solutus omni fenore.

Neque excitatur classico miles truci, 5

Neque horret iratum mare,

Forumque vitat et superba civium

Potentiorum limina.

Ergo aut adulta vitium propagine

Altas maritat populos, 10

Aut in reducta valle mugientium

Prospectat errantes greges,

Inutilesque falce ramos amputans

Feliciores inserit,

Aut pressa puris mella condit amphoris, 15

Aut tondet infirmas oves;

Vel cum decorum mitibus pomis caput

Auctumnus agris extulit,

Ut gaudet insitiva decerpens pira,

Certantem et uvam purpurae, 20

Qua muneretur te, Priape, et te, pater

Silvane, tutor finium!

Libet jacere modo sub antiqua ilice,

Modo in tenaci gramine.

Labuntur altis interim ripis aquae, 25

Queruntur in silvis aves,

Fontesque lymphis obstrepunt manantibus,

Somnos quod invitet leves.

At cum tonantis annus hibernus Jovis

Imbres nivesque comparat, 30

Aut trudit acres hinc et hinc multa cane

Apros in obstantes plagas,

Aut amite levi rara tendit retia,

Turdis edacibus dolos,

Pavidumque leporem et advenam laqueo gruem 35

Jucunda captat praemia.

Quis non malarum quas amor curas habet

Haec inter obliviscitur?

Quodsi pudica mulier in partem juvet

Domum atque dulces liberos, 40

Sabina qualis aut perusta solibus

Pernicis uxor Apuli,

Sacrum vetustis exstruat lignis focum

Lassi sub adventum viri,

Claudensque textis cratibus laetum pecus 45

Distenta siccet ubera,

Et horna dulci vina promens dolio

Dapes inemptas apparet:

Non me Lucrina juverint conchylia

Magisve rhombus aut scari, 50

Si quos Eois intonata fluctibus

Hiems ad hoc vertat mare;

Non Afra avis descendat in ventrem meum,

Non attagen Ionicus

Jucundior, quam lecta de pinguissimis 55

Oliva ramis arborum

Aut herba lapathi prata amantis et gravi

Malvae salubres corpori,

Vel agna festis caesa Terminalibus,

Vel haedus ereptus lupo. 60

Has inter epulas ut juvat pastas oves

Videre properantes domum,

Videre fessos vomerem inversum boves

Collo trahentes languido,

Positosque vernas, ditis examen domus, 65

Circum renidentes Lares!

Haec ubi locutus fenerator Alphius,

Jam jam futurus rusticus,

Omnem redegit Idibus pecuniam,

Quaerit Kalendis ponere. 70

CARMEN III.

Parentis olim si quis impia manu

Senile guttur fregerit,

Edit cicutis allium nocentius.

O dura messorum ilia!

Quid hoc veneni saevit in praecordiis? 5

Num viperinus his cruor

Incoctus herbis me fefellit? an malas

Canidia tractavit dapes?

Ut Argonautas praeter omnes candidum

Medea mirata est ducem, 10

Ignota tauris illigaturum juga

Perunxit hoc Jasonem;

Hoc delibutis ulta donis pellicem

Serpente fugit alite.

Nec tantus unquam siderum insedit vapor 15

Siticulosae Apuliae,

Nec munus humeris efficacis Herculis

Inarsit aestuosius.

At si quid unquam tale concupiveris,

Jocose Maecenas; precor 20

Manum puella savio opponat tuo

Extrema et in sponda cubet.

CARMEN IV.

Lupis et agnis quanta sortito obtigit,

Tecum mihi discordia est,

Hibericis peruste funibus latus

Et crura dura compede.

Licet superbus ambules pecunia, 5

Fortuna non mutat genus.

Videsne, Sacram metiente te viam

Cum bis trium ulnarum toga,

Ut ora vertat huc et huc euntium

Liberrima indignatio? 10

Sectus flagellis hic triumviralibus

Praeconis ad fastidium

Arat Falerni mille fundi jugera

Et Appiam mannis terit,

Sedilibusque magnus in primis eques 15

Othone contempto sedet!

Quid attinet tot ora navium gravi

Rostrata duci pondere

Contra latrones atque servilem manum

Hoc, hoc tribuno militum? 20

CARMEN V.

At, o deorum quidquid in caelo regit

Terras et humanum genus,

Quid iste fert tumultus? aut quid omnium

Vultus in unum me truces?

Per liberos te, si vocata partubus 5

Lucina veris affuit,

Per hoc mane purpurae decus precor,

Per improbaturum haec Jovem,

Quid ut noverca me intueris aut uti

Petita ferro belua? 10

Ut haec trementi questus ore constitit

Insignibus raptis puer,

Impube corpus quale posset impia

Mollire Thracum pectora,

Canidia brevibus implicata viperis 15

Crines et incomptum caput

Jubet sepulcris caprificos erutas,

Jubet cupressus funebres,

Et uncta turpis ova ranae sanguine,

Plumamque nocturnae strigis, 20

Herbasque quas Iolcos atque Hiberia

Mittit venenorum ferax,

Et ossa ab ore rapta jejunae canis

Flammis aduri Colchicis.

At expedita Sagana per totam domum 25

Spargens Avernales aquas

Horret capillis, ut marinus asperis

Echinus aut currens aper.

Abacta nulla Veia conscientia

Ligonibus duris humum 30

Exhauriebat ingemens laboribus,

Quo posset infossus puer

Longo die bis terque mutatae dapis

Inemori spectaculo,

Cum promineret ore quantum exstant aqua 35

Suspensa mento corpora;

Exsucca uti medulla et aridum jecur

Amoris esset poculum,

Interminato cum semel fixae cibo

Intabuissent pupulae. 40

Non defuisse masculae libidinis

Ariminensem Foliam

Et otiosa credidit Neapolis

Et omne vicinum oppidum,

Quae sidera excantata voce Thessala 45

Lunamque caelo deripit.

Hic irresectum saeva dente livido

Canidia rodens pollicem

Quid dixit aut quid tacuit? O rebus meis

Non infideles arbitrae, 50

Nox et Diana quae silentium regis

Arcana cum fiunt sacra,

Nunc, nunc adeste, nunc in hostiles domos

Iram atque numen vertite!

Formidolosis dum latent silvis ferae 55

Dulci sopore languidae,

Senem, quod omnes rideant, adulterum

Latrent Suburanae canes

Nardo perunctum, quale non perfectius

Meae laborarint manus.-- 60

Quid accidit? Cur dira barbarae minus

Venena Medeae valent?

Quibus superbam fugit ulta pellicem,

Magni Creontis filiam,

Cum palla, tabo munus imbutum, novam 65

Incendio nuptam abstulit.

Atqui nec herba nec latens in asperis

Radix fefellit me locis.

Indormit unctis omnium cubilibus

Oblivione pellicum.-- 70

Ah ah! solutus ambulat veneficae

Scientioris carmine.

Non usitatis, Vare, potionibus,

O multa fleturum caput,

Ad me recurres, nec vocata mens tua 75

Marsis redibit vocibus:

Maius parabo, maius infundam tibi

Fastidienti poculum.

Priusque caelum sidet inferius mari,

Tellure porrecta super, 80

Quam non amore sic meo flagres uti

Bitumen atris ignibus.--

Sub haec puer jam non ut ante mollibus

Lenire verbis impias,

Sed dubius unde rumperet silentium 85

Misit Thyesteas preces:

Venena magnum fas nefasque non valent

Convertere humanam vicem;

Diris agam vos; dira detestatio

Nulla expiatur victima. 90

Quin ubi perire jussus exspiravero

Nocturnus occurram Furor

Petamque vultus umbra curvis unguibus,

Quae vis deorum est manium,

Et inquietis assidens praecordiis 95

Pavore somnos auferam.

Vos turba vicatim hinc et hinc saxis petens

Contundet obscoenas anus;

Post insepulta membra different lupi

Et Esquilinae alites; 100

Neque hoc parentes heu mihi superstites

Effugerit spectaculum.

CARMEN VI.

Quid immerentes hospites vexas canis

Ignavus adversum lupos?

Quin huc inanes, si potes, vertis minas

Et me remorsurum petis?

Nam qualis aut Molossus aut fulvus Lacon, 5

Amica vis pastoribus,

Agam per altas aure sublata nives

Quaecunque praecedet fera:

Tu, cum timenda voce complesti nemus

Projectum odoraris cibum. 10

Cave, cave: namque in malos asperrimus

Parata tollo cornua,

Qualis Lycambae spretus infido gener

Aut acer hostis Bupalo.

An si quis atro dente me petiverit 15

Inultus ut flebo puer?

CARMEN VII.

Quo, quo scelesti ruitis? aut cur dexteris

Aptantur enses conditi?

Parumne campis atque Neptuno super

Fusum est Latini sanguinis,

Non ut superbas invidae Karthaginis 5

Romanus arces ureret,

Intactus aut Britannus ut descenderet

Sacra catenatus via,

Sed ut secundum vota Parthorum sua

Urbs haec periret dextera? 10

Neque hic lupis mos nec fuit leonibus

Unquam nisi in dispar feris.

Furorne caecus, an rapit vis acrior,

An culpa? Responsum date.

Tacent et albus ora pallor inficit 15

Mentesque perculsae stupent.

Sic est: acerba fata Romanos agunt

Scelusque fraternae necis,

Ut immerentis fluxit in terram Remi

Sacer nepotibus cruor. 20

CARMEN VIII.

Rogare longo putidam te seculo,

Vires quid enervet meas!

Cum sit tibi dens ater et rugis vetus

Frontem senectus exaret,

Hietque turpis inter aridas nates 5

Podex velut crudae bovis.

Sed incitat me pectus et mammae putres,

Equina quales ubera,

Venterque mollis et femur tumentibus

Exile suris additum. 10

Esto beata, funus atque imagines

Ducant triumphales tuum,

Nec sit marita, quae rotundioribus

Onusta baccis ambulet.

Quid, quod libelli Stoici inter sericos 15

Jacere pulvillos amant:

Illiterati num minus nervi rigent,

Minusve languet fascinum?

Quod ut superbo provoces ab inguine,

Ore allaborandum est tibi. 20

CARMEN IX.

Quando repostum Caecubum ad festas dapes

Victore laetus Caesare

Tecum sub alta--sic Jovi gratum--domo,

Beate Maecenas, bibam

Sonante mixtum tibiis carmen lyra, 5

Hac Dorium, illis barbarum?

Ut nuper, actus cum freto Neptunius

Dux fugit ustis navibus,

Minatus Urbi vincla, quae detraxerat

Servis amicus perfidis. 10

Romanus,--eheu, posteri negabitis--

Emancipatus feminae

Fert vallum et arma miles, et spadonibus

Servire rugosis potest,

Interque signa turpe militaria 15

Sol adspicit conopium.

At huc frementes verterunt bis mille equos

Galli, canentes Caesarem,

Hostiliumque navium portu latent

Puppes sinistrorsum citae. 20

Io Triumphe, tu moraris aureos

Currus et intactas boves?

Io Triumphe, nec Jugurthino parem

Bello reportasti ducem,

Neque Africanum, cui super Karthaginem 25

Virtus sepulcrum condidit.

Terra marique victus hostis punico

Lugubre mutavit sagum.

Aut ille centum nobilem Cretam urbibus

Ventis iturus non suis, 30

Exercitatas aut petit Syrtes Noto,

Aut fertur incerto mari.

Capaciores affer huc, puer, scyphos

Et Chia vina aut Lesbia,

Vel, quod fluentem nauseam coërceat, 35

Metire nobis Caecubum:

Curam metumque Caesaris rerum juvat

Dulci Lyaeo solvere.

CARMEN X.

Mala soluta navis exit alite

Ferens olentem Maevium:

Ut horridis utrumque verberes latus,

Auster, memento fluctibus!

Niger rudentes Eurus inverso mari 5

Fractosque remos differat;

Insurgat Aquilo quantus altis montibus

Frangit trementes ilices;

Nec sidus atra nocte amicum appareat

Qua tristis Orion cadit; 10

Quietiore nec feratur aequore,

Quam Graia victorum manus,

Cum Pallas usto vertit iram ab Ilio

In impiam Ajacis ratem!

O quantus instat navitis sudor tuis, 15

Tibique pallor luteus

Et illa non virilis ejulatio

Preces et aversum ad Jovem,

Ionius udo cum remugiens sinus

Noto carinam ruperit! 20

Opima quodsi praeda curvo litore

Projecta mergos juveris,

Libidinosus immolabitur caper

Et agna Tempestatibus.

CARMEN XI.

Petti, nihil me sicut antea juvat

Scribere versiculos amore percussum gravi,

Amore qui me praeter omnes expetit

Mollibus in pueris aut in puellis urere.

Hic tertius December, ex quo destiti 5

Inachia furere, silvis honorem decutit.

Heu me, per Urbem--nam pudet tanti mali--

Fabula quanta fui! Conviviorum et poenitet;

In quis amantem et languor et silentium

Arguit et latere petitus imo spiritus. 10

Contrane lucrum nil valere candidum

Pauperis ingenium? querebar applorans tibi,

Simul calentis inverecundus deus

Fervidiore mero arcana promorat loco.

Quodsi meis inaestuat praecordiis 15

Libera bilis, ut haec ingrata ventis dividat

Fomenta vulnus nil malum levantia,

Desinet imparibus certare summotus pudor.

Ubi haec severus te palam laudaveram,

Jussus abire domum ferebar incerto pede 20

Ad non amicos heu mihi postes et heu

Limina dura, quibus lumbos et infregi latus.

Nunc gloriantis quamlibet mulierculam

Vincere mollitie amor Lycisci me tenet,

Unde expedire non amicorum queant 25

Libera consilia nec contumeliae graves,

Sed alius ardor aut puellae candidae

Aut teretis pueri longam renodantis comam.

CARMEN XII.

Quid tibi vis, mulier nigris dignissima barris?

Munera quid mihi, quidve tabellas

Mittis nec firmo juveni neque naris obesae?

Namque sagacius unus odoror,

Polypus an gravis hirsutis cubet hircus in alis, 5

Quam canis acer ubi lateat sus.

Qui sudor vietis et quam malus undique membris

Crescit odor, cum pene soluto

Indomitam properat rabiem sedare; neque illi

Jam manet humida creta colorque 10

Stercore fucatus crocodili, jamque subando

Tenta cubilia tectaque rumpit!

Vel mea cum saevis agitat fastidia verbis:

Inachia langues minus ac me;

Inachiam ter nocte potes, mihi semper ad unum 15

Mollis opus. Pereat male quae te

Lesbia quaerenti taurum monstravit inertem,

Cum mihi Cous adesset Amyntas,

Cujus in indomito constantior inguine nervus

Quam nova collibus arbor inhaeret. 20

Muricibus Tyriis iteratae vellera lanae

Cui properabantur? Tibi nempe,

Ne foret aequales inter conviva, magis quem

Diligeret mulier sua quam te.

O ego non felix, quam tu fugis ut pavet acres 25

Agna lupos capreaeque leones!

CARMEN XIII.

Horrida tempestas caelum contraxit et imbres

Nivesque deducunt Jovem; nunc mare, nunc siluae

Threïcio Aquilone sonant: rapiamus, amici,

Occasionem de die, dumque virent genua

Et decet, obducta solvatur fronte senectus. 5

Tu vina Torquato move consule pressa meo.

Cetera mitte loqui: deus haec fortasse benigna

Reducet in sedem vice. Nunc et Achaemenio

Perfundi nardo juvat et fide Cyllenea

Levare diris pectora sollicitudinibus; 10

Nobilis ut grandi cecinit Centaurus alumno:

Invicte, mortalis dea nate puer Thetide,

Te manet Assaraci tellus, quam frigida parvi

Findunt Scamandri flumina lubricus et Simoïs,

Unde tibi reditum certo subtemine Parcae 15

Rupere, nec mater domum caerula te revehet.

Illic omne malum vino cantuque levato,

Deformis aegrimoniae dulcibus alloquiis.

CARMEN XIV.

Mollis inertia cur tantam diffuderit imis

Oblivionem sensibus,

Pocula Lethaeos ut si ducentia somnos

Arente fauce traxerim,

Candide Maecenas, occidis saepe rogando: 5

Deus, deus nam me vetat

Inceptos, olim promissum carmen, iambos

Ad umbilicum adducere.

Non aliter Samio dicunt arsisse Bathyllo

Anacreonta Teïum, 10

Qui persaepe cava testudine flevit amorem

Non elaboratum ad pedem.

Ureris ipse miser: quodsi non pulchrior ignis

Accendit obsessam Ilion,

Gaude sorte tua; me libertina neque uno 15

Contenta Phryne macerat.

CARMEN XV.

Nox erat et caelo fulgebat luna sereno

Inter minora sidera,

Cum tu magnorum numen laesura deorum

In verba jurabas mea,

Artius atque hedera procera adstringitur ilex, 5

Lentis adhaerens brachiis:

Dum pecori lupus et nautis infestus Orion

Turbaret hibernum mare,

Intonsosque agitaret Apollinis aura capillos,

Fore hunc amorem mutuum. 10

O dolitura mea multum virtute Neaera!

Nam si quid in Flacco viri est,

Non feret assiduas potiori te dare noctes,

Et quaeret iratus parem,

Nec semel offensae cedet constantia formae, 15

Si certus intrarit dolor,

Et tu, quicunque es felicior atque meo nunc

Superbus incedis malo,

Sis pecore et multa dives tellure licebit

Tibique Pactolus fluat, 20

Nec te Pythagorae fallant arcana renati,

Formaque vincas Nirea,

Eheu translatos alio maerebis amores:

Ast ego vicissim risero.

CARMEN XVI.

Altera jam teritur bellis civilibus aetas,

Suis et ipsa Roma viribus ruit:

Quam neque finitimi valuerunt perdere Marsi

Minacis aut Etrusca Porsenae manus,

Aemula nec virtus Capuae nec Spartacus acer 5

Novisque rebus infidelis Allobrox,

Nec fera caerulea domuit Germania pube

Parentibusque abominatus Hannibal,

Impia perdemus devoti sanguinis aetas,

Ferisque rursus occupabitur solum. 10

Barbarus heu cineres insistet victor et Urbem

Eques sonante verberabit ungula,

Quaeque carent ventis et solibus ossa Quirini,

Nefas videre! dissipabit insolens.

Forte quid expediat communiter aut melior pars 15

Malis carere quaeritis laboribus:

Nulla sit hac potior sententia, Phocaeorum

Velut profugit exsecrata civitas

Agros atque Lares patrios habitandaque fana

Apris reliquit et rapacibus lupis, 20

Ire pedes quocunque ferent, quocunque per undas

Notus vocabit aut protervus Africus.

Sic placet? an melius quis habet suadere?--Secunda

Ratem occupare quid moramur alite?

Sed juremus in haec: Simul imis saxa renarint 25

Vadis levata, ne redire sit nefas;

Neu conversa domum pigeat dare lintea, quando

Padus Matina laverit cacumina,

In mare seu celsus procurrerit Apenninus,

Novaque monstra junxerit libidine 30

Mirus amor, juvet ut tigres subsidere cervis,

Adulteretur et columba miluo,

Credula nec ravos timeant armenta leones,

Ametque salsa levis hircus aequora.

Haec et quae poterunt reditus abscindere dulces 35

Eamus omnis exsecrata civitas,

Aut pars indocili melior grege; mollis et exspes

Inominata perprimat cubilia,

Vos quibus est virtus muliebrem tollite luctum

Etrusca praeter et volate litora. 40

Nos manet Oceanus circumvagus: arva, beata

Petamus arva divites et insulas,

Reddit ubi Cererem tellus inarata quotannis

Et imputata floret usque vinea,

Germinat et nunquam fallentis termes olivae, 45

Suamque pulla ficus ornat arborem,

Mella cava manant ex ilice, montibus altis

Levis crepante lympha desilit pede.

Illic injussae veniunt ad mulctra capellae,

Refertque tenta grex amicus ubera; 50

Nec vespertinus circumgemit ursus ovile,

Neque intumescit alma viperis humus.

Pluraque felices mirabimur: ut neque largis

Aquosus Eurus arva radat imbribus,

Pinguia nec siccis urantur semina glebis, 55

Utrumque rege temperante caelitum.

Non huc Argoo contendit remige pinus,

Neque impudica Colchis intulit pedem,

Non huc Sidonii torserunt cornua nautae

Laboriosa nec cohors Ulixei. 60

Nulla nocent pecori contagia, nullius astri

Gregem aestuosa torret impotentia.

Jupiter illa piae secrevit litora genti,

Ut inquinavit aere tempus aureum;

Aere, dehinc ferro duravit secula: quorum 65

Piis secunda vate me datur fuga.

CARMEN XVII.

Jam jam efficaci do manus scientiae,

Supplex et oro regna per Proserpinae,

Per et Dianae non movenda numina,

Per atque libros carminum valentium

Refixa caelo devocare sidera, 5

Canidia, parce vocibus tandem sacris

Citumque retro solve, solve turbinem.

Movit nepotem Telephus Nereïum,

In quem superbus ordinarat agmina

Mysorum et in quem tela acuta torserat. 10

Unxere matres Iliae addictum feris

Alitibus atque canibus homicidam Hectorem,

Postquam relictis moenibus rex procidit

Heu pervicacis ad pedes Achilleï.

Setosa duris exuere pellibus 15

Laboriosi remiges Ulixeï

Volente Circa membra; tunc mens et sonus

Relapsus atque notus in vultus honor.

Dedi satis superque poenarum tibi,

Amata nautis multum et institoribus. 20

Fugit juventas et verecundus color

Reliquit ossa pelle amicta lurida;

Tuis capillus albus est odoribus;

Nullum a labore me reclinat otium;

Urget diem nox et dies noctem, neque est 25

Levare tenta spiritu praecordia.

Ergo negatum vincor ut credam miser

Sabella pectus increpare carmina

Caputque Marsa dissilire nenia.

Quid amplius vis? O mare, o terra, ardeo, 30

Quantum neque atro delibutus Hercules

Nessi cruore, nec Sicana fervida

Virens in Aetna flamma; tu donec cinis

Injuriosis aridus ventis ferar

Cales venenis officina Colchicis. 35

Quae finis aut quod me manet stipendium?

Effare; jussas cum fide poenas luam,

Paratus expiare, seu poposceris

Centum juvencos, sive mendaci lyra

Voles sonari: Tu pudica, tu proba 40

Perambulabis astra sidus aureum.

Infamis Helenae Castor offensus vicem

Fraterque magni Castoris victi prece

Adempta vati reddidere lumina.

Et tu, potes nam, solve me dementia, 45

O nec paternis obsoleta sordibus,

Neque in sepulcris pauperum prudens anus

Novendiales dissipare pulveres.

Tibi hospitale pectus et purae manus,

Tuusque venter Pactumeius, et tuo 50

Cruore rubros obstetrix pannos lavit,

Utcunque fortis exsilis puerpera.

Quid obseratis auribus fundis preces?

Non saxa nudis surdiora navitis

Neptunus alto tundit hibernus salo. 55

Inultus ut tu riseris Cotyttia

Vulgata, sacrum liberi Cupidinis,

Et Esquilini Pontifex venefici

Impune ut Urbem nomine impleris meo!

Quid proderat ditasse Pelignas anus, 60

Velociusve miscuisse toxicum?

Sed tardiora fata te votis manent:

Ingrata misero vita ducenda est in hoc

Novis ut usque suppetas laboribus

Optat quietem Pelopis infidi pater, 65

Egens benignae Tantalus semper dapis,

Optat Prometheus obligatus aliti,

Optat supremo collocare Sisyphus

In monte saxum; sed vetant leges Jovis.

Voles modo altis desilire turribus, 70

Modo ense pectus Norico recludere,

Frustraque vincla gutturi nectes tuo

Fastidiosa tristis aegrimonia.

Vectabor humeris tunc ego inimicis eques,

Meaeque terra cedet insolentiae. 75

An quae movere cereas imagines,

Ut ipse nosti curiosus, et polo

Deripere lunam vocibus possim meis,

Possim crematos excitare mortuos

Desiderique temperare pocula, 80

Plorem artis in te nil agentis exitus?

SATIRARUM LIBER PRIMUS.

SATIRA I.

Qui fit, Maecenas, ut nemo quam sibi sortem

Seu ratio dederit seu fors objecerit illa

Contentus vivat, laudet diversa sequentes?

"O fortunati mercatores!" gravis annis

Miles ait multo jam fractus membra labore. 5

Contra mercator, navem jactantibus Austris:

"Militia est potior. Quid enim, concurritur: horae

Momento cita mors venit aut victoria laeta."

Agricolam laudat juris legumque peritus,

Sub galli cantum consultor ubi ostia pulsat. 10

Ille datis vadibus qui rure extractus in urbem est

Solos felices viventes clamat in urbe.

Cetera de genere hoc, adeo sunt multa, loquacem

Delassare valent Fabium. Ne te morer, audi

Quo rem deducam. Si quis Deus, "En ego," dicat, 15

"Jam faciam quod vultis: eris tu, qui modo miles,

Mercator; tu, consultus modo, rusticus: hinc vos,

Vos hinc mutatis discedite partibus: Eia!

Quid statis?" nolint. Atqui licet esse beatis.

Quid causae est merito quin illis Juppiter ambas 20

Iratus buccas inflet, neque se fore posthac

Tam facilem dicat votis ut praebeat aurem?

Praeterea ne sic, ut qui jocularia, ridens

Percurram (quamquam ridentem dicere verum

Quid vetat? ut pueris olim dant crustula blandi 25

Doctores, elementa velint ut discere prima);

Sed tamen amoto quaeramus seria ludo.

Ille gravem duro terram qui vertit aratro,

Perfidus hic caupo, miles, nautaeque per omne

Audaces mare qui currunt, hac mente laborem 30

Sese ferre, senes ut in otia tuta recedant,

Aiunt, quum sibi sint congesta cibaria: sicut

Parvula, nam exemplo est, magni formica laboris

Ore trahit quodcunque potest atque addit acervo,

Quem struit haud ignara ac non incauta futuri. 35

Quae, simul inversum contristat Aquarius annum,

Non usquam prorepit et illis utitur ante

Quaesitis sapiens; quum te neque fervidus aestus

Demoveat lucro, neque hiems, ignis, mare, ferrum,

Nil obstet tibi dum ne sit te ditior alter. 40

Quid juvat immensum te argenti pondus et auri

Furtim defossa timidum deponere terra?

"Quod si comminuas vilem redigatur ad assem."

At ni id fit quid habet pulchri constructus acervus?

Milia frumenti tua triverit area centum, 45

Non tuus hoc capiet venter plus ac meus: ut si

Reticulum panis venales inter onusto

Forte vehas humero, nihilo plus accipias quam

Qui nil portarit. Vel dic quid referat intra

Naturae fines viventi, jugera centum an 50

Mille aret? "At suave est ex magno tollere acervo."

Dum ex parvo nobis tantundem haurire relinquas,

Cur tua plus laudes cumeris granaria nostris?

Ut tibi si sit opus liquidi non amplius urna,

Vel cyatho, et dicas, "Magno de flumine malim 55

Quam ex hoc fonticulo tantundem sumere." Eo fit

Plenior ut si quos delectet copia justo

Cum ripa simul avulsos ferat Aufidus acer.

At qui tantuli eget quanto est opus is neque limo

Turbatam haurit aquam neque vitam amittit in undis. 60

At bona pars hominum decepta cupidine falso,

"Nil satis est," inquit; "quia tanti quantum habeas sis."

Quid facias illi? Jubeas miserum esse libenter

Quatenus id facit; ut quidam memoratur Athenis

Sordidus ac dives, populi contemnere voces 65

Sic solitus: "Populus me sibilat; at mihi plaudo

Ipse domi simul ac nummos contemplor in arca."

Tantalus a labris sitiens fugientia captat

Flumina.... Quid rides? mutato nomine de te

Fabula narratur: congestis undique saccis 70

Indormis inhians et tamquam parcere sacris

Cogeris aut pictis tamquam gaudere tabellis.

Nescis quo valeat nummus? quem praebeat usum?

Panis ematur, olus, vini sextarius, adde

Quis humana sibi doleat natura negatis. 75

An vigilare metu exanimem, noctesque diesque

Formidare malos fures, incendia, servos

Ne te compilent fugientes, hoc juvat? Horum

Semper ego optarim pauperrimus esse bonorum.

"At si condoluit tentatum frigore corpus, 80

Aut alius casus lecto te adfixit, habes qui

Adsideat, fomenta paret, medicum roget ut te

Suscitet ac gnatis reddat carisque propinquis."

Non uxor salvum te vult, non filius; omnes

Vicini oderunt, noti, pueri atque puellae. 85

Miraris, quum tu argento post omnia ponas,

Si nemo praestet quem non merearis amorem?

An si cognatos, nullo natura labore

Quos tibi dat, retinere velis servareque amicos,

Infelix operam perdas? ut si quis asellum 90

In Campo doceat parentem currere frenis.

Denique sit finis quaerendi, quumque habeas plus

Pauperiem metuas minus et finire laborem

Incipias, parto quod avebas, ne facias quod

Ummidius quidam; non longa est fabula: dives 95

Ut metiretur nummos; ita sordidus ut se

Non unquam servo melius vestiret; adusque

Supremum tempus, ne se penuria victus

Opprimeret metuebat. At hunc liberta securi

Divisit medium, fortissima Tyndaridarum. 100

"Quid mi igitur suades? ut vivam Maenius? aut sic

Ut Nomentanus?" Pergis pugnantia secum

Frontibus adversis componere: non ego avarum

Quum veto te fieri vappam jubeo ac nebulonem.

Est inter Tanaïn quiddam socerumque Visellî. 105

Est modus in rebus, sunt certi denique fines,

Quos ultra citraque nequit consistere rectum.

Illuc unde abii redeo, nemo ut avarus

Se probet ac potius laudet diversa sequentes,

Quodque aliena capella gerat distentius uber 110

Tabescat, neque se majori pauperiorum

Turbae comparet, hunc atque hunc superare laboret.

Sic festinanti semper locupletior obstat,

Ut, quum carceribus missos rapit ungula currus,

Instat equis auriga suos vincentibus, illum 115

Praeteritum temnens extremos inter euntem.

Inde fit ut raro qui se vixisse beatum

Dicat, et exacto contentus tempore vita

Cedat uti conviva satur, reperire queamus.

Jam satis est. Ne me Crispini scrinia lippi 120

Compilasse putes, verbum non amplius addam.

SATIRA II.

Ambubaiarum collegia, pharmacopolae,

Mendici, mimae, balatrones, hoc genus omne

Maestum ac sollicitum est cantoris morte Tigelli.

Quippe benignus erat. Contra hic, ne prodigus esse

Dicatur metuens, inopi dare nolit amico 5

Frigus quo duramque famem propellere possit.

Hunc si perconteris avi cur atque parentis

Praeclaram ingrata stringat malus ingluvie rem,

Omnia conductis coëmens obsonia nummis,

Sordidus atque animi quod parvi nolit haberi, 10

Respondet. Laudatur ab his, culpatur ab illis.

Fufidius vappae famam timet ac nebulonis,

Dives agris, dives positis in fenore nummis:

Quinas hic capiti mercedes exsecat atque

Quanto perditior quisque est tanto acrius urget; 15

Nomina sectatur modo sumpta veste virili

Sub patribus duris tironum. Maxime, quis non,

Juppiter! exclamat simul atque audivit? At in se

Pro quaestu sumptum facit hic. Vix credere possis

Quam sibi non sit amicus, ita ut pater ille Terenti 20

Fabula quem miserum gnato vixisse fugato

Inducit non se pejus cruciaverit atque hic.

Si quis nunc quaerat, Quo res haec pertinet? illuc:

Dum vitant stulti vitia in contraria currunt.

Maltinus tunicis demissis ambulat; est qui 25

Inguen ad obscoenum subductis usque facetus;

Pastillos Rufillus olet, Gargonius hircum.

Nil medium est. Sunt qui nolint tetigisse nisi illas

Quarum subsuta talos tegat instita veste;

Contra alius nullam nisi olenti in fornice stantem. 30

Quidam notus homo cum exiret fornice, "Macte

Virtute esto," inquit sententia dia Catonis.

Nam simul ac venas inflavit tetra libido

Huc juvenes aequum est descendere, non alienas

Permolere uxores. "Nolim laudarier," inquit, 35

"Sic me," mirator cunni Cupiennius albi.

Audire est operae pretium, procedere recte

Qui moechos non vultis, ut omni parte laborent;

Utque illis multo corrupta dolore voluptas,

Atque haec rara, cadat dura inter saepe pericla. 40

Hic se praecipitem tecto dedit; ille flagellis

Ad mortem caesus; fugiens hic decidit acrem

Praedonum in turbam; dedit hic pro corpore nummos;

Hunc perminxerunt calones; quin etiam illud

Accidit, ut quidam testes caudamque salacem 45

Demeteret ferro. Jure omnes; Galba negabat.

Tutior at quanto merx est in classe secunda,

Libertinarum dico, Sallustius in quas

Non minus insanit quam qui moechatur. At hic si

Qua res, qua ratio suaderet, quaque modeste 50

Munifico esse licet, vellet bonus atque benignus

Esse, daret quantum satis esset nec sibi damno

Dedecorique foret. Verum hoc se amplectitur uno,

Hoc amat et laudat: "Matronam nullam ego tango."

Ut quondam Marsaeus, amator Originis ille, 55

Qui patrium mimae donat fundumque laremque,

"Nil fuerit mi," inquit, "cum uxoribus unquam alienis."

Verum est cum mimis, est cum meretricibus, unde

Fama malum gravius quam res trahit. An tibi abunde

Personam satis est, non illud quidquid ubique 60

Officit evitare? Bonam deperdere famam,

Rem patris oblimare, malum est ubicunque. Quid inter

Est in matrona, ancilla, peccesne togata?

Villius in Fausta Sullae gener, hoc miser uno

Nomine deceptus, poenas dedit usque superque 65

Quam satis est, pugnis caesus ferroque petitus,

Exclusus fore cum Longarenus foret intus.

Huic si mutonis verbis mala tanta videntis

Diceret haec animus: "Quid vis tibi? numquid ego a te

Magno prognatum deposco consule cunnum 70

Velatumque stola mea cum conferbuit ira?"

Quid responderet? "Magno patre nata puella est."

At quanto meliora monet pugnantiaque istis

Dives opis natura suae, tu si modo recte

Dispensare velis ac non fugienda petendis 75

Immiscere. Tuo vitio rerumne labores,

Nil referre putas? Quare ne poeniteat te

Desine matronas sectarier, unde laboris

Plus haurire mali est quam ex re decerpere fructus.

Nec magis huic inter niveos viridesque lapillos 80

(Sit licet hoc, Cerinthe, tuum) tenerum est femur aut crus

Rectius, atque etiam melius persaepe togatae est.

Adde huc quod mercem sine fucis gestat, aperte

Quod venale habet ostendit, nec si quid honesti est

Jactat habetque palam, quaerit quo turpia celet. 85

Regibus hic mos est: ubi equos mercantur opertos

Inspiciunt, ne si facies ut saepe decora

Molli fulta pede est emptorem inducat hiantem,

Quod pulchrae clunes, breve quod caput, ardua cervix.

Hoc illi recte: ne corporis optima Lyncei 90

Contemplere oculis, Hypsaea caecior illa

Quae mala sunt spectes. O crus! o brachia! Verum

Depugis, nasuta, brevi latere ac pede longo est.

Matronae praeter faciem nil cernere possis,

Cetera, ni Catia est, demissa veste tegentis. 95

Si interdicta petes, vallo circumdata (nam te

Hoc facit insanum), multae tibi tum officient res,

Custodes, lectica, ciniflones, parasitae,

Ad talos stola demissa et circumdata palla,

Plurima quae invideant pure apparere tibi rem. 100

Altera nil obstat: Cois tibi paene videre est

Ut nudam, ne crure malo, ne sit pede turpi;

Metiri possis oculo latus. An tibi mavis

Insidias fieri pretiumque avellier ante

Quam mercem ostendi? "Leporem venator ut alta 105

In nive sectetur, positum sic tangere nolit,"

Cantat et apponit: "Meus est amor huic similis; nam

Transvolat in medio posita et fugientia captat."

Hiscine versiculis speras tibi posse dolores

Atque aestus curasque graves e pectore pelli? 110

Nonne cupidinibus statuat natura modum quem,

Quid latura sibi quid sit dolitura negatum,

Quaerere plus prodest et inane abscindere soldo?

Num tibi cum fauces urit sitis aurea quaeris

Pocula? num esuriens fastidis omnia praeter 115

Pavonem rhombumque? Tument tibi cum inguina, num si

Ancilla aut verna est praesto puer impetus in quem

Continuo fiat malis tentigine rumpi?

Non ego: namque parabilem amo venerem facilemque.

Illam, "Post paulo," "Sed pluris," "Si exierit vir," 120

Gallis, hanc Philodemus ait sibi quae neque magno

Stet pretio neque cunctetur cum est jussa venire.

Candida rectaque sit; munda hactenus ut neque longa

Nec magis alba velit quam dat natura videri.

Haec ubi supposuit dextro corpus mihi laevum 125

Ilia et Egeria est: do nomen quodlibet illi,

Nec vereor ne dum futuo vir rure recurrat,

Janua frangatur, latret canis, undique magno

Pulsa domus strepitu resonet, vepallida lecto

Desiliat mulier, miseram se conscia clamet, 130

Cruribus haec metuat, doti deprensa, egomet mî.

Discincta tunica fugiendum est ac pede nudo,

Ne nummi pereant aut puga aut denique fama.

Deprendi miserum est; Fabio vel judice vincam.

SATIRA III.

Omnibus hoc vitium est cantoribus, inter amicos

Ut nunquam inducant animum cantare rogati,

Injussi nunquam desistant. Sardus habebat

Ille Tigellius hoc: Caesar, qui cogere posset,

Si peteret per amicitiam patris atque suam non 5

Quidquam proficeret; si collibuisset ab ovo

Usque ad mala citaret, Io Bacche! modo summa

Voce, modo hac resonat quae chordis quattuor ima.

Nil aequale homini fuit illi; saepe velut qui

Currebat fugiens hostem, persaepe velut qui 10

Junonis sacra ferret; habebat saepe ducentos,

Saepe decem servos; modo reges atque tetrarchas,

Omnia magna loquens; modo, "Sit mihi mensa tripes et

Concha salis puri et toga quae defendere frigus

Quamvis crassa queat." Decies centena dedisses 15

Huic parco paucis contento, quinque diebus

Nil erat in loculis. Noctes vigilabat ad ipsum

Mane, diem totum stertebat; nil fuit unquam

Sic impar sibi.--Nunc aliquis dicat mihi: "Quid tu?

Nullane habes vitia?" Immo alia et fortasse minora. 20

Maenius absentem Novium cum carperet, "Heus tu,"

Quidam ait, "ignoras te, an ut ignotum dare nobis

Verba putas?" "Egomet mi ignosco," Maenius inquit.

Stultus et improbus hic amor est dignusque notari.

Cum tua pervideas oculis mala lippus inunctis, 25

Cur in amicorum vitiis tam cernis acutum

Quam aut aquila aut serpens Epidaurius? At tibi contra

Evenit, inquirant vitia ut tua rursus et illi.

Iracundior est paulo, minus aptus acutis

Naribus horum hominum; rideri possit eo quod 30

Rusticius tonso toga defluit et male laxus

In pede calceus haeret: at est bonus ut melior vir

Non alius quisquam, at tibi amicus, at ingenium ingens

Inculto latet hoc sub corpore. Denique te ipsum

Concute num qua tibi vitiorum inseverit olim 35

Natura, aut etiam consuetudo mala; namque

Neglectis urenda filix innascitur agris.

Illuc praevertamur, amatorem quod amicae

Turpia decipiunt caecum vitia, aut etiam ipsa haec

Delectant, veluti Balbinum polypus Hagnae. 40

Vellem in amicitia sic erraremus; et isti

Errori nomen virtus posuisset honestum.

At pater ut gnati sic nos debemus amici

Si quod sit vitium non fastidire: strabonem

Appellat paetum pater, et pullum male parvus 45

Si cui filius est, ut abortivus fuit olim

Sisyphus: hunc varum distortis cruribus; illum

Balbutit scaurum pravis fultum male talis.

Parcius hic vivit, frugi dicatur. Ineptus

Et jactantior hic paulo est, concinnus amicis 50

Postulat ut videatur. At est truculentior atque

Plus aequo liber, simplex fortisque habeatur;

Caldior est, acres inter numeretur. Opinor

Haec res et jungit junctos et servat amicos.

At nos virtutes ipsas invertimus, atque 55

Sincerum cupimus vas incrustare. Probus quis

Nobiscum vivit, multum demissus homo: illi

Tardo cognomen pingui damus. Hic fugit omnes

Insidias nullique malo latus obdit apertum,

Cum genus hoc inter vitae versetur ubi acris 60

Invidia atque vigent ubi crimina, pro bene sano

Ac non incauto fictum astutumque vocamus.

Simplicior quis et est, qualem me saepe libenter

Obtulerim tibi, Maecenas, ut forte legentem

Aut tacitum impellat quovis sermone molestus, 65

Communi sensu plane caret, inquimus. Eheu,

Quam temere in nosmet legem sancimus iniquam!

Nam vitiis nemo sine nascitur; optimus ille est

Qui minimis urgetur. Amicus dulcis ut aequum est

Cum mea compenset vitiis bona; pluribus hisce 70

(Si modo plura mihi bona sunt) inclinet, amari

Si volet: hac lege in trutina ponetur eadem.

Qui ne tuberibus propriis offendat amicum

Postulat ignoscet verrucis illius; aequum est

Peccatis veniam poscentem reddere rursus. 75

Denique, quatenus excidi penitus vitium irae

Cetera item nequeunt stultis haerentia, cur non

Ponderibus modulisque suis ratio utitur, ac res

Ut quaeque est ita suppliciis delicta coërcet?

Si quis eum servum patinam qui tollere jussus 80

Semesos pisces trepidumque ligurierit jus

In cruce suffigat, Labeone insanior inter

Sanos dicatur. Quanto hoc furiosius atque

Majus peccatum est: paullum deliquit amicus,

Quod nisi concedas habeare insuavis, acerbus: 85

Odisti et fugis ut Rusonem debitor aeris,

Qui nisi cum tristes misero venere Kalendae

Mercedem aut nummos unde unde extricat, amaras

Porrecto jugulo historias captivus ut audit.

Comminxit lectum potus mensave catillum 90

Evandri manibus tritum dejecit, ob hanc rem

Aut positum ante mea quia pullum in parte catini

Sustulit esuriens, minus hoc jucundus amicus

Sit mihi? Quid faciam si furtum fecerit, aut si

Prodiderit commissa fide sponsumve negarit? 95

Quis paria esse fere placuit peccata laborant

Cum ventum ad verum est; sensus moresque repugnant

Atque ipsa utilitas, justi prope mater et aequi.

Cum prorepserunt primis animalia terris,

Mutum et turpe pecus, glandem atque cubilia propter 100

Unguibus et pugnis, dein fustibus, atque ita porro

Pugnabant armis quae post fabricaverat usus,

Donec verba quibus voces sensusque notarent

Nominaque invenere; dehinc absistere bello,

Oppida coeperunt munire et ponere leges, 105

Ne quis fur esset, neu latro, neu quis adulter.

Nam fuit ante Helenam cunnus teterrima belli

Causa, sed ignotis perierunt mortibus illi,

Quos venerem incertam rapientes more ferarum

Viribus editior caedebat, ut in grege taurus. 110

Jura inventa metu injusti fateare necesse est,

Tempora si fastosque velis evolvere mundi.

Nec natura potest justo secernere iniquum,

Dividit ut bona diversis, fugienda petendis;

Nec vincet ratio hoc, tantundem ut peccet idemque 115

Qui teneros caules alieni fregerit horti

Et qui nocturnus sacra divum legerit. Adsit

Regula peccatis quae poenas irroget aequas,

Ne scutica dignum horribili sectere flagello.

Nam ut ferula caedas meritum majora subire 120

Verbera non vereor, cum dicas esse pares res

Furta latrociniis et magnis parva mineris

Falce recisurum simili te, si tibi regnum

Permittant homines. Si dives qui sapiens est,

Et sutor bonus et solus formosus et est rex, 125

Cur optas quod habes? Non nosti quid pater, inquit,

Chrysippus dicat: Sapiens crepidas sibi nunquam

Nec soleas fecit, sutor tamen est sapiens. Qui?

Ut quamvis tacet Hermogenes, cantor tamen atque

Optimus est modulator; ut Alfenius vafer, omni 130

Abjecto instrumento artis clausaque taberna,

Sutor erat, sapiens operis sic optimus omnis

Est opifex solus, sic rex. Vellunt tibi barbam

Lascivi pueri; quos tu nisi fuste coërces

Urgeris turba circum te stante miserque 135

Rumperis et latras, magnorum maxime regum.

Ne longum faciam: dum tu quadrante lavatum

Rex ibis neque te quisquam stipator ineptum

Praeter Crispinum sectabitur, et mihi dulces

Ignoscent si quid peccaro stultus amici, 140

Inque vicem illorum patiar delicta libenter,

Privatusque magis vivam te rege beatus.

SATIRA IV.

Eupolis atque Cratinus Aristophanesque poëtae,

Atque alii quorum comoedia prisca virorum est,

Si quis erat dignus describi quod malus ac fur,

Quod moechus foret aut sicarius aut alioqui

Famosus, multa cum libertate notabant. 5

Hinc omnis pendet Lucilius, hosce secutus

Mutatis tantum pedibus numerisque, facetus,

Emunctae naris, durus componere versus.

Nam fuit hoc vitiosus: in hora saepe ducentos

Ut magnum versus dictabat stans pede in uno. 10

Cum flueret lutulentus erat quod tollere velles;

Garrulus atque piger scribendi ferre laborem,

Scribendi recte: nam ut multum nil moror. Ecce,

Crispinus minimo me provocat: "Accipe, si vis

Accipiam tabulas; detur nobis locus, hora, 15

Custodes; videamus uter plus scribere possit."

"Di bene fecerunt inopis me quodque pusilli

Finxerunt animi, raro et perpauca loquentis.

At tu conclusas hircinis follibus auras,

Usque laborantes dum ferrum molliat ignis, 20

Ut mavis imitare." Beatus Fannius ultro

Delatis capsis et imagine; cum mea nemo

Scripta legat vulgo recitare timentis ob hanc rem,

Quod sunt quos genus hoc minime juvat, utpote plures

Culpari dignos. Quemvis media erue turba: 25

Aut ob avaritiam aut misera ambitione laborat.

Hic nuptarum insanit amoribus, hic puerorum;

Hunc capit argenti splendor; stupet Albius aere;

Hic mutat merces surgente a sole ad eum quo

Vespertina tepet regio, quin per mala praeceps 30

Fertur uti pulvis collectus turbine, ne quid

Summa deperdat metuens aut ampliet ut rem.

Omnes hi metuunt versus, odere poëtas.

"Foenum habet in cornu; longe fuge: dummodo risum

Excutiat sibi non hic cuiquam parcet amico; 35

Et quod cunque semel chartis illeverit omnes

Gestiet a furno redeuntes scire lacuque

Et pueros et anus." Agedum, pauca accipe contra.

Primum ego me illorum dederim quibus esse poëti

Excerpam numero: neque enim concludere versum 40

Dixeris esse satis; neque si qui scribat uti nos

Sermoni propiora: putes hunc esse poëtam.

Ingenium cui sit, cui mens divinior atque os

Magna sonaturum, des nominis hujus honorem.

Idcirco quidam comoedia necne poëma 45

Esset quaesivere, quod acer spiritus ac vis

Nec verbis nec rebus inest, nisi quod pede certo

Differt sermoni sermo merus. At pater ardens

Saevit, quod meretrice nepos insanus amica

Filius uxorem grandi cum dote recuset, 50

Ebrius et, magnum quod dedecus, ambulet ante

Noctem cum facibus. Numquid Pomponius istis

Audiret leviora, pater si viveret? Ergo

Non satis est puris versum perscribere verbis,

Quem si dissolvas, quivis stomachetur eodem 55

Quo personatus pacto pater. His ego quae nunc,

Olim quae scripsit Lucilius, eripias si

Tempora certa modosque, et quod prius ordine verbum est

Posterius facias, praeponens ultima primis,

Non ut si solvas "Postquam Discordia tetra 60

Belli ferratos postes portasque refregit"

Invenias etiam disjecti membra poëtae.

Hactenus haec: alias justum sit necne poëma,

Nunc illud tantum quaeram, meritone tibi sit

Suspectum genus hoc scribendi. Sulcius acer 65

Ambulat et Caprius rauci male cumque libellis,

Magnus uterque timor latronibus; at bene si quis

Et vivat puris manibus contemnat utrumque.

Ut sis tu similis Caeli Birrique latronum,

Non ego sum Capri neque Sulci: cur metuas me? 70

Nulla taberna meos habeat neque pila libellos,

Quis manus insudet volgi Hermogenisque Tigelli;

Nec recito cuiquam nisi amicis, idque coactus,

Non ubivis coramve quibuslibet. In medio qui

Scripta foro recitent sunt multi quique lavantes: 75

Suave locus voci resonat conclusus. Inanes

Hoc juvat, haud illud quaerentes, num sine sensu,

Tempore num faciant alieno. "Laedere gaudes,"

Inquit, "et hoc studio pravus facis." Unde petitum

Hoc in me jacis? Est auctor quis denique eorum 80

Vixi cum quibus? Absentem qui rodit amicum;

Qui non defendit alio culpante; solutos

Qui captat risus hominum famamque dicacis;

Fingere qui non visa potest; commissa tacere

Qui nequit; hic niger est, hunc tu, Romane, caveto. 85

Saepe tribus lectis videas coenare quaternos,

E quibus unus amet quavis adspergere cunctos

Praeter eum qui praebet aquam; post hunc quoque potus,

Condita cum verax aperit praecordia Liber.

Hic tibi comis et urbanus liberque videtur, 90

Infesto nigris. Ego si risi quod ineptus

Pastillos Rufillus olet, Gargonius hircum,

Lividus et mordax videor tibi? Mentio si qua

De Capitolini furtis injecta Petilli

Te coram fuerit, defendas ut tuus est mos: 95

"Me Capitolinus convictore usus amicoque

A puero est causaque mea permulta rogatus

Fecit, et incolumis laetor quod vivit in urbe;

Sed tamen admiror, quo pacto judicium illud

Fugerit." Hic nigrae succus loliginis, haec est 100

Aerugo mera. Quod vitium procul afore chartis

Atque animo prius, ut si quid promittere de me

Possum aliud vere, promitto. Liberius si

Dixero quid, si forte jocosius, hoc mihi juris

Cum venia dabis: insuevit pater optimus hoc me, 105

Ut fugerem exemplis vitiorum quaeque notando.

Cum me hortaretur, parce, frugaliter, atque

Viverem uti contentus eo quod mi ipse parasset:

"Nonne vides Albi ut male vivat filius, utque

Barrus inops? Magnum documentum ne patriam rem 110

Perdere quis velit." A turpi meretricis amore

Cum deterreret: "Scetani dissimilis sis."

Ne sequerer moechas concessa cum venere uti

Possem: "Deprensi non bella est fama Treboni,"

Aiebat. "Sapiens vitatu quidque petitu 115

Sit melius causas reddet tibi: mi satis est si

Traditum ab antiquis morem servare tuamque,

Dum custodis eges, vitam famamque tueri

Incolumem possum; simul ac duraverit aetas

Membra animumque tuum nabis sine cortice." Sic me 120

Formabat puerum dictis; et sive jubebat

Ut facerem quid: "Habes auctorem quo facias hoc;"

Unum ex judicibus selectis objiciebat;

Sive vetabat: "An hoc inhonestum et inutile factu

Necne sit addubites, flagret rumore malo cum 125

Hic atque ille? Avidos vicinum funus et aegros

Exanimat, mortisque metu sibi parcere cogit;

Sic teneros animos aliena opprobria saepe

Absterrent vitiis." Ex hoc ego sanus ab illis

Perniciem quaecunque ferunt, mediocribus et quis 130

Ignoscas vitiis teneor; fortassis et istinc

Largiter abstulerit longa aetas, liber amicus,

Consilium proprium; neque enim cum lectulus aut me

Porticus excepit desum mihi. "Rectius hoc est:

Hoc faciens vivam melius: Sic dulcis amicis 135

Occurram: Hoc quidam non belle: numquid ego illi

Imprudens olim faciam simile?" Haec ego mecum

Compressis agito labris; ubi quid datur oti

Illudo chartis. Hoc est mediocribus illis

Ex vitiis unum; cui si concedere nolis 140

Multa poëtarum veniat manus auxilio quae

Sit mihi (nam multo plures sumus), ac veluti te

Judaei cogemus in hanc concedere turbam.

SATIRA V.

Egressum magna me excepit Aricia Roma

Hospitio modico; rhetor comes Heliodorus,

Graecorum longe doctissimus; inde Forum Appi,

Differtum nautis cauponibus atque malignis.

Hoc iter ignavi divisimus, altius ac nos 5

Praecinctis unum; minus est gravis Appia tardis.

Hic ego propter aquam, quod erat deterrima, ventri

Indico bellum, coenantes haud animo aequo

Exspectans comites. Jam nox inducere terris

Umbras et caelo diffundere signa parabat; 10

Tum pueri nautis, pueris convicia nautae

Ingerere. Huc appelle! Trecentos inseris: ohe

Jam satis est! Dum aes exigitur, dum mula ligatur,

Tota abit hora. Mali culices ranaeque palustres

Avertunt somnos, absentem ut cantat amicam 15

Multa prolutus vappa nauta atque viator

Certatim. Tandem fessus dormire viator

Incipit, ac missae pastum retinacula mulae

Nauta piger saxo religat stertitque supinus.

Jamque dies aderat, nil cum procedere lintrem 20

Sentimus, donec cerebrosus prosilit unus

Ac mulae nautaeque caput lumbosque saligno

Fuste dolat: quarta vix demum exponimur hora.

Ora manusque tua lavimus, Feronia, lympha.

Milia tum pransi tria repimus atque subimus 25

Impositum saxis late candentibus Anxur.

Huc venturus erat Maecenas optimus atque

Cocceius, missi magnis de rebus uterque

Legati, aversos soliti componere amicos.

Hic oculis ego nigra meis collyria lippus 30

Illinere. Interea Maecenas advenit atque

Cocceius Capitoque simul Fonteius, ad unguem

Factus homo, Antoni non ut magis alter amicus.

Fundos Aufidio Lusco praetore libenter

Linquimus, insani ridentes praemia scribae, 35

Praetextam et latum clavum prunaeque batillum.

In Mamurrarum lassi deinde urbe manemus,

Murena praebente domum, Capitone culinam.

Postera lux oritur multo gratissima; namque

Plotius et Varius Sinuessae Virgiliusque 40

Occurrunt, animae quales neque candidiores

Terra tulit neque quis me sit devinctior alter.

O qui complexus et gaudia quanta fuerunt!

Nil ego contulerim jucundo sanus amico.

Proxima Campano ponti quae villula, tectum 45

Praebuit, et parochi quae debent ligna salemque.

Hinc muli Capuae clitellas tempore ponunt.

Lusum it Maecenas, dormitum ego Virgiliusque;

Namque pila lippis inimicum et ludere crudis.

Hinc nos Cocceii recipit plenissima villa 50

Quae super est Caudi cauponas. Nunc mihi paucis

Sarmenti scurrae pugnam Messique Cicirrhi,

Musa, velim memores, et quo patre natus uterque

Contulerit lites. Messi clarum genus Osci;

Sarmenti domina exstat: ab his majoribus orti 55

Ad pugnam venere. Prior Sarmentus: "Equi te

Esse feri similem dico." Ridemus, et ipse

Messius "Accipio," caput et movet. "O, tua cornu

Ni foret exsecto frons," inquit, "quid faceres, cum

Sic mutilus miniteris?" At illi foeda cicatrix 60

Setosam laevi frontem turpaverat oris.

Campanum in morbum, in faciem permulta jocatus,

Pastorem saltaret uti Cyclopa rogabat:

Nil illi larva aut tragicis opus esse cothurnis.

Multa Cicirrhus ad haec: donasset jamne catenam 65

Ex voto Laribus, quaerebat; scriba quod esset,

Nihilo deterius dominae jus esse. Rogabat

Denique cur unquam fugisset, cui satis una

Farris libra foret gracili sic tamque pusillo.

Prorsus jucunde coenam produximus illam. 70

Tendimus hinc recta Beneventum, ubi sedulus hospes

Paene macros arsit dum turdos versat in igni:

Nam vaga per veterem dilapso flamma culinam

Vulcano summum properabat lambere tectum.

Convivas avidos coenam servosque timentes 75

Tum rapere, atque omnes restinguere velle videres.

Incipit ex illo montes Apulia notos

Ostentare mihi, quos torret Atabulus et quos

Nunquam erepsemus nisi nos vicina Trivici

Villa recepisset, lacrimoso non sine fumo, 80

Udos cum foliis ramos urente camino.

Hic ego mendacem stultissimus usque puellam

Ad mediam noctem exspecto; somnus tamen aufert

Intentum veneri; tum immundo somnia visu

Nocturnam vestem maculant ventremque supinum 85

Quattuor hinc rapimur viginti et milia rhedis,

Mansuri oppidulo quod versu dicere non est,

Signis perfacile est: venit vilissima rerum

Hic aqua; sed panis longe pulcherrimus, ultra

Callidus ut soleat humeris portare viator; 90

Nam Canusi lapidosus, aquae non ditior urna

Qui locus a forti Diomede est conditus olim.

Flentibus hinc Varius discedit maestus amicis.

Inde Rubos fessi pervenimus utpote longum

Carpentes iter et factum corruptius imbri. 95

Postera tempestas melior, via pejor ad usque

Bari moenia piscosi; dein Gnatia lymphis

Iratis exstructa dedit risusque jocosque,

Dum flamma sine thura liquescere limine sacro,

Persuadere cupit. Credat Judaeus Apella, 100

Non ego; namque deos didici securum agere aevum,

Nec si quid miri faciat natura deos id

Tristes ex alto caeli demittere tecto.

Brundisium longae finis chartaeque viaeque est.

SATIRA VI.

Non quia, Maecenas, Lydorum quidquid Etruscos

Incoluit fines nemo generosior est te,

Nec quod avus tibi maternus fuit atque paternus

Olim qui magnis legionibus imperitarent,

Ut plerique solent, naso suspendis adunco 5

Ignotos, ut me libertino patre natum.

Cum referre negas quali sit quisque parente

Natus dum ingenuus, persuades hoc tibi vere,

Ante potestatem Tulli atque ignobile regnum

Multos saepe viros nullis majoribus ortos 10

Et vixisse probos amplis et honoribus auctos;

Contra Laevinum, Valeri genus unde superbus

Tarquinius regno pulsus fugit, unius assis

Non unquam pretio pluris licuisse, notante

Judice quo nosti populo, qui stultus honores 15

Saepe dat indignis et famae servit ineptus,

Qui stupet in titulis et imaginibus. Quid oportet

Nos facere a volgo longe longeque remotos?

Namque esto populus Laevino mallet honorem

Quam Decio mandare novo, censorque moveret 20

Appius ingenuo si non essem patre natus:

Vel merito quoniam in propria non pelle quiessem.

Sed fulgente trahit constrictos Gloria curru

Non minus ignotos generosis. Quo tibi, Tilli,

Sumere depositum clavum fierique tribuno? 25

Invidia accrevit privato quae minor esset.

Nam ut quisque insanus nigris medium impediit crus

Pellibus et latum demisit pectore clavum,

Audit continuo: "Quis homo hic est? quo patre natus?"

Ut si qui aegrotet quo morbo Barrus, haberi 30

Ut cupiat formosus, eat quacunque puellis

Injiciat curam quaerendi singula, quali

Sit facie, sura, quali pede, dente, capillo:

Sic qui promittit cives, urbem sibi curae,

Imperium fore et Italiam, delubra deorum, 35

Quo patre sit natus, num ignota matre inhonestus,

Omnes mortales curare quaerere cogit.

"Tune Syri, Damae aut Dionysi filius, audes

Dejicere e saxo cives aut tradere Cadmo?"

"At Novius collega gradu post me sedet uno; 40

Namque est ille pater quod erat meus." "Hoc tibi Paullus

Et Messalla videris? At hic, si plostra ducenta

Concurrantque foro tria funera magna, sonabit

Cornua quod vincatque tubas; saltem tenet hoc nos."

Nunc ad me redeo libertino patre natum, 45

Quem rodunt omnes libertino patre natum,

Nunc, quia sum tibi, Maecenas, convictor; at olim,

Quod mihi pareret legio Romana tribuno.

Dissimile hoc illi est; quia non ut forsit honorem

Jure mihi invideat quivis ita te quoque amicum, 50

Praesertim cautum dignos assumere prava

Ambitione procul. Felicem dicere non hoc

Me possum casu quod te sortitus amicum;

Nulla etenim mihi te fors obtulit: optimus olim

Virgilius, post hunc Varius dixere quid essem. 55

Ut veni coram singultim pauca locutus,

Infans namque pudor prohibebat plura profari,

Non ego me claro natum patre, non ego circum

Me Satureiano vectari rura caballo,

Sed quod eram narro. Respondes ut tuus est mos 60

Pauca: abeo; et revocas nono post mense jubesque

Esse in amicorum numero. Magnum hoc ego duco

Quod placui tibi qui turpi secernis honestum,

Non patre praeclaro sed vita et pectore puro.

Atqui si vitiis mediocribus ac mea paucis 65

Mendosa est natura alioqui recta, velut si

Egregio inspersos reprehendas corpore naevos;

Si neque avaritiam neque sordes aut mala lustra

Objiciet vere quisquam mihi, purus et insons

(Ut me collaudem) si et vivo carus amicis; 70

Causa fuit pater his, qui macro pauper agello

Noluit in Flavi ludum me mittere, magni

Quo pueri magnis e centurionibus orti,

Laevo suspensi loculos tabulamque lacerto,

Ibant octonis referentes Idibus aera; 75

Sed puerum est ausus Romam portare docendum

Artes quas doceat quivis eques atque senator

Semet prognatos. Vestem servosque sequentes,

In magno ut populo, si quis vidisset, avita

Ex re praeberi sumptus mihi crederet illos. 80

Ipse mihi custos incorruptissimus omnes

Circum doctores aderat. Quid multa? Pudicum,

Qui primus virtutis honos, servavit ab omni

Non solum facto verum opprobrio quoque turpi;

Nec timuit sibi ne vitio quis verteret olim, 85

Si praeco parvas aut, ut fuit ipse, coactor

Mercedes sequerer; neque ego essem questus: at hoc nunc

Laus illi debetur et a me gratia major.

Nil me poeniteat sanum patris hujus, eoque

Non, ut magna dolo factum negat esse suo pars 90

Quod non ingenuos habeat clarosque parentes,

Sic me defendam. Longe mea discrepat istis

Et vox et ratio: nam si natura juberet

A certis annis aevum remeare peractum

Atque alios legere ad fastum quoscunque parentes 95

Optaret sibi quisque, meis contentus honestos

Fascibus et sellis nollem mihi sumere, demens

Judicio volgi, sanus fortasse tuo, quod

Nollem onus haud unquam solitus portare molestum.

Nam mihi continuo major quaerenda foret res 100

Atque salutandi plures, ducendus et unus

Et comes alter uti ne solus rusve peregreve

Exirem; plures calones atque caballi

Pascendi, ducenda petorrita. Nunc mihi curto

Ire licet mulo vel si libet usque Tarentum, 105

Mantica cui lumbos onere ulceret atque eques armos:

Objiciet nemo sordes mihi quas tibi, Tilli,

Cum Tiburte via praetorem quinque sequuntur

Te pueri lasanum portantes oenophorumque.

Hoc ego commodius quam tu, praeclare senator, 110

Millibus atque aliis vivo. Quacunque libido est,

Incedo solus, percontor quanti olus ac far;

Fallacem Circum vespertinumque pererro

Saepe Forum; adsisto divinis; inde domum me

Ad porri et ciceris refero laganique catinum; 115

Coena ministratur pueris tribus, et lapis albus

Pocula cum cyatho duo sustinet; adstat echinus

Vilis, cum patera guttus, Campana supellex.

Deinde eo dormitum, non sollicitus mihi quod cras

Surgendum sit mane, obeundus Marsya, qui se 120

Voltum ferre negat Noviorum posse minoris.

Ad quartam jaceo; post hanc vagor; aut ego, lecto

Aut scripto quod me tacitum juvet, ungor olivo,

Non quo fraudatis immundus Natta lucernis.

Ast ubi me fessum sol acrior ire lavatum 125

Admonuit fugio Campum lusumque trigonem.

Pransus non avide, quantum interpellet inani

Ventre diem durare, domesticus otior. Haec est

Vita solutorum misera ambitione gravique;

His me consolor victurum suavius ac si 130

Quaestor avus, pater atque meus patruusque fuisset.

SATIRA VII.

Proscripti Regis Rupili pus atque venenum

Hybrida quo pacto sit Persius ultus, opinor

Omnibus et lippis notum et tonsoribus esse.

Persius his permagna negotia dives habebat

Clazomenis, etiam lites cum Rege molestas, 5

Durus homo atque odio qui posset vincere Regem,

Confidens tumidusque, adeo sermonis amari

Sisennas Barros ut equis praecurreret albis.

Ad Regem redeo. Postquam nihil inter utrumque

Convenit, (hoc etenim sunt omnes jure molesti 10

Quo fortes quibus adversum bellum incidit: inter

Hectora Priamiden animosum atque inter Achillem

Ira fuit capitalis ut ultima divideret mors,

Non aliam ob causam nisi quod virtus in utroque

Summa fuit; duo si discordia vexet inertes 15

Aut si disparibus bellum incidat, ut Diomedi

Cum Lycio Glauco, discedat pigrior ultro

Muneribus missis:) Bruto praetore tenente

Ditem Asiam Rupili et Persi par pugnat, uti non

Compositum melius cum Bitho Bacchius. In jus 20

Acres procurrunt, magnum spectaculum uterque.

Persius exponit causam; ridetur ab omni

Conventu; laudat Brutum laudatque cohortem:

Solem Asiae Brutum appellat, stellasque salubres

Appellat comites excepto Rege: canem illum, 25

Invisum agricolis sidus venisse; Ruebat

Flumen ut hibernum fertur quo rara securis.

Tum Praenestinus salso multoque fluenti

Expressa arbusto regerit convicia, durus

Vindemiator et invictus, cui saepe viator 30

Cessisset magna compellans voce cucullum.

At Graecus, postquam est Italo perfusus aceto,

Persius exclamat: Per magnos, Brute, deos te

Oro qui reges consueris tollere, cur non

Hunc Regem jugulas? Operum hoc, mihi crede, tuorum est.

SATIRA VIII.

Olim truncus eram ficulnus, inutile lignum,

Cum faber, incertus scamnum faceretne Priapum,

Maluit esse deum. Deus inde ego furum aviumque

Maxima formido: nam fures dextra coërcet

Obscoenoque ruber porrectus ab inguine palus; 5

Ast importunas volucres in vertice arundo

Terret fixa vetatque novis considere in hortis.

Huc prius angustis ejecta cadavera cellis

Conservus vili portanda locabat in arca.

Hoc miserae plebi stabat commune sepulcrum, 10

Pantolabo scurrae Nomentanoque nepoti:

Mille pedes in fronte, trecentos cippus in agrum

Hic dabat: Heredes monumentum ne sequeretur.

Nunc licet Esquiliis habitare salubribus atque

Aggere in aprico spatiari, quo modo tristes 15

Albis informem spectabant ossibus agrum;

Cum mihi non tantum furesque feraeque, suëtae

Hunc vexare locum curae sunt atque labori,

Quantum carminibus quae versant atque venenis

Humanos animos. Has nullo perdere possum 20

Nec prohibere modo, simul ac vaga luna decorum

Protulit os, quin ossa legant herbasque nocentes.

Vidi egomet nigra succinctam vadere palla

Canidiam pedibus nudis passoque capillo,

Cum Sagana majore ululantem; pallor utrasque 25

Fecerat horrendas adspectu. Scalpere terram

Unguibus et pullam divellere mordicus agnam

Coeperunt; cruor in fossam confusus, ut inde

Manes elicerent, animas responsa daturas.

Lanea et effigies erat, altera cerea: major 30

Lanea, quae poenis compesceret inferiorem;

Cerea suppliciter stabat servilibus, ut quae

Jam peritura modis. Hecaten vocat altera, saevam

Altera Tisiphonen: serpentes atque videres

Infernas errare canes, Lunamque rubentem 35

Ne foret his testis post magna latere sepulcra.

Mentior at si quid merdis caput inquiner albis

Corvorum, atque in me veniat mictum atque cacatum

Julius et fragilis Pediatia furque Voranus.

Singula quid memorem? quo pacto alterna loquentes 40

Umbrae cum Sagana resonarent triste et acutum,

Utque lupi barbam variae cum dente colubrae

Abdiderint furtim terris et imagine cerea

Largior arserit ignis, et ut non testis inultus

Horruerim voces Furiarum et facta duarum. 45

Nam displosa sonat quantum vesica pepedi

Diffissa nate ficus; at illae currere in urbem.

Canidiae dentes, altum Saganae caliendrum

Excidere atque herbas atque incantata lacertis

Vincula cum magno risuque jocoque videres. 50

SATIRA IX.

Ibam forte via Sacra, sicut meus est mos,

Nescio quid meditans nugarum, totus in illis:

Accurrit quidam notus mihi nomine tantum,

Arreptaque manu, "Quid agis, dulcissime rerum?"

"Suaviter ut nunc est," inquam, "et cupio omnia quae vis." 5

Cum assectaretur: "Num quid vis?" occupo. At ille,

"Noris nos," inquit; "docti sumus." Hic ego, "Pluris

Hoc," inquam, "mihi eris." Misere discedere quaerens

Ire modo ocius, interdum consistere, in aurem

Dicere nescio quid puero, cum sudor ad imos 10

Manaret talos. O te, Bolane, cerebri

Felicem! aiebam tacitus; cum quidlibet ille

Garriret, vicos, urbem laudaret. Ut illi

Nil respondebam, "Misere cupis," inquit, "abire;

Jamdudum video; sed nil agis; usque tenebo; 15

Persequar: hinc quo nunc iter est tibi?" "Nil opus est te

Circumagi; quendam volo visere non tibi notum;

Trans Tiberim longe cubat is prope Caesaris hortos."

"Nil habeo quod agam et non sum piger; usque sequar te."

Demitto auriculas ut iniquae mentis asellus, 20

Cum gravius dorso subiit onus. Incipit ille:

"Si bene me novi non Viscum pluris amicum,

Non Varium facies; nam quis me scribere plures

Aut citius possit versus? quis membra movere

Mollius? Invideat quod et Hermogenes ego canto." 25

Interpellandi locus hic erat: "Est tibi mater,

Cognati, quis te salvo est opus?"--"Haud mihi quisquam.

Omnes composui."--Felices! nunc ego resto.

Confice; namque instat fatum mihi triste Sabella

Quod puero cecinit divina mota anus urna: 30

Hunc neque dira venena nec hosticus auferet ensis

Nec laterum dolor aut tussis nec tarda podagra:

Garrulus hunc quando consumet cunque; loquaces

Si sapiat vitet simul atque adoleverit aetas.

Ventum erat ad Vestae, quarta jam parte diei 35

Praeterita, et casu tunc respondere vadato

Debebat, quod ni fecisset perdere litem.

"Si me amas," inquit, "paulum hic ades." "Inteream si

Aut valeo stare aut novi civilia jura;

Et propero quo scis." "Dubius sum quid faciam," inquit, 40

"Tene relinquam an rem." "Me sodes." "Non faciam" ille;

Et praecedere coepit. Ego ut contendere durum est

Cum victore sequor. "Maecenas quomodo tecum?"

Hinc repetit; "paucorum hominum et mentis bene sanae;

Nemo dexterius fortuna est usus. Haberes 45

Magnum adjutorem posset qui ferre secundas,

Hunc hominem velles si tradere; dispeream ni

Submosses omnes." "Non isto vivimus illic

Quo tu rere modo; domus hac nec purior ulla est

Nec magis his aliena malis; nil mi officit unquam, 50

Ditior hic aut est quia doctior; est locus uni

Cuique suus." "Magnum narras, vix credibile!" "Atqui

Sic habet." "Accendis, quare cupiam magis illi

Proximus esse." "Velis tantummodo: quae tua virtus,

Expugnabis; et est qui vinci possit, eoque 55

Difficiles aditus primos habet." "Haud mihi deero:

Muneribus servos corrumpam; non hodie si

Exclusus fuero desistam; tempora quaeram,

Occurram in triviis, deducam. Nil sine magno

Vita labore dedit mortalibus." Haec dum agit, ecce 60

Fuscus Aristius occurrit, mihi carus et illum

Qui pulchre nosset. Consistimus. Unde venis? et

Quo tendis? rogat et respondet. Vellere coepi

Et prensare manu lentissima brachia, nutans,

Distorquens oculos, ut me eriperet. Male salsus 65

Ridens dissimulare: meum jecur urere bilis.

"Certe nescio quid secreto velle loqui te

Aiebas mecum." "Memini bene, sed meliore

Tempore dicam; hodie tricesima sabbata: vin tu

Curtis Judaeis oppedere?" "Nulla mihi, inquam, 70

Religio est." "At mi; sum paulo infirmior, unus

Multorum; ignosces; alias loquar." Huncine solem

Tam nigrum surrexe mihi! Fugit improbus ac me

Sub cultro linquit. Casu venit obvius illi

Adversarius et: "Quo tu turpissime?" magna 75

Inclamat voce; et "Licet antestari?" Ego vero

Oppono auriculam. Rapit in jus; clamor utrinque;

Undique concursus. Sic me servavit Apollo.

SATIRA X.

Nempe incomposito dixi pede currere versus

Lucili. Quis tam Lucili fautor inepte est

Ut non hoc fateatur? At idem quod sale multo

Urbem defricuit charta laudatur eadem.

Nec tamen hoc tribuens dederim quoque cetera; nam sic 5

Et Laberi mimos ut pulchra poëmata mirer.

Ergo non satis est risu diducere rictum

Auditoris (et est quaedam tamen hic quoque virtus).

Est brevitate opus, ut currat sententia neu se

Impediat verbis lassas onerantibus aures; 10

Et sermone opus est modo tristi saepe jocoso,

Defendente vicem modo rhetoris atque poëtae,

Interdum urbani, parcentis viribus atque

Extenuantis eas consulto. Ridiculum acri

Fortius et melius magnas plerumque secat res. 15

Illi scripta quibus comoedia prisca viris est

Hoc stabant, hoc sunt imitandi; quos neque pulcher

Hermogenes unquam legit neque simius iste

Nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum.

"At magnum fecit quod verbis Graeca Latinis 20

Miscuit." O seri studiorum! quine putetis

Difficile et mirum Rhodio quod Pitholeonti

Contigit? "At sermo lingua concinnus utraque

Suavior, ut Chio nota si commixta Falerni est."

Cum versus facias, te ipsum percontor, an et cum 25

Dura tibi peragenda rei sit causa Petilli?

Scilicet oblitus patriaeque patrisque, Latine

Cum Pedius causas exsudet Poplicola atque

Corvinus, patriis intermiscere petita

Verba foris malis, Canusini more bilinguis? 30

Atque ego cum Graecos facerem natus mare citra

Versiculos, vetuit me tali voce Quirinus,

Post mediam noctem visus cum somnia vera:

"In silvam non ligna feras insanius ac si

Magnas Graecorum malis implere catervas." 35

Turgidus Alpinus jugulat dum Memnona, dumque

Defingit Rheni luteum caput, haec ego ludo,

Quae neque in aede sonent certantia judice Tarpa,

Nec redeant iterum atque iterum spectanda theatris.

Arguta meretrice potes Davoque Chremeta 40

Eludente senem comis garrire libellos

Unus vivorum, Fundani; Pollio regum

Facta canit pede ter percusso; forte epos acer

Ut nemo Varius ducit; molle atque facetum

Virgilio annuerunt gaudentes rure Camenae. 45

Hoc erat, experto frustra Varrone Atacino

Atque quibusdam aliis, melius quod scribere possem,

Inventore minor; neque ego illi detrahere ausim

Haerentem capiti cum multa laude coronam.

At dixi fluere hunc lutulentum, saepe ferentem 50

Plura quidem tollenda relinquendis. Age, quaeso,

Tu nihil in magno doctus reprehendis Homero?

Nil comis tragici mutat Lucilius Acci?

Non ridet versus Enni gravitate minores,

Cum de se loquitur non ut majore reprensis? 55

Quid vetat et nosmet Lucili scripta legentes

Quaerere, num illius, num rerum dura negarit

Versiculos natura magis factos et euntes

Mollius ac si quis pedibus quid claudere senis,

Hoc tantum contentus, amet scripsisse ducentos 60

Ante cibum versus, totidem coenatus; Etrusci

Quale fuit Cassi rapido ferventius amni

Ingenium, capsis quem fama est esse librisque

Ambustum propriis? Fuerit Lucilius, inquam,

Comis et urbanus, fuerit limatior idem 65

Quam rudis et Graecis intacti carminis auctor,

Quamque poëtarum seniorum turba; sed ille,

Si foret hoc nostrum fato dilatus in aevum,

Detereret sibi multa, recideret omne quod ultra

Perfectum traheretur, et in versu faciendo 70

Saepe caput scaberet vivos et roderet ungues.

Saepe stilum vertas iterum quae digna legi sint

Scripturus, neque te ut miretur turba labores,

Contentus paucis lectoribus. An tua demens

Vilibus in ludis dictari carmina malis? 75

Non ego: nam satis est equitem mihi plaudere, ut audax

Contemtis aliis explosa Arbuscula dixit.

Men' moveat cimex Pantilius, aut cruciet quod

Vellicet absentem Demetrius, aut quod ineptus

Fannius Hermogenis laedat conviva Tigelli? 80

Plotius et Varius, Maecenas Virgiliusque,

Valgius et probet haec Octavius optimus atque

Fuscus, et haec utinam Viscorum laudet uterque!

Ambitione relegata te dicere possum,

Pollio, te, Messala, tuo cum fratre, simulque 85

Vos, Bibuli et Servi, simul his te, candide Furni,

Complures alios, doctos ego quos et amicos

Prudens praetereo; quibus haec, sint qualiacunque,

Arridere velim, doliturus si placeant spe

Deterius nostra. Demetri, teque, Tigelli, 90

Discipularum inter jubeo plorare cathedras.

I, puer, atque meo citus haec subscribe libello.

SATIRARUM LIBER SECUNDUS.

SATIRA I.

"Sunt quibus in satira videor nimis acer et ultra

Legem tendere opus; sine nervis altera quidquid

Composui pars esse putat, similesque meorum

Mille die versus deduci posse. Trebati,

Quid faciam praescribe." "Quiescas." "Ne faciam, inquis, 5

Omnino versus?" "Aio." "Peream male si non

Optimum erat: verum nequeo dormire." "Ter uncti

Transnanto Tiberim somno quibus est opus alto,

Irriguumque mero sub noctem corpus habento.

Aut si tantus amor scribendi te rapit aude 10

Caesaris invicti res dicere, multa laborum

Praemia laturus." "Cupidum, pater optime, vires

Deficiunt: neque enim quivis horrentia pilis

Agmina nec fracta pereuntes cuspide Gallos

Aut labentis equo describat vulnera Parthi." 15

"Attamen et justum poteras et scribere fortem,

Scipiadem ut sapiens Lucilius." "Haud mihi deero

Cum res ipsa feret. Nisi dextro tempore Flacci

Verba per attentam non ibunt Caesaris aurem,

Cui male si palpere recalcitrat undique tutus." 20

"Quanto rectius hoc quam tristi laedere versu

_Pantolabum scurram Nomentanumque nepotem_,

Cum sibi quisque timet, quamquam est intactus, et odit!"

"Quid faciam? Saltat Milonius, ut semel icto

Accessit fervor capiti, numerusque lucernis. 25

Castor gaudet equis, ovo prognatus eodem

Pugnis; quot capitum vivunt, totidem studiorum

Millia: me pedibus delectat claudere verba

Lucili ritu nostrûm melioris utroque.

Ille velut fidis arcana sodalibus olim 30

Credebat libris, neque si male cesserat unquam

Decurrens alio, neque si bene; quo fit ut omnis

Votiva pateat veluti descripta tabella

Vita senis. Sequor hunc, Lucanus an Apulus anceps:

Nam Venusinus arat finem sub utrumque colonus, 35

Missus ad hoc pulsis, vetus est ut fama, Sabellis,

Quo ne per vacuum Romano incurreret hostis,

Sive quod Apula gens seu quod Lucania bellum

Incuteret violenta. Sed hic stilus haud petet ultro

Quemquam animantem et me veluti custodiet ensis 40

Vagina tectus; quem cur distringere coner

Tutus ab infestis latronibus? O pater et rex

Juppiter, ut pereat positum rubigine telum,

Nec quisquam noceat cupido mihi pacis! At ille

Qui me commorit,--melius non tangere! clamo; 45

Flebit et insignis tota cantabitur urbe.

Cervius iratus leges minitatur et urnam,

Canidia Albuti quibus est inimica venenum,

Grande malum Turius, si quid se judice certes.

Ut quo quisque valet suspectos terreat, utque 50

Imperet hoc natura potens, sic collige mecum:

Dente lupus, cornu taurus petit: unde nisi intus

Monstratum? Scaevae vivacem crede nepoti

Matrem; nil faciet sceleris pia dextera: mirum,

Ut neque calce lupus quemquam neque dente petit bos; 55

Sed mala tollet anum vitiato melle cicuta.

Ne longum faciam: seu me tranquilla senectus

Exspectat seu Mors atris circumvolat alis,

Dives, inops, Romae, seu fors ita jusserit, exsul,

Quisquis erit vitae scribam color." "O puer, ut sis 60

Vitalis metuo et majorum ne quis amicus

Frigore te feriat." "Quid, cum est Lucilius ausus

Primus in hunc operis componere carmina morem,

Detrahere et pellem, nitidus qua quisque per ora

Cederet, introrsum turpis, num Laelius aut qui 65

Duxit ab oppressa meritum Karthagine nomen,

Ingenio offensi aut laeso doluere Metello

Famosisque Lupo cooperto versibus? Atqui

Primores populi arripuit populumque tributim,

Scilicet uni aequus virtuti atque ejus amicis. 70

Quin ubi se a volgo et scena in secreta remorant

Virtus Scipiadae et mitis sapientia Laeli,

Nugari cum illo et discincti ludere donec

Decoqueretur olus soliti. Quidquid sum ego, quamvis

Infra Lucili censum ingeniumque, tamen me 75

Cum magnis vixisse invita fatebitur usque

Invidia, et fragili quaerens illidere dentem

Offendet solido; nisi quid tu, docte Trebati,

Dissentis." "Equidem nihil hinc diffindere possum.

Sed tamen ut monitus caveas, ne forte negoti 80

Incutiat tibi quid sanctarum inscitia legum:

Si mala condiderit in quem quis carmina, jus est

Judiciumque." "Esto, si quis mala; sed bona si quis

Judice condiderit laudatus Caesare? si quis

Opprobriis dignum latraverit, integer ipse?" 85

"Solventur risu tabulae, tu missus abibis."

SATIRA II.

Quae virtus et quanta, boni, sit vivere parvo,

Nec meus hic sermo est, sed quae praecepit Ofella

Rusticus abnormis sapiens crassaque Minerva,

Discite, non inter lances mensasque nitentes

Cum stupet insanis acies fulgoribus et cum 5

Acclinis falsis animus meliora recusat,

Verum hic impransi mecum disquirite. Cur hoc?

Dicam si potero. Male verum examinat omnis

Corruptus judex. Leporem sectatus equove

Lassus ab indomito, vel si Romana fatigat 10

Militia assuetum graecari, seu pila velox

Molliter austerum studio fallente laborem,

Seu te discus agit, pete cedentem aëra disco;

Cum labor extuderit fastidia, siccus, inanis

Sperne cibum vilem; nisi Hymettia mella Falerno 15

Ne biberis diluta. Foris est promus et atrum

Defendens pisces hiemat mare: cum sale panis

Latrantem stomachum bene leniet. Unde putas aut

Qui partum? Non in caro nidore voluptas

Summa sed in te ipso est. Tu pulmentaria quaere 20

Sudando; pinguem vitiis albumque neque ostrea

Nec scarus aut poterit peregrina juvare lagois.

Vix tamen eripiam posito pavone velis quin

Hoc potius quam gallina tergere palatum,

Corruptus vanis rerum, quia veneat auro 25

Rara avis et picta pandat spectacula cauda;

Tamquam ad rem attineat quidquam. Num vesceris ista

Quam laudas pluma? Cocto num adest honor idem?

Carne tamen quamvis distat nil, hac magis illam

Imparibus formis deceptum te petere! Esto: 30

Unde datum sentis lupus hic Tiberinus an alto

Captus hiet, pontesne inter jactatus an amnis

Ostia sub Tusci? Laudas, insane, trilibrem

Mullum in singula quem minuas pulmenta necesse est.

Ducit te species video: quo pertinet ergo 35

Proceros odisse lupos? Quia scilicet illis

Majorem natura modum dedit, his breve pondus.

Jejunus raro stomachus volgaria temnit.

"Porrectum magno magnum spectare catino

Vellem," ait Harpyiis gula digna rapacibus. At vos, 40

Praesentes Austri, coquite horum obsonia,--quamquam

Putet aper rhombusque recens, mala copia quando

Aegrum sollicitat stomachum, cum rapula plenus

Atque acidas mavolt inulas. Necdum omnis abacta

Pauperies epulis regum; nam vilibus ovis 45

Nigrisque est oleis hodie locus. Haud ita pridem

Galloni praeconis erat acipensere mensa

Infamis. Quid, tunc rhombos minus aequora alebant?

Tutus erat rhombus tutoque ciconia nido

Donec vos auctor docuit praetorius. Ergo 50

Si quis nunc mergos suaves edixerit assos,

Parebit pravi docilis Romana juventus.

Sordidus a tenui victu distabit, Ofella

Judice: nam frustra vitium vitaveris illud

Si te alio pravum detorseris. Avidienus, 55

Cui Canis ex vero dictum cognomen adhaeret,

Quinquennes oleas est et silvestria corna,

Ac nisi mutatum parcit defundere vinum, et,

Cujus odorem olei nequeas perferre, licebit

Ille repotia natales aliosve dierum 60

Festos albatus celebret, cornu ipse bilibri

Caulibus instillat, veteris non parcus aceti.

Quali igitur victu sapiens utetur, et horum

Utrum imitabitur? Hac urget lupus, hac canis, aiunt.

Mundus erit qua non offendat sordibus, atque 65

In neutram partem cultus miser. Hic neque servis,

Albuti senis exemplo, dum munia didit

Saevus erit; nec sic ut simplex Naevius unctam

Convivis praebebit aquam: vitium hoc quoque magnum.

Accipe nunc victus tenuis quae quantaque secum 70

Afferat. In primis valeas bene: nam variae res

Ut noceant homini credas memor illius escae

Quae simplex olim tibi sederit; at simul assis

Miscueris elixa, simul conchylia turdis,

Dulcia se in bilem vertent stomachoque tumultum 75

Lenta feret pituita. Vides, ut pallidus omnis

Coena desurgat dubia? Quin corpus onustum

Hesternis vitiis animum quoque praegravat una,

Atque affigit humo divinae particulam aurae.

Alter ubi dicto citius curata sopori 80

Membra dedit vegetus praescripta ad munia surgit.

Hic tamen ad melius poterit transcurrere quondam,

Sive diem festum rediens advexerit annus,

Seu recreare volet tenuatum corpus, ubique

Accedent anni et tractari mollius aetas 85

Imbecilla volet; tibi quidnam accedet ad istam

Quam puer et validus praesumis mollitiem, seu

Dura valetudo inciderit seu tarda senectus?

Rancidum aprum antiqui laudabant, non quia nasus

Illis nullus erat sed credo hac mente, quod hospes 90

Tardius adveniens vitiatum commodius quam

Integrum edax dominus consumeret. Hos utinam inter

Heroas natum tellus me prima tulisset!

Das aliquid famae quae carmine gratior aurem

Occupet humanam: grandes rhombi patinaeque 95

Grande ferunt una cum damno dedecus; adde

Iratum patruum, vicinos, te tibi iniquum,

Et frustra mortis cupidum, cum deerit egenti

As laquei pretium. "Jure," inquit, "Trausius istis

Jurgatur verbis; ego vectigalia magna 100

Divitiasque habeo tribus amplas regibus." Ergo

Quod superat non est melius quo insumere possis?

Cur eget indignus quisquam te divite? Quare

Templa ruunt antiqua deum? Cur, improbe, carae

Non aliquid patriae tanto emetiris acervo? 105

Uni nimirum recte tibi semper erunt res.

O magnus posthac inimicis risus! Uterne

Ad casus dubios fidet sibi certius? Hic qui

Pluribus adsuerit mentem corpusque superbum,

An qui contentus parvo metuensque futuri 110

In pace ut sapiens aptarit idonea bello?

Quo magis his credas, puer hunc ego parvus Ofellam

Integris opibus novi non latius usum

Quam nunc accisis. Videas metato in agello

Cum pecore et gnatis fortem mercede colonum, 115

"Non ego," narrantem, "temere edi luce profesta

Quidquam praeter olus fumosae cum pede pernae.

Ac mihi seu longum post tempus venerat hospes,

Sive operum vacuo gratus conviva per imbrem

Vicinus, bene erat non piscibus urbe petitis, 120

Sed pullo atque haedo; tum pensilis uva secundas

Et nux ornabat mensas cum duplice ficu.

Post hoc ludus erat culpa potare magistra,

Ac venerata Ceres ita culmo surgeret alto,

Explicuit vino contractae seria frontis. 125

Saeviat atque novos moveat Fortuna tumultus,

Quantum hinc imminuet? Quanto aut ego parcius aut vos,

O pueri, nituistis ut huc novus incola venit?

Nam propriae telluris herum natura neque illum

Nec me nec quemquam statuit: nos expulit ille; 130

Illum aut nequities aut vafri inscitia juris,

Postremum expellet certe vivacior heres.

Nunc ager Umbreni sub nomine, nuper Ofellae

Dictus, erit nulli proprius, sed cedet in usum

Nunc mihi nunc alii. Quocirca vivite fortes 135

Fortiaque adversis opponite pectora rebus."

SATIRA III.

"Sic raro scribis, ut toto non quater anno

Membranam poscas, scriptorum quaeque retexens,

Iratus tibi quod vini somnique benignus

Nil dignum sermone canas. Quid fiet? At ipsis

Saturnalibus huc fugisti. Sobrius ergo 5

Dic aliquid dignum promissis: incipe. Nil est:

Culpantur frustra calami, immeritusque laborat

Iratis natus paries dis atque poëtis.

Atqui voltus erat multa et praeclara minantis

Si vacuum tepido cepisset villula tecto. 10

Quorsum pertinuit stipare Platona Menandro,

Eupolin, Archilochum, comites educere tantos?

Invidiam placare paras virtute relicta?

Comtemnere miser; vitanda est improba Siren

Desidia, aut quidquid vita meliore parasti 15

Ponendum aequo animo." "Di te, Damasippe, deaeque

Verum ob consilium donent tonsore. Sed unde

Tam bene me nosti?" "Postquam omnis res mea Janum

Ad medium fracta est aliena negotia curo,

Excussus propriis. Olim nam quaerere amabam, 20

Quo vafer ille pedes lavisset Sisyphus aere,

Quid sculptum infabre, quid fusum durius esset

Callidus huic signo ponebam millia centum;

Hortos egregiasque domos mercarier unus

Cum lucro noram; unde frequentia Mercuriale 25

Imposuere mihi cognomen compita." "Novi,

Et miror morbi purgatum te illius. Atqui

Emovit veterem mire novus, ut solet, in cor

Trajecto lateris miseri capitisve dolore,

Ut lethargicus hic cum fit pugil et medicum urget. 30

Dum ne quid simile huic esto ut libet." "O bone, ne te

Frustrere: insanis et tu stultique prope omnes,

Si quid Stertinius veri crepat, unde ego mira

Descripsi docilis praecepta haec, tempore quo me

Solatus jussit sapientem pascere barbam 35

Atque a Fabricio non tristem ponte reverti.

Nam male re gesta cum vellem mittere operto

Me capite in flumen, dexter stetit et, Cave faxis

Te quidquam indignum: pudor, inquit, te malus angit,

Insanos qui inter vereare insanus haberi. 40

Primum nam inquiram quid sit furere: hoc si erit in te

Solo nil verbi pereas quin fortiter addam.

Quem mala stultitia et quemcunque inscitia veri

Caecum agit, insanum Chrysippi porticus et grex

Autumat. Haec populos, haec magnos formula reges 45

Excepto sapiente tenet. Nunc accipe quare

Desipiant omnes aeque ac tu qui tibi nomen

Insano posuere. Velut silvis ubi passim

Palantes error certo de tramite pellit,

Ille sinistrorsum hic dextrorsum abit: unus utrique 50

Error, sed variis illudit partibus; hoc te

Crede modo insanum, nihilo ut sapientior ille

Qui te deridet caudam trahat." Est genus unum

Stultitiae nihilum metuenda timentis, ut ignes,

Ut rupes fluviosque in campo obstare queratur; 55

Alterum et huic varum et nihilo sapientius ignes

Per medios fluviosque ruentis: clamet amica

Mater, honesta soror cum cognatis, pater, uxor:

"Hic fossa est ingens, hic rupes maxima, serva!"

Non magis audierit, quam Fufius ebrius olim, 60

Quum Ilionam edormit, Catienis mille ducentis,

"Mater, te appello! clamantibus. Huic ego vulgus

Errori similem cunctum insanire docebo.

Insanit veteres statuas Damasippus emendo:

Integer est mentis Damasippi creditor? Esto. 65

Accipe quod nunquam reddas mihi si tibi dicam,

Tune insanus eris si acceperis, an magis excors

Rejecta praeda quam praesens Mercurius fert?

Scribe decem Nerio; non est satis: adde Cicutae

Nodosi tabulas centum, mille adde catenas: 70

Effugiet tamen haec sceleratus vincula Proteus.

Cum rapies in jus malis ridentem alienis,

Fiet aper, modo avis, modo saxum et cum volet arbor.

Si male rem gerere insani est, contra bene sani,

Putidius multo cerebrum est mihi crede, Perilli, 75

Dictantis quod tu nunquam rescribere possis.

Audire atque togam jubeo componere, quisquis

Ambitione mala aut argenti pallet amore,

Quisquis luxuria tristive superstitione

Aut alio mentis morbo calet; huc propius me, 80

Dum doceo insanire omnes, vos ordine adite.

Danda est ellebori multo pars maxima avaris;

Nescio an Anticyram ratio illis destinet omnem.

Heredes Staberi summam incidere sepulcro:

Ni sic fecissent gladiatorum dare centum 85

Damnati populo paria atque epulum arbitrio Arri,

Frumenti quantum metit Africa. Sive ego prave

Seu recte hoc volui, ne sis patruus mihi. Credo

Hoc Staberi prudentem animum vidisse. Quid ergo

Sensit cum summam patrimoni insculpere saxo 90

Heredes voluit? Quoad vixit credidit ingens

Pauperiem vitium et cavit nihil acrius, ut si

Forte minus locuples uno quadrante perisset

Ipse videretur sibi nequior: omnis enim res,

Virtus, fama, decus, divina humanaque pulchris 95

Divitiis parent; quas qui construxerit ille

Clarus erit, fortis, justus. Sapiensne? Etiam, et rex,

Et quidquid volet. Hoc veluti virtute paratum

Speravit magnae laudi fore. Quid simile isti

Graecus Aristippus? qui servos projicere aurum 100

In media jussit Libya, quia tardius irent

Propter onus segnes. Uter est insanior horum?

Nil agit exemplum, litem quod lite resolvit.

Si quis emat citharas, emptas comportet in unum,

Nec studio citharae nec Musae deditus ulli; 105

Si scalpra et formas non sutor, nautica vela

Aversus mercaturis: delirus et amens

Undique dicatur merito. Quî discrepat istis

Qui nummos aurumque recondit, nescius uti

Compositis metuensque velut contingere sacrum? 110

Si quis ad ingentem frumenti semper acervum

Porrectus vigilet cum longo fuste, neque illinc

Audeat esuriens dominus contingere granum,

Ac potius foliis parcus vescatur amaris;

Si positis intus Chii veterisque Falerni 115

Mille cadis--nihil est, tercentum millibus, acre

Potet acetum; age, si et stramentis incubet, unde-

Octoginta annos natus, cui stragula vestis,

Blattarum ac tinearum epulae, putrescat in arca;

Nimirum insanus paucis videatur, eo quod 120

Maxima pars hominum morbo jactatur eodem.

Filius aut etiam haec libertus ut ebibat heres,

Dis inimice senex, custodis?--Ne tibi desit?

Quantulum enim summae curtabit quisque dierum,

Ungere si caules oleo meliore caputque 125

Coeperis impexa foedum porrigine? Quare,

Si quidvis satis est, perjuras, surripis, aufers

Undique? Tun sanus? Populum si caedere saxis

Incipias servosve tuos, quos aere pararis,

Insanum te omnes pueri clamentque puellae: 130

Cum laqueo uxorem interimis matremque veneno,

Incolumi capite es? Quid enim, neque tu hoc facis Argis,

Nec ferro ut demens genitricem occidis Orestes.

An tu reris eum occisa insanisse parente,

Ac non ante malis dementem actum Furiis quam 135

In matris jugulo ferrum tepefecit acutum?

Quin ex quo est habitus male tutae mentis Orestes

Nil sane fecit quod tu reprehendere possis:

Non Pyladen ferro violare aususve sororem

Electram, tantum maledicit utrique vocando 140

Hanc Furiam, hunc aliud jussit quod splendida bilis.

Pauper Opimius argenti positi intus et auri,

Qui Veientanum festis potare diebus

Campana solitus trulla vappamque profestis,

Quondam lethargo grandi est oppressus, ut heres 145

Jam circum loculos et claves laetus ovansque

Curreret. Hunc medicus multum celer atque fidelis

Excitat hoc pacto: mensam poni jubet atque

Effundi saccos nummorum, accedere plures

Ad numerandum; hominem sic erigit; addit et illud: 150

Ni tua custodis avidus jam haec auferet heres.

Men' vivo? Ut vivas igitur vigila. Hoc age! Quid vis?

Deficient inopem venae te ni cibus atque

Ingens accedit stomacho fultura ruenti.

Tu cessas? Agedum, sume hoc ptisanarium oryzae. 155

Quanti emptae? Parvo. Quanti ergo? Octussibus. Eheu!

Quid refert, morbo an furtis pereamque rapinis?--

Quisnam igitur sanus? Qui non stultus. Quid avarus?

Stultus et insanus. Quid, si quis non sit avarus,

Continuo sanus? Minime. Cur, Stoïce? Dicam. 160

Non est cardiacus--Craterum dixisse putato--

Hic aeger: recte est igitur surgetque? Negabit,

Quod latus aut renes morbo tentantur acuto.

Non est perjurus neque sordidus; immolet aequis

Hic porcum Laribus: verum ambitiosus et audax; 165

Naviget Anticyram. Quid enim differt, barathrone

Dones quidquid habes, an nunquam utare paratis?

Servius Oppidius Canusi duo praedia, dives

Antiquo censu, gnatis divisse duobus

Fertur et hoc moriens pueris dixisse vocatis 170

Ad lectum: Postquam te talos, Aule, nucesque

Ferre sinu laxo, donare et ludere vidi,

Te, Tiberi, numerare, cavis abscondere tristem

Extimui, ne vos ageret vesania discors,

Tu Nomentanum, tu ne sequerere Cicutam. 175

Quare per divos oratus uterque Penates,

Tu cave ne minuas, tu ne majus facias id

Quod satis esse putat pater et natura coërcet.

Praeterea ne vos titillet gloria jure

Jurando obstringam ambo: uter aedilis fueritve 180

Vestrum praetor, is intestabilis et sacer esto.

In cicere atque faba bona tu perdasque lupinis,

Latus ut in circo spatiere et aëneus ut stes,

Nudus agris, nudus nummis, insane, paternis;

Scilicet ut plausus quos fert Agrippa, feras tu, 185

Astuta ingenuum vulpes imitata leonem!--

Ne quis humasse velit Ajacem, Atrida, vetas cur?

Rex sum. Nil ultra quaero plebeius. Et aequam

Rem imperito; ac si cui videor non justus, inulto

Dicere quod sentit permitto. Maxime regum, 190

Di tibi dent capta classem deducere Troja!

Ergo consulere et mox respondere licebit?

Consule. Cur Ajax, heros ab Achille secundus,

Putescit toties servatis clarus Achivis,

Gaudeat ut populus Priami Priamusque inhumato, 195

Per quem tot juvenes patrio caruere sepulcro?

Mille ovium insanus morti dedit, inclitum Ulixen

Et Menelaum una mecum se occidere clamans.

Tu cum pro vitula statuis dulcem Aulide natam

Ante aras spargisque mola caput, improbe, salsa, 200

Rectum animi servas? Quorsum? Insanus quid enim Ajax

Fecit cum stravit ferro pecus? Abstinuit vim

Uxore et gnato; mala multa precatus Atridis,

Non ille aut Teucrum aut ipsum violavit Ulixen.

Verum ego, ut haerentes adverso litore naves 205

Eriperem, prudens placavi sanguine divos.

Nempe tuo, furiose. Meo, sed non furiosus.

Qui species alias veris scelerisque tumultu

Permixtas capiet commotus habebitur, atque

Stultitiane erret nihilum distabit an ira. 210

Ajax immeritos cum occidit desipit agnos:

Cum prudens scelus ob titulos admittis inanes,

Stas animo et purum est vitio tibi, cum tumidum est, cor?

Si quis lectica nitidam gestare amet agnam,

Huic vestem, ut gnatae, paret ancillas, paret aurum, 215

Rufam aut Pusillam appellet fortique marito

Destinet uxorem; interdicto huic omne adimat jus

Praetor et ad sanos abeat tutela propinquos.

Quid? si quis gnatam pro muta devovet agna

Integer est animi? Ne dixeris. Ergo ubi prava 220

Stultitia hic summa est insania; qui sceleratus,

Et furiosus erit; quem cepit vitrea fama,

Hunc circumtonuit gaudens Bellona cruentis.

Nunc age luxuriam et Nomentanum arripe mecum:

Vincet enim stultos ratio insanire nepotes. 225

Hic simul accepit patrimoni mille talenta,

Edicit piscator uti, pomarius, auceps,

Unguentarius ac Tusci turba impia vici,

Cum scurris fartor, cum Velabro omne Macellum,

Mane domum veniant. Quid tum? Venere frequentes. 230

Verba facit leno: Quidquid mihi, quidquid et horum

Cuique domi est, id crede tuum et vel nunc pete vel cras.

Accipe quid contra juvenis responderit aequus:

In nive Lucana dormis ocreatus ut aprum

Coenem ego; tu pisces hiberno ex aequore verris. 235

Segnis ego, indignus qui tantum possideam: aufer:

Sume tibi decies; tibi tantumdem; tibi triplex

Unde uxor media currit de nocte vocata.

Filius Aesopi detractam ex aure Metellae,

Scilicet ut decies solidum absorberet, aceto 240

Diluit insignem baccam: quî sanior ac si

Illud idem in rapidum flumen jaceretve cloacam?

Quinti progenies Arri, par nobile fratrum,

Nequitia et nugis pravorum et amore gemellum,

Luscinias soliti impenso prandere coëmptas, 245

Quorsum abeant? Sanin creta an carbone notandi?

Aedificare casas, plostello adjungere mures,

Ludere par impar, equitare in arundine longa,

Si quem delectet barbatum amentia verset.

Si puerilius his ratio esse evincet amare, 250

Nec quidquam differre utrumne in pulvere trimus

Quale prius ludas opus, an meretricis amore

Sollicitus plores, quaero faciasne quod olim

Mutatus Polemon? punas insignia morbi,

Fasciolas, cubital, focalia, potus ut ille 255

Dicitur ex collo furtim carpsisse coronas

Postquam est impransi correptus voce magistri?

Porrigis irato puero cum poma recusat:

Sume, catelle! negat; si non des optet: amator

Exclusus quî distat agit ubi secum eat an non 260

Quo rediturus erat non arcessitus, et haeret

Invisis foribus? Nec nunc cum me vocat ultro

Accedam? An potius mediter finire dolores?

Exclusit; revocat: redeam? Non si obsecret. Ecce

Servus non paulo sapientior: O here, quae res 265

Nec modum habet neque consilium ratione modoque

Tractari non volt. In amore haec sunt mala, bellum,

Pax rursum: haec si quis tempestatis prope ritu

Mobilia et caeca fluitantia sorte laboret

Reddere certa sibi, nihilo plus explicet ac si 270

Insanire paret certa ratione modoque.

Quid, cum Picenis excerpens semina pomis

Gaudes si cameram percusti forte, penes te es?

Quid, cum balba feris annoso verba palato,

Aedificante casas quî sanior? Adde cruorem 275

Stultitiae atque ignem gladio scrutare. Modo, inquam,

Hellade percussa Marius cum praecipitat se

Cerritus fuit, an commotae crimine mentis

Absolves hominem et sceleris damnabis eundem,

Ex more imponens cognata vocabula rebus? 280

Libertinus erat, qui circum compita siccus

Lautis mane senex manibus currebat et, Unum--

Quid tam magnum? addens--, unum me surpite morti,

Dis etenim facile est! orabat; sanus utrisque

Auribus atque oculis; mentem, nisi litigiosus, 285

Exciperet dominus cum venderet. Hoc quoque volgus

Chrysippus ponit fecunda in gente Meneni.

Juppiter, ingentes qui das adimisque dolores,

Mater ait pueri menses jam quinque cubantis,

Frigida si puerum quartana relinquerit, illo 290

Mane die quo tu indicis jejunia nudus

In Tiberi stabit. Casus medicusve levarit

Aegrum ex praecipiti mater delira necabit

In gelida fixum ripa febrimque reducet;

Quone malo mentem concussa? Timore deorum. 295

Haec mihi Stertinius, sapientum octavus, amico

Arma dedit, posthac ne compellarer inultus.

Dixerit insanum qui me totidem audiet atque

Respicere ignoto discet pendentia tergo."

"Stoice, post damnum sic vendas omnia pluris, 300

Qua me stultitia, quoniam non est genus unum,

Insanire putas? ego nam videor mihi sanus."

"Quid, caput abscissum demens cum portat Agave

Gnati infelicis, sibi tum furiosa videtur?"

"Stultum me fateor, liceat concedere veris, 305

Atque etiam insanum; tantum hoc edissere, quo me

Aegrotare putes animi vitio?" "Accipe: primum

Aedificas, hoc est, longos imitaris ab imo

Ad summum totus moduli bipedalis, et idem

Corpore majorem rides Turbonis in armis 310

Spiritum et incessum: quî ridiculus minus illo?

An quodcunque facit Maecenas te quoque verum est

Tantum dissimilem et tanto certare minorem?

Absentis ranae pullis vituli pede pressis,

Unus ubi effugit, matri denarrat, ut ingens 315

Bellua cognatos eliserit. Illa rogare:

Quantane? num tantum, sufflans se, magna fuisset?

Major dimidio. Num tanto? Cum magis atque

Se magis inflaret, Non si te ruperis, inquit,

Par eris. Haec a te non multum abludit imago. 320

Adde poëmata nunc, hoc est, oleum adde camino;

Quae si quis sanus fecit sanus facis et tu.

Non dico horrendam rabiem. Jam desine." Cultum

Majorem censu. Teneas, Damasippe, tuis te.

Mille puellarum, puerorum mille furores. 325

O major tandem parcas, insane, minori!

SATIRA IV.

"Unde et quo Catius?" "Non est mihi tempus aventi

Ponere signa novis praeceptis, qualia vincant

Pythagoran Anytique reum doctumque Platona."

"Peccatum fateor cum te sic tempore laevo

Interpellarim; sed des veniam bonus oro. 5

Quod si interciderit tibi nunc aliquid repetes mox,

Sive est naturae hoc sive artis, mirus utroque."

"Quin id erat curae quo pacto cuncta tenerem,

Utpote res tenues tenui sermone peractas."

"Ede hominis nomen, simul et Romanus an hospes." 10

"Ipsa memor praecepta canam, celabitur auctor.

Longa quibus facies ovis erit illa memento,

Ut succi melioris et ut magis alba rotundis,

Ponere; namque marem cohibent callosa vitellum.

Caule suburbano qui siccis crevit in agris 15

Dulcior; irriguo nihil est elutius horto.

Si vespertinus subito te oppresserit hospes,

Ne gallina malum responset dura palato,

Doctus eris vivam mixto mersare Falerno:

Hoc teneram faciet. Pratensibus optima fungis 20

Natura est: aliis male creditur. Ille salubres

Aestates peraget qui nigris prandia moris

Finiet, ante gravem quae legerit arbore solem.

Aufidius forti miscebat mella Falerno,

Mendose, quoniam vacuis committere venis 25

Nil nisi lene decet: leni praecordia mulso

Prolueris melius. Si dura morabitur alvus,

Mitulus et viles pellent obstantia conchae

Et lapathi brevis herba, sed albo non sine Coo.

Lubrica nascentes implent conchylia lunae; 30

Sed non omne mare est generosae fertile testae.

Murice Baiano melior Lucrina peloris,

Ostrea Circeiis, Miseno oriuntur echini,

Pectinibus patulis jactat se molle Tarentum.

Nec sibi coenarum quivis temere adroget artem, 35

Non prius exacta tenui ratione saporum.

Nec satis est cara pisces avertere mensa

Ignarum quibus est jus aptius et quibus assis

Languidus in cubitum jam se conviva reponet.

Umber et iligna nutritus glande rotundas 40

Curvat aper lances carnem vitantis inertem:

Nam Laurens malus est, ulvis et arundine pinguis.

Vinea submittit capreas non semper edules.

Fecundae leporis sapiens sectabitur armos.

Piscibus atque avibus quae natura et foret aetas 45

Ante meum nulli patuit quaesita palatum.

Sunt quorum ingenium nova tantum crustula promit.

Nequaquam satis in re una consumere curam,

Ut si quis solum hoc mala ne sint vina laboret,

Quali perfundat pisces securas olivo. 50

Massica si caelo suppones vina sereno

Nocturna si quid crassi est tenuabitur aura,

Et decedet odor nervis inimicus; at illa

Integrum perdunt lino vitiata saporem.

Surrentina vafer qui miscet faece Falerna 55

Vina columbino limum bene colligit ovo,

Quatenus ima petit volvens aliena vitellus.

Tostis marcentem squillis recreabis et Afra

Potorem cochlea: nam lactuca innatat acri

Post vinum stomacho; perna magis ac magis hillis 60

Flagitat immorsus refici; quin omnia malit

Quaecunque immundis fervent allata popinis.

Est operae pretium duplicis pernoscere juris

Naturam. Simplex e dulci constat olivo,

Quod pingui miscere mero muriaque decebit, 65

Non alia quam qua Byzantia putuit orca.

Hoc ubi confusum sectis inferbuit herbis

Corycioque croco sparsum stetit, insuper addes

Pressa Venafranae quod baca remisit olivae.

Picenis cedunt pomis Tiburtia succo: 70

Nam facie praestant. Venucula convenit ollis;

Rectius Albanam fumo duraveris uvam.

Hanc ego cum malis, ego faecem primus et allec,

Primus et invenior piper album cum sale nigro

Incretum puris circumposuisse catillis. 75

Immane est vitium dare millia terna macello

Angustoque vagos pisces urgere catino.

Magna movet stomacho fastidia, seu puer unctis

Tractavit calicem manibus dum furta ligurit,

Sive gravis veteri craterae limus adhaesit. 80

Vilibus in scopis, in mappis, in scobe quantus

Consistit sumtus? Neglectis flagitium ingens.

Ten lapides varios lutulenta radere palma

Et Tyrias dare circum inluta toralia vestes,

Oblitum quanto curam sumtumque minorem 85

Haec habeant tanto reprehendi justius illis

Quae nisi divitibus nequeant contingere mensis?"

"Docte Cati, per amicitiam divosque rogatus,

Ducere me auditum perges quocunque memento.

Nam quamvis memori referas mihi pectore cuncta, 90

Non tamen interpres tantundem juveris. Adde

Vultum habitumque hominis, quem tu vidisse beatus

Non magni pendis quia contigit; at mihi cura

Non mediocris inest, fontes ut adire remotos

Atque haurire queam vitae praecepta beatae." 95

SATIRA V.

"Hoc quoque, Tiresia, praeter narrata petenti

Responde, quibus amissas reparare queam res

Artibus atque modis. Quid rides?" "Jamne doloso

Non satis est Ithacam revehi patriosque penates

Adspicere?" "O nulli quidquam mentite, vides ut 5

Nudus inopsque domum redeam, te vate, neque illic

Aut apotheca procis intacta est aut pecus; atqui

Et genus et virtus nisi cum re vilior alga est."

"Quando pauperiem, missis ambagibus, horres,

Accipe qua ratione queas ditescere. Turdus 10

Sive aliud privum dabitur tibi, devolet illuc

Res ubi magna nitet domino sene; dulcia poma

Et quoscunque feret cultus tibi fundus honores

Ante Larem gustet venerabilior Lare dives;

Qui quamvis perjurus erit, sine gente, cruentus 15

Sanguine fraterno, fugitivus, ne tamen illi

Tu comes exterior si postulet ire recuses."

"Utne tegam spurco Damae latus? Haud ita Trojae

Me gessi certans semper melioribus." "Ergo

Pauper eris." "Fortem hoc animum tolerare jubebo; 20

Et quondam majora tuli. Tu protinus unde

Divitias aerisque ruam dic, augur, acervos."

"Dixi equidem et dico: captes astutus ubique

Testamenta senum, neu, si vafer unus et alter

Insidiatorem praeroso fugerit hamo, 25

Aut spem deponas aut artem illusus omittas.

Magna minorve foro si res certabitur olim,

Vivet uter locuples sine natis, improbus, ultro

Qui meliorem audax vocet in jus, illius esto

Defensor; fama civem causaque priorem 30

Sperne, domi si natus erit fecundave conjux.

Quinte, puta, aut Publi, (gaudent praenomine molles

Auriculae,) tibi me virtus tua fecit amicum;

Jus anceps novi, causas defendere possum;

Eripiet quivis oculos citius mihi, quam te 35

Contemptum cassa nuce pauperet; haec mea cura est,

Ne quid tu perdas neu sis jocus. Ire domum atque

Pelliculam curare jube; fi cognitor; ipse

Persta atque obdura, seu rubra Canicula findet

Infantes statuas, seu pingui tentus omaso 40

Furius hibernas cana nive conspuet Alpes.

Nonne vides, aliquis cubito stantem prope tangens

Inquiet, ut patiens, ut amicis aptus, ut acer?

Plures adnabunt thunni et cetaria crescent.

Si cui praeterea validus male filius in re 45

Praeclara sublatus aletur, ne manifestum

Caelibis obsequium nudet te, leniter in spem

Adrepe officiosus, ut et scribare secundus

Heres et, si quis casus puerum egerit Orco,

In vacuum venias: perraro haec alea fallit. 50

Qui testamentum tradet tibi cunque legendum,

Abnuere et tabulas a te removere memento,

Sic tamen ut limis rapias quid prima secundo

Cera velit versu; solus multisne coheres,

Veloci percurre oculo. Plerumque recoctus 55

Scriba ex quinqueviro corvum deludet hiantem,

Captatorque dabit risus Nasica Corano."

"Num furis? an prudens ludis me obscura canendo?"

"O Laërtiade, quidquid dicam aut erit aut non:

Divinare etenim magnus mihi donat Apollo." 60

"Quid tamen ista velit sibi fabula, si licet, ede."

"Tempore quo juvenis Parthis horrendus, ab alto

Demissum genus Aenea, tellure marique

Magnus erit, forti nubet procera Corano

Filia Nasicae metuentis reddere soldum. 65

Tum gener hoc faciet: tabulas socero dabit atque

Ut legat orabit; multum Nasica negatas

Accipiet tandem et tacitus leget, invenietque

Nil sibi legatum praeter plorare suisque.

Illud ad haec jubeo: mulier si forte dolosa 70

Libertusve senem delirum temperet, illis

Accedas socius; laudes, lauderis ut absens.

Adjuvat hoc quoque, sed vincit longe prius ipsum

Expugnare caput. Scribet mala carmina vecors:

Laudato. Scortator erit: cave te roget; ultro 75

Penelopam facilis potiori trade." "Putasne?

Perduci poterit tam frugi tamque pudica,

Quam nequiere proci recto depellere cursu?"

"Venit enim magnum donandi parca juventus,

Nec tantum veneris, quantum studiosa culinae. 80

Sic tibi Penelope frugi est, quae si semel uno

De sene gustarit tecum partita lucellum,

Ut canis a corio nunquam absterrebitur uncto.

Me sene quod dicam factum est: anus improba Thebis

Ex testamento sic est elata: cadaver 85

Unctum oleo largo nudis humeris tulit heres,

Scilicet elabi si posset mortua; credo

Quod nimium institerat viventi. Cautus adito:

Neu desis operae neve immoderatus abundes.

Difficilem et morosum offendet garrulus ultro; 90

Non etiam sileas. Davus sis comicus atque

Stes capite obstipo, multum similis metuenti.

Obsequio grassare; mone, si increbuit aura,

Cautus uti velet carum caput; extrahe turba

Oppositis humeris; aurem substringe loquaci. 95

Importunus amat laudari; donec Ohe jam!

Ad caelum manibus sublatis dixerit, urge,

Crescentem tumidis infla sermonibus utrem.

Cum te servitio longo curaque levarit,

Et certum vigilans, Quartae sit partis Ulixes, 100

Audieris, Heres: Ergo nunc Dama sodalis

Nusquam est? Unde mihi tam fortem tamque fidelem?

Sparge subinde; et, si paulum potes, illacrimare: est

Gaudia prodentem voltum celare. Sepulcrum

Permissum arbitrio sine sordibus exstrue; funus 105

Egregie factum laudet vicinia. Si quis

Forte coheredum senior male tussiet, huic tu

Dic, ex parte tua seu fundi sive domus sit

Emptor, gaudentem nummo te addicere. Sed me

Imperiosa trahit Proserpina; vive valeque." 110

SATIRA VI.

Hoc erat in votis: modus agri non ita magnus

Hortus ubi et tecto vicinus jugis aquae fons

Et paulum silvae super his foret. Auctius atque

Di melius fecere. Bene est. Nil amplius oro,

Maia nate, nisi ut propria haec mihi munera faxis. 5

Si neque majorem feci ratione mala rem

Nec sum facturus vitio culpave minorem;

Si veneror stultus nihil horum: "O si angulus ille

Proximus accedat qui nunc denormat agellum!

O si urnam argenti fors quae mihi monstret, ut illi 10

Thesauro invento qui mercenarius agrum

Illum ipsum mercatus aravit, dives amico

Hercule!" si quod adest gratum juvat, hac prece te oro:

Pingue pecus domino facias et cetera praeter

Ingenium, utque soles custos mihi maximus adsis. 15

Ergo ubi me in montes et in arcem ex urbe removi,

Quid prius illustrem satiris musaque pedestri?

Nec mala me ambitio perdit nec plumbeus Auster

Auctumnusque gravis, Libitinae quaestus acerbae.

Matutine pater, seu Jane libentius audis, 20

Unde homines operum primos vitaeque labores

Instituunt, sic dis placitum, tu carminis esto

Principium. Romae sponsorem me rapis. Eja,

Ne prior officio quisquam respondeat, urge.

Sive Aquilo radit terras seu bruma nivalem 25

Interiore diem gyro trahit, ire necesse est.

Postmodo, quod mi obsit clare certumque locuto,

Luctandum in turba et facienda injuria tardis.

"Quid vis, insane, et quas res agis?" improbus urget

Iratis precibus; "tu pulses omne quod obstat, 30

Ad Maecenatem memori si mente recurras?"

Hoc juvat et melli est; non mentiar. At simul atras

Ventum est Esquilias aliena negotia centum

Per caput et circa saliunt latus. "Ante secundam

Roscius orabat sibi adesses ad Puteal cras." 35

"De re communi scribae magna atque nova te

Orabant hodie meminisses, Quinte, reverti."

"Imprimat his cura Maecenas signa tabellis."

Dixeris, "Experiar:" "Si vis, potes," addit et instat.

Septimus octavo propior jam fugerit annus 40

Ex quo Maecenas me coepit habere suorum

In numero; dumtaxat ad hoc, quem tollere rheda

Vellet iter faciens et cui concredere nugas

Hoc genus: "Hora quota est? Thrax est Gallina Syro par?

Matutina parum cautos jam frigora mordent;" 45

Et quae rimosa bene deponuntur in aure.

Per totum hoc tempus subjectior in diem et horam

Invidiae noster. Ludos spectaverat una,

Luserat in Campo: Fortunae filius! omnes.

Frigidus a Rostris manat per compita rumor: 50

Quicunque obvius est me consulit: "O bone, nam te

Scire deos quoniam propius contingis oportet;

Numquid de Dacis audisti?" "Nil equidem." "Ut tu

Semper eris derisor!" "At omnes di exagitent me

Si quidquam." "Quid, militibus promissa Triquetra 55

Praedia Caesar an est Itala tellure daturus?"

Jurantem me scire nihil mirantur ut unum

Scilicet egregii mortalem altique silenti.

Perditur haec inter misero lux non sine votis:

O rus, quando ego te adspiciam? quandoque licebit 60

Nunc veterum libris, nunc somno et inertibus horis

Ducere sollicitae jucunda oblivia vitae?

O quando faba Pythagorae cognata simulque

Uncta satis pingui ponentur oluscula lardo?

O noctes coenaeque deum! quibus ipse meique 65

Ante Larem proprium vescor vernasque procaces

Pasco libatis dapibus. Prout cuique libido est

Siccat inaequales calices conviva, solutus

Legibus insanis, seu quis capit acria fortis

Pocula seu modicis uvescit laetius. Ergo 70

Sermo oritur, non de villis domibusve alienis,

Nec male necne Lepos saltet; sed quod magis ad nos

Pertinet et nescire malum est agitamus: utrumne

Divitiis homines an sint virtute beati;

Quidve ad amicitias, usus rectumne, trahat nos; 75

Et quae sit natura boni summumque quid ejus.

Cervius haec inter vicinus garrit aniles

Ex re fabellas. Si quis nam laudat Arelli

Sollicitas ignarus opes, sic incipit: "Olim

Rusticus urbanum murem mus paupere fertur 80

Accepisse cavo, veterem vetus hospes amicum,

Asper et attentus quaesitis, ut tamen artum

Solveret hospitiis animum. Quid multa? neque ille

Sepositi ciceris nec longae invidit avenae,

Aridum et ore ferens acinum semesaque lardi 85

Frusta dedit, cupiens varia fastidia coena

Vincere tangentis male singula dente superbo;

Cum pater ipse domus palea porrectus in horna

Esset ador loliumque, dapis meliora relinquens.

Tandem urbanus ad hunc: 'Quid te juvat,' inquit, 'amice, 90

Praerupti nemoris patientem vivere dorso?

Vis tu homines urbemque feris praeponere silvis?

Carpe viam, mihi crede, comes; terrestria quando

Mortales animas vivunt sortita, neque ulla est

Aut magno aut parvo leti fuga: quo, bone, circa, 95

Dum licet in rebus jucundis vive beatus;

Vive memor quam sis aevi brevis.' Haec ubi dicta

Agrestem pepulere domo levis exsilit; inde

Ambo propositum peragunt iter, urbis aventes

Moenia nocturni subrepere. Jamque tenebat 100

Nox medium caeli spatium cum ponit uterque

In locuplete domo vestigia, rubro ubi cocco

Tincta super lectos canderet vestis eburnos,

Multaque de magna superessent fercula coena,

Quae procul exstructis inerant hesterna canistris. 105

Ergo ubi purpurea porrectum in veste locavit

Agrestem, veluti succinctus cursitat hospes

Continuatque dapes nec non verniliter ipsis

Fungitur officiis, praelambens omne quod affert.

Ille cubans gaudet mutata sorte bonisque 110

Rebus agit laetum convivam, cum subito ingens

Valvarum strepitus lectis excussit utrumque.

Currere per totum pavidi conclave, magisque

Exanimes trepidare, simul domus alta Molossis

Personuit canibus. Tum rusticus: 'Haud mihi vita 115

Est opus hac,' ait, 'et valeas; me silva cavusque

Tutus ab insidiis tenui solabitur ervo.'"

SATIRA VII.

"Jamdudum ausculto et cupiens tibi dicere servus

Pauca reformido." "Davusne?" "Ita, Davus, amicum

Mancipium domino et frugi quod sit satis, hoc est,

Ut vitale putes." "Age, libertate Decembri,

Quando ita majores voluerunt, utere; narra." 5

"Pars hominum vitiis gaudet constanter et urget

Propositum; pars multa natat, modo recta capessens,

Interdum pravis obnoxia. Saepe notatus

Cum tribus annellis, modo laeva Priscus inani,

Vixit inaequalis, clavum ut mutaret in horas, 10

Aedibus ex magnis subito se conderet, unde

Mundior exiret vix libertinus honeste;

Jam moechus Romae, jam mallet doctus Athenis

Vivere, Vertumnis, quotquot sunt, natus iniquis.

Scurra Volanerius, postquam illi justa cheragra 15

Contudit articulos, qui pro se tolleret atque

Mitteret in phimum talos, mercede diurna

Conductum pavit; quanto constantior isdem

In vitiis, tanto levius miser ac prior illo,

Qui jam contento, jam laxo fune laborat." 20

"Non dices hodie, quorsum haec tam putida tendant,

Furcifer?" "Ad te, inquam." "Quo pacto, pessime?" "Laudas

Fortunam et mores antiquae plebis, et idem

Si quis ad illa deus subito te agat usque recuses,

Aut quia non sentis quod clamas rectius esse, 25

Aut quia non firmus rectum defendis, et haeres

Nequicquam coeno cupiens evellere plantam.

Romae rus optas, absentem rusticus urbem

Tollis ad astra levis. Si nusquam es forte vocatus

Ad coenam laudas securum olus ac, velut usquam 30

Vinctus eas, ita te felicem dicis amasque

Quod nusquam tibi sit potandum. Jusserit ad se

Maecenas serum sub lumina prima venire

Convivam: 'Nemon oleum fert ocius? Ecquis

Audit?' cum magno blateras clamore fugisque. 35

Mulvius et scurrae tibi non referenda precati

Discedunt. Etenim fateor me, dixerit ille,

Duci ventre levem, nasum nidore supinor,

Imbecillus, iners, si quid vis adde popino.

Tu, cum sis quod ego et fortassis nequior, ultro 40

Insectere velut melior verbisque decoris

Obvolvas vitium? Quid, si me stultior ipso

Quingentis emto drachmis deprenderis? Aufer

Me vultu terrere; manum stomachumque teneto,

Dum, quae Crispini docuit me janitor edo. 45

Te conjux aliena capit, meretricula Davum:

Peccat uter nostrum cruce dignius? Acris ubi me

Natura intendit, sub clara nuda lucerna

Quaecunque excepit turgentis verbera caudae,

Clunibus aut agitavit equum lasciva supinum, 50

Dimittit neque famosum neque sollicitum ne

Ditior aut formae melioris meiat eodem.

Tu cum projectis insignibus, annulo equestri

Romanoque habitu, prodis ex judice Dama

Turpis, odoratum caput obscurante lacerna, 55

Non es quod simulas? Metuens induceris, atque

Altercante libidinibus tremis ossa pavore.

Quid refert uri, virgis ferroque necari

Auctoratus eas, an turpi clausus in arca,

Quo te demisit peccati conscia herilis, 60

Contractum genibus tangas caput? Estne marito

Matronae peccantis in ambo justa potestas?

In corruptorem vel justior? Illa tamen se

Non habitu mutatve loco, peccatve superne.

Cum te formidet mulier neque credat amanti, 65

Ibis sub furcam prudens, dominoque furenti

Committes rem omnem et vitam et cum corpore famam.

Evasti, credo metues doctusque cavebis;

Quaeres quando iterum paveas iterumque perire

Possis, o toties servus! Quae bellua ruptis, 70

Cum semel effugit, reddit se prava catenis?

Non sum moechus ais. Neque ego hercule fur ubi vasa

Praetereo sapiens argentea: tolle periclum,

Jam vaga prosiliet frenis natura remotis.

Tune mini dominus, rerum imperiis hominumque 75

Tot tantisque minor, quem ter vindicta quaterque

Imposita haud unquam misera formidine privet?

Adde super dictis quod non levius valeat: nam

Sive vicarius est qui servo paret, uti mos

Vester ait, seu conservus; tibi quid sum ego? Nempe 80

Tu mihi qui imperitas alii servis miser atque

Duceris ut nervis alienis mobile lignum.

Quisnam igitur liber? Sapiens sibi qui imperiosus,

Quem neque pauperies neque mors neque vincula terrent,

Responsare cupidinibus, contemnere honores 85

Fortis, et in se ipso totus, teres, atque rotundus,

Externi ne quid valeat per leve morari,

In quem manca ruit semper fortuna. Potesne

Ex his ut proprium quid noscere? Quinque talenta

Poscit te mulier, vexat foribusque repulsum 90

Perfundit gelida, rursus vocat; eripe turpi

Colla jugo; Liber, liber sum, dic age. Non quis;

Urget enim dominus mentem non lenis et acres

Subjectat lasso stimulos versatque negantem.

Vel cum Pausiaca torpes, insane, tabella, 95

Quî peccas minus atque ego, cum Fulvi Rutubaeque

Aut Pacideiani contento poplite miror

Proelia rubrica picta aut carbone, velut si

Re vera pugnent, feriant, vitentque moventes

Arma viri? Nequam et cessator Davus; at ipse 100

Subtilis veterum judex et callidus audis.

Nil ego si ducor libo fumante: tibi ingens

Virtus atque animus coenis responsat opimis

Obsequium ventris mihi perniciosius est cur?

Tergo plector enim. Qui tu impunitior illa 105

Quae parvo sumi nequeunt obsonia captas?

Nempe inamarescunt epulae sine fine petitae.

Illusique pedes vitiosum ferre recusant

Corpus. An hic peccat, sub noctem qui puer uvam

Furtiva mutat strigili: qui praedia vendit, 110

Nil servile gulae parens habet? Adde, quod idem

Non horam tecum esse potes, non otia recte

Ponere, teque ipsum vitas, fugitivus et erro,

Jam vino quaerens, jam somno fallere curam:

Frustra; nam comes atra premit sequiturque fugacem." 115

"Unde mihi lapidem?"--"Quorsum est opus?"--"Unde sagittas?"

"Aut insanit homo aut versus facit." "Ocius hinc te

Ni rapis, accedes opera agro nona Sabino."

SATIRA VIII.

"Ut Nasidieni juvit te coena beati?

Nam mihi quaerenti convivam dictus here illic

De medio potare die." "Sic ut mihi nunquam

In vita fuerit melius." "Da, si grave non est,

Quae prima iratum ventrem placaverit esca." 5

"In primis Lucanus aper; leni fuit Austro

Captus, ut aiebat coenae pater; acria circum

Rapula, lactucae, radices, qualia lassum

Pervellunt stomachum, siser, allec, faecula Coa.

His ubi sublatis puer alte cinctus acernam 10

Gausape purpureo mensam pertersit, et alter

Sublegit quodcunque jaceret inutile quodque

Posset coenantes offendere; ut Attica virgo

Cum sacris Cereris procedit fuscus Hydaspes

Caecuba vina ferens, Alcon Chium maris expers. 15

Hic herus: Albanum, Maecenas, sive Falernum

Te magis appositis delectat, habemus utrumque."

"Divitias miseras! Sed quis coenantibus una,

Fundani, pulchre fuerit tibi, nosse laboro."

"Summus ego et prope me Viscus Thurinus et infra 20

Si memini Varius; cum Servilio Balatrone

Vibidius, quas Maecenas adduxerat umbras.

Nomentanus erat super ipsum, Porcius infra

Ridiculus totas semel obsorbere placentas;

Nomentanus ad hoc, qui si quid forte lateret 25

Indice monstraret digito: nam cetera turba,

Nos, inquam, coenamus aves, conchylia, pisces,

Longe dissimilem noto celantia succum;

Ut vel continuo patuit, cum passeris atque

Ingustata mihi porrexerat ilia rhombi. 30

Post hoc me docuit melimela rubere minorem

Ad lunam delecta. Quid hoc intersit ab ipso

Audieris melius. Tum Vibidius Balatroni:

Nos nisi damnose bibimus moriemur inulti:

Et calices poscit majores. Vertere pallor 35

Tum parochi faciem nil sic metuentis ut acres

Potores, vel quod male dicunt liberius vel

Fervida quod subtile exsurdant vina palatum.

Invertunt Allifanis vinaria tota

Vibidius Balatroque, secutis omnibus; imi 40

Convivae lecti nihilum nocuere lagenis.

Affertur squillas inter muraena natantes

In patina porrecta. Sub hoc herus: 'Haec gravida,' inquit,

'Capta est, deterior post partum carne futura.

His mixtum jus est: oleo quod prima Venafri 45

Pressit cella; garo de succis piscis Hiberi;

Vino quinquenni, verum citra mare nato,

Dum coquitur--cocto Chium sic convenit, ut non

Hoc magis ullum aliud;--pipere albo, non sine aceto,

Quod Methymnaeam vitio mutaverit uvam. 50

Erucas virides, inulas ego primus amaras

Monstravi incoquere; inlutos Curtillus echinos,

Ut melius muria quod testa marina remittat.'

Interea suspensa graves aulaea ruinas

In patinam fecere, trahentia pulveris atri 55

Quantum non Aquilo Campanis excitat agris.

Nos majus veriti postquam nihil esse pericli

Sensimus erigimur. Rufus posito capite, ut si

Filius immaturus obisset, flere. Quis esset

Finis ni sapiens sic Nomentanus amicum 60

Tolleret: 'Heu, Fortuna, quis est crudelior in nos

Te deus? Ut semper gaudes illudere rebus

Humanis!' Varius mappa compescere risum

Vix poterat. Balatro suspendens omnia naso,

'Haec est condicio vivendi,' aiebat, 'eoque 65

Responsura tuo nunquam est par fama labori.

Tene ut ego accipiar laute torquerier omni

Sollicitudine districtum, ne panis adustus,

Ne male conditum jus apponatur, ut omnes

Praecincti recte pueri comptique ministrent! 70

Adde hos praeterea casus, aulaea ruant si

Ut modo; si patinam pede lapsus frangat agaso.

Sed convivatoris uti ducis ingenium res

Adversae nudare solent, celare secundae.'

Nasidienus ad haec: 'Tibi di quaecunque preceris 75

Commoda dent! Ita vir bonus es convivaque comis.'

Et soleas poscit. Tum in lecto quoque videres

Stridere secreta divisos aure susurros."

"Nullos his mallem ludos spectasse; sed illa

Redde age quae deinceps risisti." "Vibidius dum 80

Quaerit de pueris num sit quoque fracta lagena,

Quod sibi poscenti non dantur pocula, dumque

Ridetur fictis rerum Balatrone secundo,

Nasidiene, redis mutatae frontis, ut arte

Emendaturus fortunam; deinde secuti 85

Mazonomo pueri magno discerpta ferentes

Membra gruis sparsi sale multo, non sine farre;

Pinguibus et ficis pastum jecur anseris albae

Et leporum avolsos, ut multo, suavius, armos,

Quam si cum lumbis quis edit; tum pectore adusto 90

Vidimus et merulas poni et sine clune palumbes,

Suaves res, si non causas narraret earum et

Naturas dominus; quem nos sic fugimus ulti,

Ut nihil omnino gustaremus, velut illis

Canidia afflasset pejor serpentibus Afris." 95

EPISTOLARUM LIBER PRIMUS.

EPISTOLA I.

Prima dicte mihi, summa dicende Camena,

Spectatum satis et donatum jam rude quaeris,

Maecenas, iterum antiquo me includere ludo.

Non eadem est aetas, non mens. Veianius armis

Herculis ad postem fixis latet abditus agro, 5

Ne populum extrema toties exoret arena.

Est mihi purgatam crebro qui personet aurem:

Solve senescentem mature sanus equum, ne

Peccet ad extremum ridendus et ilia ducat.

Nunc itaque et versus et cetera ludicra pono, 10

Quid verum atque decens curo et rogo, et omnis in hoc sum;

Condo et compono quae mox depromere possim.

Ac ne forte roges quo me duce, quo lare tuter,

Nullius addictus jurare in verba magistri

Quo me cunque rapit tempestas, deferor hospes. 15

Nunc agilis fio et mersor civilibus undis,

Virtutis verae custos rigidusque satelles;

Nunc in Aristippi furtim praecepta relabor,

Et mihi res non me rebus subjungere conor.

Ut nox longa quibus mentitur amica, diesque 20

Longa videtur opus debentibus, ut piger annus

Pupillis quos dura premit custodia matrum;

Sic mihi tarda fluunt ingrataque tempora, quae spem

Consiliumque morantur agendi naviter id quod

Aeque pauperibus prodest, locupletibus aeque, 25

Aeque neglectum pueris senibusque nocebit.

Restat ut his ego me ipse regam solerque elementis.

Non possis oculo quantum contendere Lynceus,

Non tamen idcirco contemnas lippus inungi;

Nec quia desperes invicti membra Glyconis, 30

Nodosa corpus nolis prohibere cheragra.

Est quadam prodire tenus si non datur ultra.

Fervet avaritia miseroque cupidine pectus,

Sunt verba et voces quibus hunc lenire dolorem

Possis et magnam morbi deponere partem. 35

Laudis amore tumes, sunt certa piacula quae te

Ter pure lecto poterunt recreare libello.

Invidus, iracundus, iners, vinosus, amator,

Nemo adeo ferus est ut non mitescere possit,

Si modo culturae patientem commodet aurem. 40

Virtus est vitium fugere et sapientia prima

Stultitia caruisse. Vides quae maxima credis

Esse mala, exiguum censum turpemque repulsam,

Quanto devites animi capitisque labore.

Impiger extremos curris mercator ad Indos, 45

Per mare pauperiem fugiens, per saxa, per ignes:

Ne cures ea quae stulte miraris et optas

Discere, et audire, et meliori credere non vis?

Quis circum pagos et circum compita pugnax

Magna coronari contemnat Olympia, cui spes, 50

Cui sit condicio dulcis sine pulvere palmae?

Vilius argentum est auro, virtutibus aurum.

"O cives, cives, quaerenda pecunia primum est;

Virtus post nummos." Haec Janus summus ab imo

Perdocet, haec recinunt juvenes dictata senesque, 55

Laevo suspensi loculos tabulamque lacerto.

Est animus tibi, sunt mores et lingua fidesque;

Sed quadringentis sex septem milia desunt,

Plebs eris. At pueri ludentes, "Rex eris," aiunt,

"Si recte facies." Hic murus aëneus esto, 60

Nil conscire sibi, nulla pallescere culpa.

Roscia, dic sodes, melior lex an puerorum est

Nenia, quae regnum recte facientibus offert,

Et maribus Curiis et decantata Camillis?

Isne tibi melius suadet qui rem facias, rem, 65

Si possis recte, si non quocunque modo rem,

Ut propius spectes lacrimosa poëmata Pupi,

An qui Fortunae te responsare superbae

Liberum et erectum praesens hortatur et aptat?

Quodsi me populus Romanus forte roget, cur 70

Non ut porticibus sic judiciis fruar isdem,

Nec sequar aut fugiam quae diligit ipse vel odit,

Olim quod vulpes aegroto cauta leoni

Respondit referam: Quia me vestigia terrent,

Omnia te adversum spectantia, nulla retrorsum. 75

Belua multorum es capitum. Nam quid sequar aut quem?

Pars hominum gestit conducere publica, sunt qui

Crustis et pomis viduas venentur avaras,

Excipiantque senes quos in vivaria mittant;

Multis occulto crescit res fenore. Verum 80

Esto aliis alios rebus studiisque teneri:

Idem eadem possunt horam durare probantes?

Nullus in orbe sinus Baiis praelucet amoenis,

Si dixit dives, lacus et mare sentit amorem

Festinantis heri; cui si vitiosa libido 85

Fecerit auspicium, "Cras ferramenta Teanum

Tolletis, fabri." Lectus genialis in aula est,

Nil ait esse prius, melius nil caelibe vita;

Si non est jurat bene solis esse maritis.

Quo teneam vultus mutantem Protea nodo? 90

Quid pauper? Ride: mutat coenacula, lectos,

Balnea, tonsores, conducto navigio aeque

Nauseat ac locuples quem ducit priva triremis.

Si curatus inaequali tonsore capillos

Occurri, rides; si forte subucula pexae 95

Trita subest tunicae vel si toga dissidet impar,

Rides: quid, mea cum pugnat sententia secum,

Quod petiit spernit, repetit quod nuper omisit,

Aestuat et vitae disconvenit ordine toto,

Diruit, aedificat, mutat quadrata rotundis? 100

Insanire putas sollemnia me neque rides,

Nec medici credis nec curatoris egere

A praetore dati, rerum tutela mearum

Cum sis et prave sectum stomacheris ob unguem

De te pendentis, te respicientis amici. 105

Ad summam: sapiens uno minor est Jove, dives,

Liber, honoratus, pulcher, rex denique regum;

Praecipue sanus, nisi cum pituita molesta est.

EPISTOLA II.

Trojani belli scriptorem, maxime Lolli,

Dum tu declamas Romae Praeneste relegi;

Qui quid sit pulchrum, quid turpe, quid utile, quid non,

Planius ac melius Chrysippo et Crantore dicit.

Cur ita crediderim, nisi quid te detinet audi. 5

Fabula qua Paridis propter narratur amorem

Graecia Barbariae lento collisa duello

Stultorum regum et populorum continet aestus.

Antenor censet belli praecidere caussam:

Quid Paris? Ut salvus regnet vivatque beatus 10

Cogi posse negat. Nestor componere lites

Inter Peliden festinat et inter Atriden:

Hunc amor, ira quidem communiter urit utrumque.

Quidquid delirant reges plectuntur Achivi.

Seditione, dolis, scelere atque libidine et ira 15

Iliacos intra muros peccatur et extra.

Rursus quid virtus et quid sapientia possit

Utile proposuit nobis exemplar Ulixen,

Qui domitor Trojae multorum providus urbes

Et mores hominum inspexit, latumque per aequor, 20

Dum sibi dum sociis reditum parat, aspera multa

Pertulit adversis rerum immersabilis undis.

Sirenum voces et Circae pocula nosti;

Quae si cum sociis stultus cupidusque bibisset,

Sub domina meretrice fuisset turpis et excors, 25

Vixisset canis immundus vel amica luto sus.

Nos numerus sumus et fruges consumere nati,

Sponsi Penelopae, nebulones, Alcinoique

In cute curanda plus aequo operata juventus,

Cui pulchrum fuit in medios dormire dies et 30

Ad strepitum citharae cessatum ducere curam.

Ut jugulent homines surgunt de nocte latrones:

Ut te ipsum serves non expergisceris? Atqui

Si noles sanus curres hydropicus; et ni

Posces ante diem librum cum lumine, si non 35

Intendes animum studiis et rebus honestis,

Invidia vel amore vigil torquebere. Nam cur

Quae laedunt oculos festinas demere, si quid

Est animum differs curandi tempus in annum?

Dimidium facti qui coepit habet: sapere aude; 40

Incipe. Qui recte vivendi prorogat horam

Rusticus exspectat dum defluat amnis; at ille

Labitur et labetur in omne volubilis aevum.

Quaeritur argentum puerisque beata creandis

Uxor, et incultae pacantur vomere silvae: 45

Quod satis est cui contingit nil amplius optet.

Non domus et fundus, non aeris acervus et auri

Aegroto domini deduxit corpore febres,

Non animo curas. Valeat possessor oportet

Si comportatis rebus bene cogitat uti. 50

Qui cupit aut metuit juvat illum sic domus et res

Ut lippum pictae tabulae, fomenta podagram,

Auriculas citharae collecta sorde dolentes.

Sincerum est nisi vas quodcunque infundis acescit.

Sperne voluptates, nocet empta dolore voluptas. 55

Semper avarus eget: certum voto pete finem.

Invidus alterius macrescit rebus opimis:

Invidia Siculi non invenere tyranni

Majus tormentum. Qui non moderabitur irae

Infectum volet esse, dolor quod suaserit et mens, 60

Dum poenas odio per vim festinat inulto.

Ira furor brevis est: animum rege, qui nisi paret

Imperat: hunc frenis, hunc tu compesce catena.

Fingit equum tenera docilem cervice magister

Ire viam, qua monstret eques; venaticus, ex quo 65

Tempore cervinam pellem latravit in aula,

Militat in silvis catulus. Nunc adbibe puro

Pectore verba, puer, nunc te melioribus offer.

Quo semel est imbuta recens servabit odorem

Testa diu. Quodsi cessas aut strenuus anteis, 70

Nec tardum opperior nec praecedentibus insto.

EPISTOLA III.

Juli Flore, quibus terrarum militet oris

Claudius Augusti privignus, scire laboro.

Thracane vos Hebrusque nivali compede vinctus,

An freta vicinas inter currentia turres,

An pingues Asiae campi collesque morantur? 5

Quid studiosa cohors operum struit? Hoc quoque curo.

Quis sibi res gestas Augusti scribere sumit?

Bella quis et paces longum diffundit in aevum?

Quid Titius Romana brevi venturus in ora?

Pindarici fontis qui non expalluit haustus, 10

Fastidire lacus et rivos ausus apertos?

Ut valet? ut meminit nostri? Fidibusne Latinis

Thebanos aptare modos studet auspice Musa,

An tragica desaevit et ampullatur in arte?

Quid mihi Celsus agit? monitus multumque monendus 15

Privatas ut quaerat opes, et tangere vitet

Scripta Palatinus quaecunque recepit Apollo,

Ne si forte suas repetitum venerit olim

Grex avium plumas moveat cornicula risum

Furtivis nudata coloribus? Ipse quid audes? 20

Quae circumvolitas agilis thyma? Non tibi parvum

Ingenium, non incultum est et turpiter hirtum.

Seu linguam caussis acuis seu civica jura

Respondere paras seu condis amabile carmen,

Prima feres hederae victricis praemia. Quodsi 25

Frigida curarum fomenta relinquere posses

Quo te caelestis sapientia duceret ires.

Hoc opus, hoc studium parvi properemus et ampli

Si patriae volumus, si nobis vivere cari.

Debes hoc etiam rescribere, si tibi curae 30

Quantae conveniat Munatius; an male sarta

Gratia nequicquam coit et rescinditur. At vos

Seu calidus sanguis seu rerum inscitia vexat

Indomita cervice feros, ubicunque locorum

Vivitis, indigni fraternum rumpere foedus, 35

Pascitur in vestrum reditum votiva juvenca.

EPISTOLA IV.

Albi, nostrorum sermonum candide judex,

Quid nunc te dicam facere in regione Pedana?

Scribere quod Cassi Parmensis opuscula vincat,

An tacitum silvas inter reptare salubres,

Curantem quidquid dignum sapiente bonoque est? 5

Non tu corpus eras sine pectore. Di tibi formam,

Di tibi divitias dederunt artemque fruendi.

Quid voveat dulci nutricula majus alumno,

Qui sapere et fari possit quae sentiat, et cui

Gratia, fama, valetudo contingat abunde, 10

Et mundus victus non deficiente crumena?

Inter spem curamque, timores inter et iras,

Omnem crede diem tibi diluxisse supremum:

Grata superveniet quae non sperabitur hora.

Me pinguem et nitidum bene curata cute vises 15

Cum ridere voles Epicuri de grege porcum.

EPISTOLA V.

Si potes Archiacis conviva recumbere lectis

Nec modica coenare times olus omne patella,

Supremo te sole domi, Torquate, manebo.

Vina bibes iterum Tauro diffusa palustres

Inter Minturnas Sinuessanumque Petrinum. 5

Si melius quid habes, arcesse vel imperium fer.

Jamdudum splendet focus et tibi munda supellex.

Mitte leves spes et certamina divitiarum

Et Moschi causam: cras nato Caesare festus

Dat veniam somnumque dies; impune licebit 10

Aestivam sermone benigno tendere noctem.

Quo mihi fortunam si non conceditur uti?

Parcus ob heredis curam nimiumque severus

Assidet insano; potare et spargere flores

Incipiam, patiarque vel inconsultus haberi. 15

Quid non ebrietas designat? Operta recludit,

Spes jubet esse ratas, ad proelia trudit inertem;

Sollicitis animis onus eximit, addocet artes.

Fecundi calices quem non fecere disertum?

Contracta quem non in paupertate solutum? 20

Haec ego procurare et idoneus imperor et non

Invitus, ne turpe toral, ne sordida mappa

Corruget nares, ne non et cantharus et lanx

Ostendat tibi te, ne fidos inter amicos

Sit qui dicta foras eliminet, ut coëat par 25

Jungaturque pari. Butram tibi Septiciumque,

Et nisi coena prior potiorque puella Sabinum

Detinet, assumam; locus est et pluribus umbris:

Sed nimis arta premunt olidae convivia caprae.

Tu quotas esse velis rescribe, et rebus omissis 30

Atria servantem postico falle clientem.

EPISTOLA VI.

Nil admirari prope res est una, Numici,

Solaque quae possit facere et servare beatum.

Hunc solem et stellas et decedentia certis

Tempora momentis sunt qui formidine nulla

Imbuti spectent: quid censes munera terrae, 5

Quid maris extremos Arabas ditantis et Indos,

Ludicra quid, plausus et amici dona Quiritis?

Quo spectanda modo, quo sensu credis et ore?

Qui timet his adversa fere miratur eodem

Quo cupiens pacto; pavor est utrobique molestus, 10

Improvisa simul species exterret utrumque.

Gaudeat an doleat, cupiat metuatne, quid ad rem,

Si quidquid vidit melius pejusve sua spe

Defixis oculis animoque et corpore torpet?

Insani sapiens nomen ferat, aequus iniqui, 15

Ultra quam satis est virtutem si petat ipsam.

I nunc, argentum et marmor vetus aeraque et artes

Suspice, cum gemmis Tyrios mirare colores;

Gaude quod spectant oculi te mille loquentem;

Navus mane forum et vespertinus pete tectum, 20

Ne plus frumenti dotalibus emetat agris

Mutus et, indignum quod sit, pejoribus ortus

Hic tibi sit potius quam tu mirabilis illi.

Quidquid sub terra est in apricum proferet aetas;

Defodiet condetque nitentia. Cum bene notum 25

Porticus Agrippae et via te conspexerit Appi,

Ire tamen restat Numa quo devenit et Ancus.

Si latus aut renes morbo tentantur acuto

Quaere fugam morbi. Vis recte vivere: quis non?

Si virtus hoc una potest dare, fortis omissis 30

Hoc age deliciis. Virtutem verba putas ut

Lucum ligna: cave ne portus occupet alter,

Ne Cibyratica, ne Bithyna negotia perdas;

Mille talenta rotundentur, totidem altera, porro et

Tertia succedant et quae pars quadret acervum. 35

Scilicet uxorem cum dote fidemque et amicos

Et genus et formam regina Pecunia donat,

Ac bene nummatum decorat Suadela Venusque.

Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadocum rex:

Ne fueris hic tu. Chlamydes Lucullus, ut aiunt, 40

Si posset centum scenae praebere rogatus,

"Qui possum tot?" ait; "tamen et quaeram et quot habebo

Mittam:" post paulo scribit sibi millia quinque

Esse domi chlamydum; partem vel tolleret omnes.

Exilis domus est ubi non et multa supersunt 45

Et dominum fallunt et prosunt furibus. Ergo,

Si res sola potest facere et servare beatum,

Hoc primus repetas opus, hoc postremus omittas.

Si fortunatum species et gratia praestat,

Mercemur servum qui dictet nomina, laevum 50

Qui fodicet latus et cogat trans pondera dextram

Porrigere. "Hic multum in Fabia valet, ille Velina;

Cui libet hic fasces dabit eripietque curule

Cui volet importunus ebur." Frater, Pater, adde;

Ut cuique est aetas ita quemque facetus adopta. 55

Si bene qui coenat bene vivit, lucet, eamus

Quo ducit gula; piscemur, venemur, ut olim

Gargilius, qui mane plagas, venabula, servos

Differtum transire forum populumque jubebat,

Unus ut e multis populo spectante referret 60

Emptum mulus aprum. Crudi tumidique lavemur,

Quid deceat, quid non, obliti, Caerite cera

Digni, remigium vitiosum Ithacensis Ulixei,

Cui potior patria fuit interdicta voluptas.

Si, Mimnermus uti censet, sine amore jocisque 65

Nil est jucundum, vivas in amore jocisque.

Vive, vale. Si quid novisti rectius istis

Candidus imperti; si non his utere mecum.

EPISTOLA VII.

Quinque dies tibi pollicitus me rure futurum,

Sextilem totum mendax desideror. Atqui

Si me vivere vis sanum recteque valentem,

Quam mihi das aegro dabis aegrotare timenti,

Maecenas, veniam, dum ficus prima calorque 5

Designatorem decorat lictoribus atris,

Dum pueris omnis pater et matercula pallet,

Officiosaque sedulitas et opella forensis

Adducit febres et testamenta resignat.

Quodsi bruma nives Albanis illinet agris, 10

Ad mare descendet vates tuus et sibi parcet

Contractusque leget; te, dulcis amice, reviset

Cum Zephyris, si concedes, et hirundine prima.

Non quo more piris vesci Calaber jubet hospes

Tu me fecisti locupletem. "Vescere sodes." 15

"Jam satis est." "At tu quantum vis tolle." "Benigne."

"Non invisa feres pueris munuscula parvis."

"Tam teneor dono, quam si dimittar onustus."

"Ut libet; haec porcis hodie comedenda relinques."

Prodigus et stultus donat quae spernit et odit; 20

Haec seges ingratos tulit et feret omnibus annis.

Vir bonus et sapiens dignis ait esse paratus,

Nec tamen ignorat quid distent aera lupinis:

Dignum praestabo me etiam pro laude merentis.

Quodsi me noles usquam discedere, reddes 25

Forte latus, nigros angusta fronte capillos,

Reddes dulce loqui, reddes ridere decorum et

Inter vina fugam Cinarae maerere protervae.

Forte per angustam tenuis vulpecula rimam

Repserat in cumeram frumenti, pastaque rursus 30

Ire foras pleno tendebat corpore frustra;

Cui mustela procul, "Si vis," ait, "effugere istinc,

Macra cavum repetes artum quem macra subisti."

Hac ego si compellor imagine cuncta resigno;

Nec somnum plebis laudo satur altilium, nec 35

Otia divitiis Arabum liberrima muto.

Saepe verecundum laudasti, rexque paterque

Audisti coram, nec verbo parcius absens:

Inspice si possum donata reponere laetus.

Haud male Telemachus, proles patientis Ulixei: 40

"Non est aptus equis Ithace locus, ut neque planis

Porrectus spatiis nec multae prodigus herbae;

Atride, magis apta tibi tua dona relinquam."

Parvum parva decent; mihi jam non regia Roma,

Sed vacuum Tibur placet aut imbelle Tarentum. 45

Strenuus et fortis causisque Philippus agendis

Clarus ab officiis octavam circiter horam

Dum redit, atque Foro nimium distare Carinas

Jam grandis natu queritur, conspexit, ut aiunt,

Adrasum quendam vacua tonsoris in umbra 50

Cultello proprios purgantem leniter ungues.

"Demetri,"--puer hic non laeve jussa Philippi

Accipiebat--"abi, quaere et refer, unde domo, quis,

Cujus fortunae, quo sit patre quove patrono."

It, redit et narrat, Volteium nomine Menam, 55

Praeconem, tenui censu, sine crimine, notum

Et properare loco et cessare et quaerere et uti,

Gaudentem parvisque sodalibus et lare certo

Et ludis et post decisa negotia Campo.

"Scitari libet ex ipso quodcunque refers; dic 60

Ad coenam veniat." Non sane credere Mena,

Mirari secum tacitus. Quid multa? "Benigne,"

Respondet. "Neget ille mihi?" "Negat improbus et te

Negligit aut horret." Volteium mane Philippus

Vilia vendentem tunicato scruta popello 65

Occupat et salvere jubet prior. Ille Philippo

Excusare laborem et mercenaria vincla,

Quod non mane domum venisset, denique quod non

Providisset eum. "Sic ignovisse putato

Me tibi si coenas hodie mecum." "Ut libet." "Ergo 70

Post nonam venies: nunc i, rem strenuus auge."

Ut ventum ad coenam est, dicenda tacenda locutus

Tandem dormitum dimittitur. Hic ubi saepe

Occultum visus decurrere piscis ad hamum

Mane cliens et jam certus conviva, jubetur 75

Rura suburbana indictis comes ire Latinis.

Impositus mannis arvum caelumque Sabinum

Non cessat laudare. Videt ridetque Philippus,

Et sibi dum requiem, dum risus undique quaerit,

Dum septem donat sestertia, mutua septem 80

Promittit, persuadet uti mercetur agellum.

Mercatur. Ne te longis ambagibus ultra

Quam satis est morer, ex nitido fit rusticus atque

Sulcos et vineta crepat mera; praeparat ulmos,

Immoritur studiis et amore senescit habendi. 85

Verum ubi oves furto, morbo periere capellae,

Spem mentita seges, bos est enectus arando,

Offensus damnis media de nocte caballum

Arripit iratusque Philippi tendit ad aedes.

Quem simul adspexit scabrum intonsumque Phillippus, 90

"Durus," ait, "Voltei, nimis attentusque videris

Esse mihi." "Pol me miserum, patrone, vocares,

Si velles," inquit, "verum mihi ponere nomen!

Quod te per Genium dextramque deosque Penates

Obsecro et obtestor, vitae me redde priori." 95

Qui semel adspexit quantum dimissa petitis

Praestent, mature redeat repetatque relicta.

Metiri se quemque suo modulo ac pede verum est.

EPISTOLA VIII.

Celso gaudere et bene rem gerere Albinovano

Musa rogata refer, comiti scribaeque Neronis.

Si quaeret quid agam, dic multa et pulchra minantem

Vivere nec recte nec suaviter: haud quia grando

Contuderit vites oleamque momorderit aestus, 5

Nec quia longinquis armentum aegrotet in agris;

Sed quia mente minus validus quam corpore toto

Nil audire velim, nil discere, quod levet aegrum;

Fidis offendar medicis, irascar amicis,

Cur me funesto properent arcere veterno; 10

Quae nocuere sequar, fugiam quae profore credam;

Romae Tibur amem ventosus, Tibure Romam.

Post haec ut valeat, quo pacto rem gerat et se,

Ut placeat juveni percontare utque cohorti.

Si dicet, Recte, primum gaudere, subinde 15

Praeceptum auriculis hoc instillare memento:

Ut tu fortunam sic nos te, Celse, feremus.

EPISTOLA IX.

Septimius, Claudi, nimirum intelligit unus

Quanti me facias: nam cum rogat et prece cogit

Scilicet ut tibi se laudare et tradere coner,

Dignum mente domoque legentis honesta Neronis

Munere cum fungi propioris censet amici, 5

Quid possim videt ac novit me valdius ipso.

Multa quidem dixi, cur excusatus abirem;

Sed timui mea ne finxisse minora putarer,

Dissimulator opis propriae, mihi commodus uni.

Sic ego majoris fugiens opprobria culpae 10

Frontis ad urbanae descendi praemia. Quodsi

Depositum laudas ob amici jussa pudorem,

Scribe tui gregis hunc et fortem crede bonumque.

EPISTOLA X.

Urbis amatorem Fuscum salvere jubemus

Ruris amatores, hac in re scilicet una

Multum dissimiles, at caetera paene gemelli;

Fraternis animis, quidquid negat alter et alter;

Annuimus pariter vetuli notique columbi. 5

Tu nidum servas; ego laudo ruris amoeni

Rivos et musco circumlita saxa nemusque.

Quid quaeris? Vivo et regno simul ista reliqui

Quae vos ad caelum fertis rumore secundo:

Utque sacerdotis fugitivus liba recuso; 10

Pane egeo jam mellitis potiore placentis.

Vivere naturae si convenienter oportet

Ponendaeque domo quaerenda est area primum,

Novistine locum potiorem rure beato?

Est ubi plus tepeant hiemes, ubi gratior aura 15

Leniat et rabiem Canis et momenta Leonis,

Cum semel accepit solem furibundus acutum?

Est ubi divellat somnos minus invida cura?

Deterius Libycis olet aut nitet herba lapillis?

Purior in vicis aqua tendit rumpere plumbum 20

Quam quae per pronum trepidat cum murmure rivum?

Nempe inter varias nutritur silva columnas,

Laudaturque domus longos quae prospicit agros.

Naturam expellas furca, tamen usque recurret,

Et mala perrumpet furtim fastidia victrix. 25

Non qui Sidonio contendere callidus ostro

Nescit Aquinatem potantia vellera fucum

Certius accipiet damnum propiusque medullis,

Quam qui non poterit vero distinguere falsum.

Quem res plus nimio delectavere secundae, 30

Mutatae quatient. Si quid mirabere pones

Invitus. Fuge magna; licet sub paupere tecto

Reges et regum vita praecurrere amicos.

Cervus equum pugna melior communibus herbis

Pellebat, donec minor in certamine longo 35

Imploravit opes hominis frenumque recepit;

Sed postquam victor violens discessit ab hoste

Non equitem dorso, non frenum depulit ore.

Sic qui pauperiem veritus potiore metallis

Libertate caret, dominum vehit improbus atque 40

Serviet aeternum, quia parvo nesciet uti.

Cui non conveniet sua res, ut calceus olim,

Si pede major erit, subvertet, si minor uret.

Laetus sorte tua vives sapienter, Aristi,

Nec me dimittes incastigatum ubi plura 45

Cogere quam satis est ac non cessare videbor.

Imperat aut servit collecta pecunia cuique,

Tortum digna sequi potius quam ducere funem.

Haec tibi dictabam post fanum putre Vacunae,

Excepto quod non simul esses caetera laetus. 50

EPISTOLA XI.

Quid tibi visa Chios, Bullati, notaque Lesbos,

Quid concinna Samos, quid Croesi regia Sardes,

Smyrna quid et Colophon? Majora minorave fama,

Cunctane prae Campo et Tiberino flumine sordent?

An venit in votum Attalicis ex urbibus una, 5

An Lebedum laudas odio maris atque viarum?

Scis Lebedus quid sit: Gabiis desertior atque

Fidenis vicus; tamen illic vivere vellem,

Oblitusque meorum obliviscendus et illis

Neptunum procul e terra spectare furentem. 10

Sed neque qui Capua Romam petit imbre lutoque

Adspersus volet in caupona vivere; nec, qui

Frigus collegit furnos et balnea laudat

Ut fortunatam plene praestantia vitam.

Nec, si te validus jactaverit Auster in alto, 15

Idcirco navem trans Aegaeum mare vendas.

Incolumi Rhodos et Mytilene pulchra facit quod

Paenula solstitio, campestre nivalibus auris,

Per brumam Tiberis, Sextili mense caminus.

Dum licet ac vultum servat fortuna benignum, 20

Romae laudetur Samos et Chios et Rhodos absens

Tu quamcunque deus tibi fortunaverit horam

Grata sume manu, neu dulcia differ in annum,

Ut quocunque loco fueris vixisse libenter

Te dicas: nam si ratio et prudentia curas, 25

Non locus effusi late maris arbiter aufert,

Caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt.

Strenua nos exercet inertia; navibus atque

Quadrigis petimus bene vivere. Quod petis hic est,

Est Ulubris, animus si te non deficit aequus. 30

EPISTOLA XII.

Fructibus Agrippae Siculis quos colligis, Icci,

Si recte frueris non est ut copia major

Ab Jove donari possit tibi. Tolle querelas:

Pauper enim non est cui rerum suppetit usus.

Si ventri bene, si lateri est pedibusque tuis, nil 5

Divitiae poterunt regales addere majus.

Si forte in medio positorum abstemius herbis

Vivis et urtica, sic vives protinus ut te

Confestim liquidus Fortunae rivus inauret:

Vel quia naturam mutare pecunia nescit, 10

Vel quia cuncta putas una virtute minora.

Miramur si Democriti pecus edit agellos

Cultaque dum peregre est animus sine corpore velox;

Cum tu inter scabiem tantam et contagia lucri

Nil parvum sapias et adhuc sublimia cures: 15

Quae mare compescant caussae, quid temperet annum,

Stellae sponte sua jussaene vagentur et errent,

Quid premat obscurum lunae, quid proferat orbem,

Quid velit et possit rerum concordia discors,

Empedocles an Stertinium deliret acumen. 20

Verum seu pisces seu porrum et caepe trucidas

Utere Pompeio Grospho, et si quid petet ultro

Defer: nil Grosphus nisi verum orabit et aequum.

Vilis amicorum est annona bonis ubi quid deest.

Ne tamen ignores quo sit Romana loco res: 25

Cantaber Agrippae, Claudi virtute Neronis

Armenius cecidit; jus imperiumque Phraates

Caesaris accepit genibus minor; aurea fruges

Italiae pleno defundit Copia cornu.

EPISTOLA XIII.

Ut proficiscentem docui te saepe diuque

Augusto reddes signata volumina, Vini,

Si validus, si laetus erit, si denique poscet;

Ne studio nostri pecces odiumque libellis

Sedulus importes opera vehemente minister. 5

Si te forte meae gravis uret sarcina chartae,

Abjicito potius quam quo perferre juberis

Clitellas ferus impingas, Asinaeque paternum

Cognomen vertas in risum et fabula fias.

Viribus uteris per clivos, flumina, lamas; 10

Victor propositi simul ac perveneris illuc,

Sic positum servabis onus, ne forte sub ala

Fasciculum portes librorum ut rusticus agnum,

Ut vinosa glomus furtivae Pyrrhia lanae,

Ut cum pileolo soleas conviva tribulis. 15

Ne vulgo narres, te sudavisse ferendo

Carmina, quae possint oculos auresque morari

Caesaris; oratus multa prece nitere porro.

Vade, vale, cave ne titubes mandataque frangas.

EPISTOLA XIV.

Villice silvarum et mihi me reddentis agelli,

Quem tu fastidis habitatum quinque focis et

Quinque bonos solitum Variam dimittere patres,

Certemus spinas animone ego fortius an tu

Evellas agro, et melior sit Horatius an res. 5

Me quamvis Lamiae pietas et cura moratur

Fratrem maerentis, rapto de fratre dolentis

Insolabiliter, tamen istuc mens animusque

Fert et amat spatiis obstantia rumpere claustra.

Rure ego viventem, tu dicis in urbe beatum: 10

Cui placet alterius sua nimirum est odio sors.

Stultus uterque locum immeritum causatur inique:

In culpa est animus, qui se non effugit unquam.

Tu mediastinus tacita prece rura petebas,

Nunc urbem et ludos et balnea villicus optas; 15

Me constare mihi scis, et discedere tristem

Quandocunque trahunt invisa negotia Romam.

Non eadem miramur; eo disconvenit inter

Meque et te: nam quae deserta et inhospita tesca

Credis amoena vocat mecum qui sentit, et odit 20

Quae tu pulchra putas. Fornix tibi et uncta popina

Incutiunt urbis desiderium, video, et quod

Angulus iste feret piper et thus ocius uva,

Nec vicina subest vinum praebere taberna

Quae possit tibi, nec meretrix tibicina, cujus 25

Ad strepitum salias terrae gravis: et tamen urges

Jampridem non tacta ligonibus arva bovemque

Disjunctum curas et strictis frondibus exples;

Addit opus pigro rivus, si decidit imber,

Multa mole docendus aprico parcere prato. 30

Nunc age quid nostrum concentum dividat audi.

Quem tenues decuere togae nitidique capilli,

Quem scis immunem Cinarae placuisse rapaci,

Quem bibulum liquidi media de luce Falerni,

Coena brevis juvat et prope rivum somnus in herba; 35

Nec lusisse pudet sed non incidere ludum.

Non istic obliquo oculo mea commoda quisquam

Limat, non odio obscuro morsuque venenat;

Rident vicini glebas et saxa moventem.

Cum servis urbana diaria rodere mavis; 40

Horum tu in numerum voto ruis; invidet usum

Lignorum et pecoris tibi calo argutus et horti.

Optat ephippia bos, piger optat arare caballus;

Quam scit uterque libens censebo exerceat artem.

EPISTOLA XV.

Quae sit hiems Veliae, quod caelum, Vala, Salerni,

Quorum hominum regio et qualis via, (nam mihi Baias

Musa supervacuas Antonius, et tamen illis

Me facit invisum, gelida cum perluor unda

Per medium frigus. Sane murteta relinqui 5

Dictaque cessantem nervis elidere morbum

Sulphura contemni vicus gemit, invidus aegris,

Qui caput et stomachum supponere fontibus audent

Clusinis Gabiosque petunt et frigida rura.

Mutandus locus est et deversoria nota 10

Praeteragendus equus. Quo tendis? Non mihi Cumas

Est iter aut Baias, laeva stomachosus habena

Dicet eques; sed equi frenato est auris in ore.)

Major utrum populum frumenti copia pascat,

Collectosne bibant imbres puteosne perennes 15

Jugis aquae; (nam vina nihil moror illius orae;

Rure meo possum quidvis perferre patique,

Ad mare cum veni generosum et lene requiro,

Quod curas abigat, quod cum spe divite manet

In venas animumque meum, quod verba ministret, 20

Quod me Lucanae juvenem commendet amicae.)

Tractus uter plures lepores, uter educet apros,

Utra magis pisces et echinos aequora celent,

Pinguis ut inde domum possim Phaeaxque reverti,

Scribere te nobis, tibi nos accredere par est. 25

Maenius, ut rebus maternis atque paternis

Fortiter absumptis urbanus coepit haberi,

Scurra vagus non qui certum praesepe teneret,

Impransus non qui civem dinosceret hoste,

Quaelibet in quemvis opprobria fingere saevus, 30

Pernicies et tempestas barathrumque macelli,

Quidquid quaesierat ventri donabat avaro.

Hic ubi nequitiae fautoribus et timidis nil

Aut paulum abstulerat patinas coenabat omasi

Vilis et agninae, tribus ursis quod satis esset; 35

Scilicet ut ventres lamna candente nepotum

Diceret urendos, correctus Bestius. Idem

Quidquid erat nactus praedae majoris ubi omne

Verterat in fumum et cinerem, Non hercule miror,

Aiebat, si qui comedunt bona, cum sit obeso 40

Nil melius turdo, nil vulva pulchrius ampla.

Nimirum hic ego sum; nam tuta et parvula laudo

Cum res deficiunt, satis inter vilia fortis;

Verum ubi quid melius contingit et unctius idem

Vos sapere et solos aio bene vivere, quorum 45

Conspicitur nitidis fundata pecunia villis.

EPISTOLA XVI.

Ne perconteris fundus meus, optime Quinti,

Arvo pascat herum an baccis opulentet olivae,

Pomisne et pratis an amicta vitibus ulmo,

Scribetur tibi forma loquaciter et situs agri.

Continui montes ni dissocientur opaca 5

Valle, sed ut veniens dextrum latus adspiciat Sol,

Laevum discedens curru fugiente vaporet.

Temperiem laudes. Quid, si rubicunda benigni

Corna vepres et pruna ferant, si quercus et ilex

Multa fruge pecus multa dominum juvet umbra, 10

Dicas adductum propius frondere Tarentum.

Fons etiam rivo dare nomen idoneus, ut nec

Frigidior Thracam nec purior ambiat Hebrus,

Infirmo capiti fluit utilis, utilis alvo.

Hae latebrae dulces, etiam si credis amoenae, 15

Incolumem tibi me praestant Septembribus horis.

Tu recte vivis si curas esse quod audis.

Jactamus jampridem omnis te Roma beatum;

Sed vereor ne cui de te plus quam tibi credas,

Neve putes alium sapiente bonoque beatum, 20

Neu si te populus sanum recteque valentem

Dictitet occultam febrem sub tempus edendi

Dissimules, donec manibus tremor incidat unctis.

Stultorum incurata pudor malus ulcera celat.

Si quis bella tibi terra pugnata marique 25

Dicat et his verbis vacuas permulceat aures:

"Tene magis salvum populus velit an populum tu

Servet in ambiguo qui consulit et tibi et urbi:

Juppiter;" Augusti laudes agnoscere possis:

Cum pateris sapiens emendatusque vocari, 30

Respondesne tuo dic sodes nomine? Nempe

Vir bonus et prudens dici delector ego ac tu.

Qui dedit hoc hodie cras si volet auferet, ut si

Detulerit fasces indigno detrahet idem.

"Pone, meum est:" inquit. Pono tristisque recedo. 35

Idem si clamet furem, neget esse pudicum,

Contendat laqueo collum pressisse paternum;

Mordear opprobriis falsis mutemque colores?

Falsus honor juvat et mendax infamia terret

Quem nisi mendosum et medicandum? Vir bonus est quis? 40

Qui consulta patrum, qui leges juraque servat,

Quo multae magnaeque secantur judice lites,

Quo res sponsore et quo causae teste tenentur.

Sed videt hunc omnis domus et vicinia tota

Introrsum turpem, speciosum pelle decora. 45

"Nec furtum feci nec fugi," si mihi dicat

Servus, "Habes pretium, loris non ureris," aio.

"Non hominem occidi." "Non pasces in cruce corvos."

"Sum bonus et frugi." "Renuit negitatque Sabellus:

Cautus enim metuit foveam lupus accipiterque 50

Suspectos laqueos et opertum miluus hamum.

Oderunt peccare boni virtutis amore;

Tu nihil admittes in te formidine poenae:

Sit spes fallendi, miscebis sacra profanis;

Nam de mille fabae modiis cum surripis unum, 55

Damnum est non facinus mihi pacto lenius isto."

Vir bonus, omne forum quem spectat et omne tribunal,

Quandocunque deos vel porco vel bove placat,

Jane pater! clare, clare cum dixit, Apollo!

Labra movet metuens audiri: "Pulchra Laverna, 60

Da mihi fallere, da justo sanctoque videri,

Noctem peccatis et fraudibus objice nubem."

Quî melior servo, qui liberior sit avarus,

In triviis fixum cum se demittit ob assem,

Non video; nam qui cupiet metuet quoque; porro, 65

Qui metuens vivet liber mihi non erit unquam.

Perdidit arma, locum virtutis deseruit, qui

Semper in augenda festinat et obruitur re.

Vendere cum possis captivum occidere noli;

Serviet utiliter: sine pascat durus aretque, 70

Naviget ac mediis hiemet mercator in undis;

Annonae prosit; portet frumenta penusque.

Vir bonus et sapiens audebit dicere: "Pentheu,

Rector Thebarum, quid me perferre patique

Indignum coges?" "Adimam bona." "Nempe pecus, rem,

Lectos, argentum: tollas licet." "In manicis et 76

Compedibus saevo te sub custode tenebo."

"Ipse deus simul atque volam me solvet." Opinor

Hoc sentit: "Moriar; mors ultima linea rerum est."

EPISTOLA XVII.

Quamvis, Scaeva, satis per te tibi consulis, et scis

Quo tandem pacto deceat majoribus uti,

Disce, docendus adhuc, quae censet amiculus, ut si

Caecus iter monstrare velit; tamen adspice si quid

Et nos quod cures proprium fecisse loquamur.

Si te grata quies et primam somnus in horam

Delectat, si te pulvis strepitusque rotarum,

Si laedit caupona, Ferentinum ire jubebo;

Nam neque divitibus contingunt gaudia solis.

Nec vixit male qui natus moriensque fefellit 10

Si prodesse tuis pauloque benignius ipsum

Te tractare voles, accedes siccus ad unctum.

"Si pranderet olus patienter regibus uti

Nollet Aristippus." "Si sciret regibus uti

Fastidiret olus qui me notat." Utrius horum 15

Verba probes et facta doce, vel junior audi

Cur sit Aristippi potior sententia; namque

Mordacem Cynicum sic eludebat, ut aiunt:

"Scurror ego ipse mihi, populo tu; rectius hoc et

Splendidius multo est. Equus ut me portet, alat rex, 20

Officium facio: tu poscis vilia rerum,

Dante minor quamvis fers te nullius egentem."

Omnis Aristippum decuit color et status et res,

Tentantem majora, fere praesentibus aequum.

Contra quem duplici panno patientia velat 25

Mirabor vitae via si conversa decebit.

Alter purpureum non exspectabit amictum,

Quidlibet indutus celeberrima per loca vadet,

Personamque feret non inconcinnus utramque;

Alter Mileti textam cane pejus et angui 30

Vitabit chlamydem, morietur frigore si non

Rettuleris pannum. Refer et sine vivat ineptus.

Res gerere et captos ostendere civibus hostes

Attingit solium Jovis et caelestia tentat:

Principibus placuisse viris non ultima laus est. 35

Non cuivis homini contingit adire Corinthum.

Sedit qui timuit ne non succederet. Esto!

Quid qui pervenit, fecitne viriliter? Atqui

Hîc est aut nusquam quod quaerimus. Hic onus horret,

Ut parvis animis et parvo corpore majus: 40

Hic subit et perfert. Aut virtus nomen inane est,

Aut decus et pretium recte petit experiens vir.

Coram rege suo de paupertate tacentes

Plus poscente ferent; distat sumasne pudenter

An rapias. Atqui rerum caput hoc erat, hic fons. 45

"Indotata mihi soror est, paupercula mater,

Et fundus nec vendibilis nec pascere firmus,"

Qui dicit, clamat, "Victum date." Succinit alter:

"Et mihi dividuo findetur munere quadra."

Sed tacitus pasci si posset corvus haberet 50

Plus dapis et rixae multo minus invidiaeque.

Brundisium comes aut Surrentum ductus amoenum

Qui queritur salebras et acerbum frigus et imbres,

Aut cistam effractam et subducta viatica plorat,

Nota refert meretricis acumina, saepe catellam, 55

Saepe periscelidem raptam sibi flentis, uti mox

Nulla fides damnis verisque doloribus adsit.

Nec semel irrisus triviis attollere curat

Fracto crure planum, licet illi plurima manet

Lacrima, per sanctum juratus dicat Osirim: 60

"Credite non ludo; crudeles, tollite claudum."

"Quaere peregrinum," vicinia rauca reclamat.

EPISTOLA XVIII.

Si bene te novi metues, liberrime Lolli,

Scurrantis speciem praebere professus amicum.

Ut matrona meretrici dispar erit atque

Discolor, infido scurrae distabit amicus.

Est huic diversum vitio vitium prope majus, 5

Asperitas agrestis et inconcinna gravisque,

Quae se commendat tonsa cute, dentibus atris,

Dum vult libertas dici mera veraque virtus.

Virtus est medium vitiorum et utrinque reductum.

Alter in obsequium plus aequo pronus et imi 10

Derisor lecti sic nutum divitis horret,

Sic iterat voces et verba cadentia tollit,

Ut puerum saevo credas dictata magistro

Reddere vel partes mimum tractare secundas

Alter rixatur de lana saepe caprina, 15

Propugnat nugis armatus: "Scilicet ut non

Sit mihi prima fides, et vere quod placet ut non

Acriter elatrem! Pretium aetas altera sordet."

Ambigitur quid enim? Castor sciat an Dolichos plus;

Brundisium Minuci melius via ducat an Appi. 20

Quem damnosa Venus, quem praeceps alea nudat,

Gloria quem supra vires et vestit et ungit,

Quem tenet argenti sitis importuna famesque,

Quem paupertatis pudor et fuga, dives amicus

Saepe decem vitiis instructior odit et horret: 25

Aut si non odit regit, ac veluti pia mater

Plus quam se sapere et virtutibus esse priorem

Vult, et ait prope vera: "Meae (contendere noli)

Stultitiam patiuntur opes; tibi parvula res est:

Arta decet sanum comitem toga; desine mecum 30

Certare." Eutrapelus cuicunque nocere volebat

Vestimenta dabat pretiosa: beatus enim jam

Cum pulchris tunicis sumet nova consilia et spes,

Dormiet in lucem, scorto postponet honestum

Officium, nummos alienos pascet, ad imum 35

Thrax erit aut olitoris aget mercede caballum.

Arcanum neque tu scrutaberis illius unquam,

Commissumque teges et vino tortus et ira;

Nec tua laudabis studia aut aliena reprendes,

Nec cum venari volet ille poëmata panges. 40

Gratia sic fratrum geminorum Amphionis atque

Zethi dissiluit, donec suspecta severo

Conticuit lyra. Fraternis cessisse putatur

Moribus Amphion: tu cede potentis amici

Lenibus imperiis, quotiesque educet in agros 45

Aetolis onerata plagis jumenta canesque,

Surge et inhumanae senium depone Camenae,

Coenes ut pariter pulmenta laboribus empta.

Romanis sollemne viris opus, utile famae

Vitaeque et membris, praesertim cum valeas et 50

Vel cursu superare canem vel viribus aprum

Possis. Adde virilia quod speciosius arma

Non est qui tractet:--scis, quo clamore coronae

Proelia sustineas campestria; denique saevam

Militiam puer et Cantabrica bella tulisti 55

Sub duce qui templis Parthorum signa refigit

Nunc, et, si quid abest Italis adjudicat armis.

Ac, ne te retrahas et inexcusabilis absis,

Quamvis nil extra numerum fecisse modumque

Curas, interdum nugaris rure paterno; 60

Partitur lintres exercitus; Actia pugna

Te duce per pueros hostili more refertur;

Adversarius est frater, lacus Hadria, donec

Alterutrum velox Victoria fronde coronet.

Consentire suis studiis qui crediderit te, 65

Fautor utroque tuum laudabit pollice ludum.

Protinus ut moneam, si quid monitoris eges tu

Quid de quoque viro et cui dicas saepe videto.

Percontatorem fugito, nam garrulus idem est,

Nec retinent patulae commissa fideliter aures, 70

Et semel emissum volat irrevocabile verbum.

Non ancilla tuum jecur ulceret ulla puerve

Intra marmoreum venerandi limen amici,

Ne dominus pueri pulchri caraeve puellae

Munere te parvo beet aut incommodus angat. 75

Qualem commendes, etiam atque etiam adspice, ne mox

Incutiant aliena tibi peccata pudorem.

Fallimur et quondam non dignum tradimus: ergo

Quem sua culpa premet deceptus omitte tueri,

Ut penitus notum, si tentent crimina, serves 80

Tuterisque tuo fidentem praesidio: qui

Dente Theonino cum circumroditur, ecquid

Ad te post paulo ventura pericula sentis?

Nam tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardet,

Et neglecta solent incendia sumere vires. 85

Dulcis inexpertis cultura potentis amici;

Expertus metuit. Tu dum tua navis in alto est

Hoc age, ne mutata retrorsum te ferat aura.

Oderunt hilarem tristes tristemque jocosi,

Sedatum celeres, agilem navumque remissi; 90

Potores bibuli media de nocte Falerni

Oderunt porrecta negantem pocula, quamvis

Nocturnos jures te formidare vapores.

Deme supercilio nubem: plerumque modestus

Occupat obscuri speciem, taciturnus acerbi. 95

Inter cuncta leges et percontabere doctos,

Qua ratione queas traducere leniter aevum;

Num te semper inops agitet vexetque cupido,

Num pavor et rerum mediocriter utilium spes;

Virtutem doctrina paret, naturane donet; 100

Quid minuat curas, quid te tibi reddat amicum;

Quid pure tranquillet, honos an dulce lucellum,

An secretum iter et fallentis semita vitae.

Me quoties reficit gelidus Digentia rivus,

Quem Mandela bibit, rugosus frigore pagus, 105

Quid sentire putas? quid credis, amice, precari?

Sit mihi quod nunc est, etiam minus; et mihi vivam

Quod superest aevi, si quid superesse volunt di;

Sit bona librorum et provisae frugis in annum

Copia, neu fluitem dubiae spe pendulus horae. 110

Sed satis est orare Jovem quae donat et aufert:

Det vitam, det opes, aequum mi animum ipse parabo.

EPISTOLA XIX.

Prisco si credis, Maecenas docte, Cratino,

Nulla placere diu nec vivere carmina possunt

Quae scribuntur aquae potoribus. Ut male sanos

Adscripsit Liber Satyris Faunisque poëtas

Vina fere dulces oluerunt mane Camenae. 5

Laudibus arguitur vini vinosus Homerus;

Ennius ipse pater nunquam nisi potus ad arma

Prosiluit dicenda. "Forum putealque Libonis

Mandabo siccis, adimam cantare severis:"

Hoc simul edixi non cessavere poëtae 10

Nocturno certare mero, putere diurno.

Quid, si quis vultu torvo ferus et pede nudo

Exiguaeque togae simulet textore Catonem,

Virtutemne repraesentet moresque Catonis?

Rupit Iarbitam Timagenis aemula lingua, 15

Dum studet urbanus tenditque disertus haberi.

Decipit exemplar vitiis imitabile: quodsi

Pallerem casu biberent exsangue cuminum.

O imitatores, servum pecus, ut mihi saepe

Bilem, saepe jocum vestri movere tumultus! 20

Libera per vacuum posui vestigia princeps,

Non aliena meo pressi pede. Qui sibi fidit

Dux reget examen. Parios ego primus iambos

Ostendi Latio, numeros animosque secutus

Archilochi, non res et agentia verba Lycamben. 25

Ac ne me foliis ideo brevioribus ornes

Quod timui mutare modos et carminis artem,

Temperat Archilochi Musam pede mascula Sappho,

Temperat Alcaeus, sed rebus et ordine dispar,

Nec socerum quaerit quem versibus oblinat atris, 30

Nec sponsae laqueum famoso carmine nectit.

Hunc ego non alio dictum prius ore Latinus

Vulgavi fidicen; juvat immemorata ferentem

Ingenuis oculisque legi manibusque teneri.

Scire velis mea cur ingratus opuscula lector 35

Laudet ametque domi, premat extra limen iniquus?

Non ego ventosae plebis suffragia venor

Impensis coenarum et tritae munere vestis;

Non ego nobilium scriptorum auditor et ultor

Grammaticas ambire tribus et pulpita dignor: 40

Hinc illae lacrimae. "Spissis indigna theatris

Scripta pudet recitare et nugis addere pondus,"

Si dixi: "Rides," ait, "et Jovis auribus ista

Servas; fidis enim manare poëtica mella

Te solum, tibi pulcher." Ad haec ego naribus uti 45

Formido, et luctantis acuto ne secer ungui,

"Displicet iste locus," clamo, "et diludia posco."

Ludus enim genuit trepidum certamen et iram,

Ira truces inimicitias et funebre bellum.

EPISTOLA XX.

Vertumnum Janumque, liber, spectare videris,

Scilicet ut prostes Sosiorum pumice mundus.

Odisti claves et grata sigilla pudico;

Paucis ostendi gemis et communia laudas,

Non ita nutritus. Fuge quo descendere gestis. 5

Non erit emisso reditus tibi. "Quid miser egi?

Quid volui?" dices ubi quis te laeserit; et scis

In breve te cogi cum plenus languet amator.

Quodsi non odio peccantis desipit augur,

Carus eris Romae donec te deserat aetas; 10

Contrectatus ubi manibus sordescere vulgi

Coeperis, aut tineas pasces taciturnus inertes,

Aut fugies Uticam aut vinctus mitteris Ilerdam.

Ridebit monitor non exauditus, ut ille

Qui male parentem in rupes protrusit asellum 15

Iratus: quis enim invitum servare laboret?

Hoc quoque te manet, ut pueros elementa docentem

Occupet extremis in vicis balba senectus.

Cum tibi sol tepidus plures admoverit aures,

Me, libertino natum patre et in tenui re, 20

Majores pennas nido extendisse loqueris,

Ut quantum generi demas virtutibus addas;

Me primis Urbis belli placuisse domique;

Corporis exigui, praecanum, solibus aptum,

Irasci celerem, tamen ut placabilis essem. 25

Forte meum si quis te percontabitur aevum,

Me quater undenos sciat implevisse Decembres

Collegam Lepidum quo duxit Lollius anno.

EPISTOLARUM LIBER SECUNDUS.

EPISTOLA I.

Cum tot sustineas et tanta negotia solus,

Res Italas armis tuteris, moribus ornes,

Legibus emendes, in publica commoda peccem

Si longo sermone morer tua tempora, Caesar.

Romulus et Liber pater et cum Castore Pollux, 5

Post ingentia facta deorum in templa recepti,

Dum terras hominumque colunt genus, aspera bella

Componunt, agros assignant, oppida condunt,

Ploravere suis non respondere favorem

Speratum meritis. Diram qui contudit hydram 10

Notaque fatali portenta labore subegit,

Comperit invidiam supremo fine domari.

Urit enim fulgore suo qui praegravat artes

Infra se positas; exstinctus amabitur idem.

Praesenti tibi maturos largimur honores, 15

Jurandasque tuum per nomen ponimus aras,

Nil oriturum alias, nil ortum tale fatentes.

Sed tuus hic populus, sapiens et justus in uno,

Te nostris ducibus, te Graiis anteferendo,

Cetera nequaquam simili ratione modoque 20

Aestimat, et nisi quae terris semota suisque

Temporibus defuncta videt, fastidit et odit;

Sic fautor veterum ut tabulas peccare vetantes

Quas bis quinque viri sanxerunt, foedera regum

Vel Gabiis vel cum rigidis aequata Sabinis, 25

Pontificum libros, annosa volumina vatum,

Dictitet Albano Musas in monte locutas.

Si quia Graecorum sunt antiquissima quaeque

Scripta vel optima Romani pensantur eadem

Scriptores trutina, non est quod multa loquamur; 30

Nil intra est oleam, nil extra est in nuce duri;

Venimus ad summum fortunae; pingimus atque

Psallimus et luctamur Achivis doctius unctis.

Si meliora dies ut vina poëmata reddit,

Scire velim chartis pretium quotus arroget annus. 35

Scriptor abhinc annos centum qui decidit inter

Perfectos veteresque referri debet, an inter

Viles atque novos? Excludat jurgia finis.

Est vetus atque probus centum qui perficit annos.

Quid, qui deperiit minor uno mense vel anno, 40

Inter quos referendus erit? veteresne poëtas,

An quos et praesens et postera respuat aetas?

Iste quidem veteres inter ponetur honeste

Qui vel mense brevi vel toto est junior anno.

Utor permisso caudaeque pilos ut equinae 45

Paullatim vello et demo unum, demo et item unum,

Dum cadat elusus ratione ruentis acervi

Qui redit in fastos et virtutem aestimat annis,

Miraturque nihil nisi quod Libitina sacravit.

Ennius et sapiens et fortis et alter Homerus, 50

Ut critici dicunt, leviter curare videtur

Quo promissa cadant et somnia Pythagorea.

Naevius in manibus non est et mentibus haeret

Pene recens? Adeo sanctum est vetus omne poëma.

Ambigitur quotiens uter utro sit prior, aufert 55

Pacuvius docti famam senis, Accus alti,

Dicitur Afrani toga convenisse Menandro,

Plautus ad exemplar Siculi properare Epicharmi,

Vincere Caecilius gravitate, Terentius arte.

Hos ediscit et hos arto stipata theatro 60

Spectat Roma potens; habet hos numeratque poëtas

Ad nostrum tempus Livi scriptoris ab aevo.

Interdum vulgus rectum videt, est ubi peccat.

Si veteres ita miratur laudatque poëtas

Ut nihil anteferat, nihil illis comparet, errat: 65

Si quaedam nimis antique, si pleraque dure

Dicere credit eos, ignave multa fatetur,

Et sapit et mecum facit et Jove judicat aequo.

Non equidem insector delendaque carmina Livi

Esse reor, memini quae plagosum mihi parvo 70

Orbilium dictare; sed emendata videri

Pulchraque et exactis minimum distantia miror;

Inter quae verbum emicuit si forte decorum, et

Si versus paullo concinnior unus et alter,

Injuste totum ducit venditque poëma. 75

Indignor quidquam reprehendi, non quia crasse

Compositum illepideve putetur, sed quia nuper;

Nec veniam antiquis sed honorem et praemia posci.

Recte necne crocum floresque perambulet Attae

Fabula si dubitem, clament periisse pudorem 80

Cuncti pene patres, ea cum reprehendere coner

Quae gravis Aesopus, quae doctus Roscius egit:

Vel quia nil rectum nisi quod placuit sibi ducunt,

Vel quia turpe putant parere minoribus, et quae

Imberbes didicere senes perdenda fateri. 85

Jam Saliare Numae carmen qui laudat, et illud

Quod mecum ignorat solus vult scire videri,

Ingeniis non ille favet plauditque sepultis,

Nostra sed impugnat, nos nostraque lividus odit.

Quod si tam Graecis novitas invisa fuisset 90

Quam nobis, quid nunc esset vetus? aut quid haberet

Quod legeret tereretque viritim publicus usus?

Ut primum positis nugari Graecia bellis

Coepit et in vitium fortuna labier aequa,

Nunc athletarum studiis, nunc arsit equorum, 95

Marmoris aut eboris fabros aut aeris amavit,

Suspendit picta vultum mentemque tabella,

Nunc tibicinibus, nunc est gavisa tragoedis;

Sub nutrice puella velut si luderet infans,

Quod cupide petiit mature plena reliquit. 100

Quid placet aut odio est quod non mutabile credas?

Hoc paces habuere bonae ventique secundi.

Romae dulce diu fuit et sollemne reclusa

Mane domo vigilare, clienti promere jura,

Cautos nominibus rectis expendere nummos, 105

Majores audire, minori dicere, per quae

Crescere res posset, minui damnosa libido.

Mutavit mentem populus levis et calet uno

Scribendi studio; puerique patresque severi

Fronde comas vincti coenant et carmina dictant. 110

Ipse ego qui nullos me adfirmo scribere versus

Invenior Parthis mendacior, et prius orto

Sole vigil calamum et chartas et scrinia posco.

Navim agere ignarus navis timet; abrotonum aegro

Non audet nisi qui didicit dare; quod medicorum est 115

Promittunt medici; tractant fabrilia fabri:

Scribimus indocti doctique poëmata passim.

Hic error tamen et levis haec insania quantas

Virtutes habeat sic collige: vatis avarus

Non temere est animus; versus amat, hoc studet unum; 120

Detrimenta, fugas servorum, incendia ridet;

Non fraudem socio puerove incogitat ullam

Pupillo; vivit siliquis et pane secundo;

Militiae quamquam piger et malus, utilis urbi,

Si das hoc parvis quoque rebus magna juvari. 125

Os tenerum pueri balbumque poëta figurat,

Torquet ab obscoenis jam nunc sermonibus aurem,

Mox etiam pectus praeceptis format amicis,

Asperitatis et invidiae corrector et irae;

Recte facta refert, orientia tempora notis 130

Instruit exemplis, inopem solatur et aegrum.

Castis cum pueris ignara puella mariti

Disceret unde preces vatem ni Musa dedisset?

Poscit opem chorus et praesentia numina sentit,

Caelestes implorat aquas docta prece blandus, 135

Avertit morbos, metuenda pericula pellit,

Impetrat et pacem et locupletem frugibus annum.

Carmine di superi placantur, carmine Manes.

Agricolae prisci, fortes parvoque beati,

Condita post frumenta levantes tempore festo 140

Corpus et ipsum animum spe finis dura ferentem,

Cum sociis operum, pueris et conjuge fida,

Tellurem porco, Silvanum lacte piabant,

Floribus et vino Genium memorem brevis aevi.

Fescennina per hunc inventa licentia morem 145

Versibus alternis opprobria rustica fudit,

Libertasque recurrentes accepta per annos

Lusit amabiliter, donec jam saevus apertam

In rabiem coepit verti jocus et per honestas

Ire domos impune minax. Doluere cruento 150

Dente lacessiti; fuit intactis quoque cura

Condicione super communi; quin etiam lex

Poenaque lata malo quae nollet carmine quemquam

Describi; vertere modum, formidine fustis

Ad bene dicendum delectandumque redacti. 155

Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artes

Intulit agresti Latio: sic horridus ille

Defluxit numerus Saturnius et grave virus

Munditiae pepulere; sed in longum tamen aevum

Manserunt hodieque manent vestigia ruris. 160

Serus enim Graecis admovit acumina chartis,

Et post Punica bella quietus quaerere coepit

Quid Sophocles et Thespis et Aeschylus utile ferrent.

Tentavit quoque rem, si digne vertere posset,

Et placuit sibi, natura sublimis et acer: 165

Nam spirat tragicum satis et feliciter audet,

Sed turpem putat inscite metuitque lituram.

Creditur ex medio quia res arcessit habere

Sudoris minimum, sed habet comoedia tanto

Plus oneris quanto veniae minus. Adspice, Plautus 170

Quo pacto partes tutetur amantis ephebi,

Ut patris attenti, lenonis ut insidiosi;

Quantus sit Dossennus edacibus in parasitis,

Quam non adstricto percurrat pulpita socco;

Gestit enim nummum in loculos demittere, post hoc 175

Securus cadat an recto stet fabula talo.

Quem tulit ad scenam ventoso Gloria curru

Exanimat lentus spectator, sedulus inflat:

Sic leve, sic parvum est, animum quod laudis avarum

Subruit aut reficit. Valeat res ludicra si me 180

Palma negata macrum, donata reducit opimum.

Saepe etiam audacem fugat hoc terretque poëtam,

Quod numero plures, virtute et honore minores,

Indocti stolidique et depugnare parati

Si discordet eques, media inter carmina poscunt 185

Aut ursum aut pugiles: his nam plebecula plaudit.

Verum equitis quoque jam migravit ab aure voluptas

Omnis ad incertos oculos et gaudia vana.

Quattuor aut plures aulaea premuntur in horas,

Dum fugiunt equitum turmae peditumque catervae; 190

Mox trahitur manibus regum fortuna retortis,

Esseda festinant, pilenta, petorrita, naves,

Captivum portatur ebur, captiva Corinthus.

Si foret in terris rideret Democritus, seu

Diversum confusa genus panthera camelo, 195

Sive elephas albus vulgi converteret ora;

Spectaret populum ludis attentius ipsis,

Ut sibi praebentem mimo spectacula plura;

Scriptores autem narrare putaret asello

Fabellam surdo. Nam quae pervincere voces 200

Evaluere sonum referunt quem nostra theatra?

Garganum mugire putes nemus aut mare Tuscum,

Tanto cum strepitu ludi spectantur et artes

Divitiaeque peregrinae, quibus oblitus actor

Cum stetit in scena concurrit dextera laevae. 205

Dixit adhuc aliquid? Nil sane. Quid placet ergo?

Lana Tarentino violas imitata veneno.

Ac ne forte putes me quae facere ipse recusem

Cum recte tractent alii laudare maligne;

Ille per extentum funem mihi posse videtur 210

Ire poëta, meum qui pectus inaniter angit,

Irritat, mulcet, falsis terroribus implet,

Ut magus, et modo me Thebis, modo ponit Athenis.

Verum age et his qui se lectori credere malunt

Quam spectatoris fastidia ferre superbi 215

Curam redde brevem, si munus Apolline dignum

Vis complere libris et vatibus addere calcar,

Ut studio majore petant Helicona virentem.

Multa quidem nobis facimus mala saepe poëtae,

(Ut vineta egomet caedam mea,) cum tibi librum 220

Sollicito damus aut fesso; quum laedimur unum

Si quis amicorum est ausus reprehendere versum;

Cum loca jam recitata revolvimus irrevocati;

Cum lamentamur non apparere labores

Nostros et tenui deducta poëmata filo; 225

Cum speramus eo rem venturam ut simul atque

Carmina rescieris nos fingere commodus ultro

Arcessas, et egere vetes, et scribere cogas.

Sed tamen est operae pretium cognoscere, quales

Aedituos habeat belli spectata domique 230

Virtus, indigno non committenda poëtae.

Gratus Alexandro regi Magno fuit ille

Choerilus, incultis qui versibus et male natis

Rettulit acceptos, regale nomisma, Philippos

Sed veluti tractata notam labemque remittunt 235

Atramenta, fere scriptores carmine foedo

Splendida facta linunt. Idem rex ille poëma

Qui tam ridiculum tam care prodigus emit,

Edicto vetuit ne quis se praeter Apellen

Pingeret, aut alius Lysippo duceret aera 240

Fortis Alexandri vultum simulantia. Quodsi

Judicium subtile videndis artibus illud

Ab libros et ad haec Musarum dona vocares,

Boeotum in crasso jurares aëre natum.

At neque dedecorant tua de se judicia atque 245

Munera, quae multa dantis cum laude tulerunt

Dilecti tibi Virgilius Variusque poëtae;

Nec magis expressi vultus per aënea signa,

Quam per vatis opus mores animique virorum

Clarorum apparent. Nec sermones ego mallem 250

Repentes per humum quam res componere gestas,

Terrarumque situs et flumina dicere, et arces

Montibus impositas, et barbara regna, tuisque

Auspiciis totum confecta duella per orbem,

Claustraque custodem pacis cohibentia Janum, 255

Et formidatam Parthis te principe Romam,

Si quantum cuperem possem quoque; sed neque parvum

Carmen majestas recipit tua nec meus audet

Rem tentare pudor quam vires ferre recusent.

Sedulitas autem stulte quem diligit urget, 260

Praecipue cum se numeris commendat et arte:

Discit enim citius meminitque libentius illud

Quod quis deridet, quam quod probat et veneratur.

Nil moror officium quod me gravat, ac neque ficto

In pejus vultu proponi cereus usquam, 265

Nec prave factis decorari versibus opto,

Ne rubeam pingui donatus munere, et una

Cum scriptore meo, capsa porrectus aperta,

Deferar in vicum vendentem thus et odores

Et piper et quidquid chartis amicitur ineptis. 270

EPISTOLA II.

Flore, bono claroque fidelis amice Neroni,

Si quis forte velit puerum tibi vendere natum

Tibure vel Gabiis, et tecum sic agat: "Hic et

Candidus et talos a vertice pulcher ad imos

Fiet eritque tuus nummorum millibus octo, 5

Verna ministeriis ad nutus aptus heriles,

Litterulis Graecis imbutus, idoneus arti

Cuilibet; argilla quidvis imitaberis uda;

Quin etiam canet indoctum sed dulce bibenti:

Multa fidem promissa levant, ubi plenius aequo 10

Laudat venales qui vult extrudere merces.

Res urget me nulla: meo sum pauper in aere.

Nemo hoc mangonum faceret tibi; non temere a me

Quivis ferret idem. Semel his cessavit et, ut fit,

In scalis latuit metuens pendentis habenae. 15

Des nummos, excepta nihil te si fuga laedat;"--

Ille ferat pretium poenae securus, opinor;

Prudens emisti vitiosum; dicta tibi est lex:

Insequeris tamen hunc et lite moraris iniqua?

Dixi me pigrum proficiscenti tibi, dixi 20

Talibus officiis prope mancum, ne mea saevus

Jurgares ad te quod epistola nulla rediret.

Quid tum profeci mecum facientia jura

Si tamen attentas? Quereris super hoc etiam, quod

Exspectata tibi non mittam carmina mendax. 25

Luculli miles collecta viatica multis

Aerumnis, lassus dum noctu stertit, ad assem

Perdiderat; post hoc vehemens lupus et sibi et hosti

Iratus pariter, jejunis dentibus acer,

Praesidium regale loco dejecit, ut aiunt, 30

Summe munito et multarum divite rerum.

Clarus ob id factum donis ornatur honestis,

Accipit et bis dena super sestertia nummum.

Forte sub hoc tempus castellum evertere praetor

Nescio quod cupiens, hortari coepit eundem 35

Verbis quae timido quoque possent addere mentem:

"I, bone, quo virtus tua te vocat, i pede fausto,

Grandia laturus meritorum praemia. Quid stas?"

Post haec ille catus, quantumvis rusticus: "Ibit,

Ibit eo quo vis qui zonam perdidit," inquit. 40

Romae nutriri mihi contigit atque doceri

Iratus Graiis quantum nocuisset Achilles.

Adjecere bonae paullo plus artis Athenae,

Scilicet ut vellem curvo dignoscere rectum,

Atque inter silvas Academi quaerere verum. 45

Dura sed emovere loco me tempora grato,

Civilisque rudem belli tulit aestus in arma

Caesaris Augusti non responsura lacertis.

Unde simul primum me dimisere Philippi,

Decisis humilem pennis inopemque paterni 50

Et laris et fundi, paupertas impulit audax,

Ut versus facerem; sed quod non desit habentem

Quae poterunt unquam satis expurgare cicutae,

Ni melius dormire putem quam scribere versus?

Singula de nobis anni praedantur euntes: 55

Eripuere jocos, venerem, convivia, ludum;

Tendunt extorquere poëmata: quid faciam vis?

Denique non omnes eadem mirantur amantque:

Carmine tu gaudes, hic delectatur iambis,

Ille Bioneis sermonibus et sale nigro. 60

Tres mihi convivae prope dissentire videntur,

Poscentes vario multum diversa palato.

Quid dem? quid non dem? renuis tu quod jubet alter;

Quod petis id sane est invisum acidumque duobus.

Praeter caetera, me Romaene poëmata censes 65

Scribere posse inter tot curas totque labores?

Hic sponsum vocat, hic auditum scripta relictis

Omnibus officiis; cubat hic in colle Quirini,

Hic extremo in Aventino, visendus uterque;

Intervalla vides humane commoda. Verum 70

Purae sunt plateae, nihil ut meditantibus obstet.

Festinat calidus mulis gerulisque redemptor,

Torquet nunc lapidem, nunc ingens machina tignum,

Tristia robustis luctantur funera plaustris,

Hac rabiosa fugit canis, hac lutulenta ruit sus: 75

I nunc et versus tecum meditare canoros.

Scriptorum chorus omnis amat nemus et fugit urbem,

Rite cliens Bacchi somno gaudentis et umbra:

Tu me inter strepitus nocturnos atque diurnos

Vis canere et contracta sequi vestigia vatum? 80

Ingenium sibi quod vacuas desumpsit Athenas,

Et studiis annos septem dedit insenuitque

Libris et curis, statua taciturnius exit

Plerumque et risu populum quatit: hic ego rerum

Fluctibus in mediis et tempestatibus urbis 85

Verba lyrae motura sonum connectere digner?

Frater erat Romae consulti rhetor, ut alter

Alterius sermone meros audiret honores,

Gracchus ut hic illi, foret huic ut Mucius ille,

Qui minus argutos vexat furor iste poëtas? 90

Carmina compono, hic elegos. "Mirabile visu

Caelatumque novem Musis opus!" Adspice primum,

Quanto cum fastu, quanto molimine circum-

Spectemus vacuam Romanis vatibus aedem!

Mox etiam, si forte vacas, sequere et procul audi, 95

Quid ferat et quare sibi nectat uterque coronam.

Caedimur et totidem plagis consumimus hostem

Lento Samnites ad lumina prima duello.

Discedo Alcaeus puncto illius; ille meo quis?

Quis nisi Callimachus? Si plus adposcere visus, 100

Fit Mimnermus, et optivo cognomine crescit.

Multa fero ut placem genus irritabile vatum,

Cum scribo et supplex populi suffragia capto;

Idem, finitis studiis et mente recepta,

Obturem patulas impune legentibus aures. 105

Ridentur mala qui componunt carmina; verum

Gaudent scribentes et se venerantur, et ultro,

Si taceas, laudant quidquid scripsere beati.

At qui legitimum cupiet fecisse poëma

Cum tabulis animum censoris sumet honesti; 110

Audebit quaecunque parum splendoris habebunt

Et sine pondere erunt et honore indigna ferentur

Verba movere loco, quamvis invita recedant

Et versentur adhuc intra penetralia Vestae.

Obscurata diu populo bonus eruet atque 115

Proferet in lucem speciosa vocabula rerum,

Quae priscis memorata Catonibus atque Cethegis

Nunc situs informis premit et deserta vetustas;

Adsciscet nova quae genitor produxerit usus.

Vehemens et liquidus puroque simillimus amni 120

Fundet opes Latiumque beabit divite lingua;

Luxuriantia compescet, nimis aspera sano

Levabit cultu, virtute carentia tollet,

Ludentis speciem dabit et torquebitur, ut qui

Nunc Satyrum, nunc agrestem Cyclopa movetur. 125

Praetulerim scriptor delirus inersque videri,

Dum mea delectent mala me vel denique fallant,

Quam sapere et ringi. Fuit haud ignobilis Argis,

Qui se credebat miros audire tragoedos,

In vacuo laetus sessor plausorque theatro; 130

Caetera qui vitae servaret munia recto

More, bonus sane vicinus, amabilis hospes,

Comis in uxorem, posset qui ignoscere servis

Et signo laeso non insanire lagenae,

Posset qui rupem et puteum vitare patentem. 135

Hic ubi cognatorum opibus curisque refectus

Expulit helleboro morbum bilemque meraco

Et redit ad sese: "Pol me occidistis, amici,

Non servastis," ait, "cui sic extorta voluptas

Et demptus per vim mentis gratissimus error." 140

Nimirum sapere est abjectis utile nugis,

Et tempestivum pueris concedere ludum;

Ac non verba sequi fidibus modulanda Latinis,

Sed verae numerosque modosque ediscere vitae.

Quocirca mecum loquor haec tacitusque recordor: 145

"Si tibi nulla sitim finiret copia lymphae,

Narrares medicis: quod quanto plura parasti

Tanto plura cupis, nulline faterier audes?

Si vulnus tibi monstrata radice vel herba

Non fieret levius, fugeres radice vel herba 150

Proficiente nihil curarier. Audieras, cui

Rem di donarent illi decedere pravam

Stultitiam; et cum sis nihilo sapientior ex quo

Plenior es, tamen uteris monitoribus isdem?

At si divitiae prudentem reddere possent, 155

Si cupidum timidumque minus te, nempe ruberes

Viveret in terris te si quis avarior uno.

Si proprium est quod quis libra mercatur et aere,

Quaedam, si credis consultis, mancipat usus;

Qui te pascit ager tuus est, et villicus Orbi, 160

Cum segetes occat tibi mox frumenta daturas,

Te dominum sentit. Das nummos, accipis uvam,

Pullos, ova, cadum temeti: nempe modo isto

Paullatim mercaris agrum fortasse trecentis

Aut etiam supra nummorum millibus emptum. 165

Quid refert vivas numerato nuper an olim?

Emptor Aricini quondam Veientis et arvi

Emptum coenat olus, quamvis aliter putat; emptis

Sub noctem gelidam lignis calefactat aënum;

Sed vocat usque suum, qua populus adsita certis 170

Limitibus vicina refugit jurgia: tamquam

Sit proprium quidquam, puncto quod mobilis horae

Nunc prece, nunc pretio, nunc vi, nunc morte suprema

Permutet dominos et cedat in altera jura.

Sic quia perpetuus nulli datur usus, et heres 175

Heredem alterius velut unda supervenit undam,

Quid vici prosunt aut horrea? quidve Calabris

Saltibus adjecti Lucani, si metit Orcus

Grandia cum parvis, non exorabilis auro?

Gemmas, marmor, ebur, Tyrrhena sigilla, tabellas, 180

Argentum, vestes Gaetulo murice tinctas,

Sunt qui non habeant, est qui non curat habere.

Cur alter fratrum cessare et ludere et ungi

Praeferat Herodis palmetis pinguibus, alter

Dives et importunus ad umbram lucis ab ortu 185

Silvestrem flammis et ferro mitiget agrum,

Scit Genius, natale comes qui temperat astrum,

Naturae deus humanae, mortalis in unum

Quodque caput, vultu mutabilis, albus et ater.

Utar et ex modico quantum res poscet acervo 190

Tollam, nec metuam quid de me judicet heres,

Quod non plura datis invenerit; et tamen idem

Scire volam quantum simplex hilarisque nepoti

Discrepet et quantum discordet parcus avaro.

Distat enim spargas tua prodigus an neque sumptum 195

Invitus facias neque plura parare labores,

Ac potius, puer ut festis Quinquatribus olim,

Exiguo gratoque fruaris tempore raptim.

Pauperies immunda _domus_ procul absit: ego, utrum

Nave ferar magna an parva, ferar unus et idem. 200

Non agimur tumidis velis aquilone secundo;

Non tamen adversis aetatem ducimus austris,

Viribus, ingenio, specie, virtute, loco, re,

Extremi primorum, extremis usque priores.

Non es avarus: abi; quid, caetera jam simul isto 205

Cum vitio fugere? Caret tibi pectus inani

Ambitione? Caret mortis formidine et ira?

Somnia, terrores magicos, miracula, sagas,

Nocturnos lemures portentaque Thessala rides?

Natales grate numeras? Ignoscis amicis? 210

Lenior et melior fis accedente senecta?

Quid te exempta levat spinis de pluribus una?

Vivere si recte nescis decede peritis.

Lusisti satis, edisti satis atque bibisti;

Tempus abire tibi est, ne potum largius aequo 215

Rideat et pulset lasciva decentius aetas."

EPISTOLA AD PISONES SIVE DE ARTE POËTICA LIBER.

Humano capiti cervicem pictor equinam

Jungere si velit, et varias inducere plumas

Undique collatis membris, ut turpiter atrum

Desinat in piscem mulier formosa superne,

Spectatum admissi risum teneatis, amici? 5

Credite, Pisones, isti tabulae fore librum

Persimilem cujus, velut aegri somnia, vanae

Fingentur species, ut nec pes nec caput uni

Reddatur formae. Pictoribus atque poëtis

Quidlibet audendi semper fuit aequa potestas. 10

Scimus et hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim;

Sed non ut placidis coëant immitia, non ut

Serpentes avibus geminentur, tigribus agni.

Inceptis gravibus plerumque et magna professis

Purpureus, late qui splendeat, unus et alter 15

Assuitur pannus, cum lucus et ara Dianae

Et properantis aquae per amoenos ambitus agros,

Aut flumen Rhenum aut pluvius describitur arcus:

Sed nunc non erat his locus. Et fortasse cupressum

Scis simulare; quid hoc, si fractis enatat exspes 20

Navibus aere dato qui pingitur? Amphora coepit

Institui: currente rota cur urceus exit?

Denique sit quidvis simplex duntaxat et unum.

Maxima pars vatum, pater et juvenes patre digni,

Decipimur specie recti. Brevis esse laboro, 25

Obscurus fio; sectantem levia nervi

Deficiunt animique; professus grandia turget;

Serpit humi tutus nimium timidusque procellae;

Qui variare cupit rem prodigialiter unam,

Delphinum silvis appingit, fluctibus aprum. 30

In vitium ducit culpae fuga si caret arte.

Aemilium circa ludum faber unus et ungues

Exprimet et molles imitabitur aere capillos,

Infelix operis summa quia ponere totum

Nesciet. Hunc ego me, si quid componere curem, 35

Non magis esse velim quam naso vivere pravo,

Spectandum nigris oculis nigroque capillo.

Sumite materiam vestris, qui scribitis aequam

Viribus et versate diu quid ferre recusent,

Quid valeant humeri. Cui lecta potenter erit res, 40

Nec facundia deseret hunc nec lucidus ordo.

Ordinis haec virtus erit et venus, aut ego fallor,

Ut jam nunc dicat jam nunc debentia dici,

Pleraque differat et praesens in tempus omittat;

Hoc amet, hoc spernat promissi carminis auctor. 45

In verbis etiam tenuis cautusque serendis,

Dixeris egregie notum si callida verbum

Reddiderit junctura novum. Si forte necesse est

Indiciis monstrare recentibus abdita rerum,

Fingere cinctutis non exaudita Cethegis 50

Continget, dabiturque licentia sumpta pudenter;

Et nova fictaque nuper habebunt verba fidem si

Graeco fonte cadant, parce detorta. Quid autem

Caecilio Plautoque dabit Romanus ademptum

Virgilio Varioque? Ego cur acquirere pauca 55

Si possum invideor, cum lingua Catonis et Enni

Sermonem patrium ditaverit et nova rerum

Nomina protulerit? Licuit, semperque licebit

Signatum praesente nota producere nomen.

Ut silvae foliis pronos mutantur in annos, 60

Prima cadunt; ita verborum vetus interit aetas,

Et juvenum ritu florent modo nata vigentque.

Debemur morti nos nostraque: sive receptus

Terra Neptunus classes aquilonibus arcet,

Regis opus, sterilisve diu palus aptaque remis 65

Vicinas urbes alit et grave sentit aratrum,

Seu cursum mutavit iniquum frugibus amnis

Doctus iter melius, mortalia facta peribunt,

Nedum sermonum stet honos et gratia vivax.

Multa renascentur quae jam cecidere, cadentque 70

Quae nunc sunt in honore vocabula, si volet usus,

Quem penes arbitrium est et jus et norma loquendi.

Res gestae regumque ducumque et tristia bella

Quo scribi possent numero, monstravit Homerus.

Versibus impariter junctis querimonia primum, 75

Post etiam inclusa est voti sententia compos;

Quis tamen exiguos elegos emiserit auctor,

Grammatici certant et adhuc sub judice lis est.

Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo:

Hunc socci cepere pedem grandesque cothurni, 80

Alternis aptum sermonibus et populares

Vincentem strepitus et natum rebus agendis.

Musa dedit fidibus divos puerosque deorum

Et pugilem victorem et equum certamine primum

Et juvenum curas et libera vina referre. 85

Descriptas servare vices operumque colores

Cur ego si nequeo ignoroque poëta salutor?

Cur nescire pudens prave quam discere malo?

Versibus exponi tragicis res comica non vult;

Indignatur item privatis ac prope socco 90

Dignis carminibus narrari coena Thyestae.

Singula quaeque locum teneant sortita decenter.

Interdum tamen et vocem comoedia tollit,

Iratusque Chremes tumido delitigat ore;

Et tragicus plerumque dolet sermone pedestri 95

Telephus et Peleus, cum pauper et exsul uterque

Projicit ampullas et sesquipedalia verba,

Si curat cor spectantis tetigisse querela.

Non satis est pulchra esse poëmata; dulcia sunto

Et quocunque volent animum auditoris agunto. 100

Ut ridentibus arrident, ita flentibus adsunt

Humani vultus: si vis me flere dolendum est

Primum ipsi tibi; tunc tua me infortunia laedent,

Telephe vel Peleu: male si mandata loqueris

Aut dormitabo aut ridebo. Tristia maestum 105

Vultum verba decent, iratum plena minarum,

Ludentem lasciva, severum seria dictu.

Format enim natura prius nos intus ad omnem

Fortunarum habitum; juvat aut impellit ad iram,

Aut ad humum maerore gravi deducit et angit; 110

Post effert animi motus interprete lingua.

Si dicentis erunt fortunis absona dicta

Romani tollent equites peditesque cachinnum.

Intererit multum divusne loquatur an heros,

Maturusne senex an adhuc florente juventa 115

Fervidus, et matrona potens an sedula nutrix,

Mercatorne vagus cultorne virentis agelli,

Colchus an Assyrius, Thebis nutritus an Argis.

Aut famam sequere aut sibi convenientia finge.

Scriptor honoratum si forte reponis Achillem, 120

Impiger, iracundus, inexorabilis, acer

Jura neget sibi nata, nihil non arroget armis.

Sit Medea ferox invictaque, flebilis Ino,

Perfidus Ixion, Io vaga, tristis Orestes.

Si quid inexpertum scenae committis et audes 125

Personam formare novam, servetur ad imum

Qualis ab incepto processerit, et sibi constet.

Difficile est proprie communia dicere; tuque

Rectius Iliacum carmen deducis in actus,

Quam si proferres ignota indictaque primus. 130

Publica materies privati juris erit, si

Non circa vilem patulumque moraberis orbem,

Nec verbo verbum curabis reddere fidus

Interpres, nec desilies imitator in arctum

Unde pedem proferre pudor vetet aut operis lex. 135

Nec sic incipies, ut scriptor cyclicus olim:

"Fortunam Priami cantabo et nobile bellum."

Quid dignum tanto feret hic promissor hiatu?

Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus.

Quanto rectius hic, qui nil molitur inepte: 140

"Dic mihi, Musa, virum, captae post tempora Trojae

Qui mores hominum multorum vidit et urbes."

Non fumum ex fulgore sed ex fumo dare lucem

Cogitat, ut speciosa dehinc miracula promat,

Antiphaten Scyllamque et cum Cyclope Charybdin. 145

Nec reditum Diomedis ab interitu Meleagri,

Nec gemino bellum Trojanum orditur ab ovo;

Semper ad eventum festinat et in medias res

Non secus ac notas auditorem rapit, et quae

Desperat tractata nitescere posse relinquit; 150

Atque ita mentitur, sic veris falsa remiscet,

Primo ne medium, medio ne discrepet imum.

Tu quid ego et populus mecum desideret, audi:

Si plausoris eges aulaea manentis et usque

Sessuri donec cantor 'Vos plaudite' dicat, 155

Aetatis cujusque notandi sunt tibi mores,

Mobilibusque decor naturis dandus et annis.

Reddere qui voces jam scit puer et pede certo

Signat humum, gestit paribus colludere, et iram

Colligit ac ponit temere, et mutatur in horas. 160

Imberbis juvenis tandem custode remoto

Gaudet equis canibusque et aprici gramine campi,

Cereus in vitium flecti, monitoribus asper,

Utilium tardus provisor, prodigus aeris,

Sublimis cupidusque et amata relinquere pernix. 165

Conversis studiis aetas animusque virilis

Quaerit opes et amicitias, inservit honori,

Commisisse cavet quod mox mutare laboret.

Multa senem circumveniunt incommoda, vel quod

Quaerit et inventis miser abstinet ac timet uti, 170

Vel quod res omnes timide gelideque ministrat,

Dilator, spe longus, iners, avidusque futuri,

Difficilis, querulus, laudator temporis acti

Se puero, castigator censorque minorum.

Multa ferunt anni venientes commoda secum, 175

Multa recedentes adimunt. Ne forte seniles

Mandentur juveni partes pueroque viriles,

Semper in adjunctis aevoque morabimur aptis.

Aut agitur res in scenis, aut acta refertur.

Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem, 180

Quam quae sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus, et quae

Ipse sibi tradit spectator: non tamen intus

Digna geri promes in scenam, multaque tolles

Ex oculis quae mox narret facundia praesens.

Ne pueros coram populo Medea trucidet, 185

Aut humana palam coquat exta nefarius Atreus,

Aut in avem Procne vertatur, Cadmus in anguem.

Quodcunque ostendis mihi sic incredulus odi.

Neve minor neu sit quinto productior actu

Fabula, quae posci vult et spectata reponi; 190

Nec deus intersit nisi dignus vindice nodus

Inciderit; nec quarta loqui persona laboret.

Actoris partes chorus officiumque virile

Defendat, neu quid medios intercinat actus

Quod non proposito conducat et haereat apte. 195

Ille bonis faveatque et consilietur amice,

Et regat iratos et amet peccare timentes;

Ille dapes laudet mensae brevis, ille salubrem

Justitiam legesque et apertis otia portis;

Ille tegat commissa deosque precetur et oret, 200

Ut redeat miseris, abeat fortuna superbis.

Tibia non ut nunc orichalco vincta tubaeque

Aemula, sed tenuis simplexque foramine pauco

Adspirare et adesse choris erat utilis atque

Nondum spissa nimis complere sedilia flatu; 205

Quo sane populus numerabilis, utpote parvus,

Et frugi castusque verecundusque coïbat.

Postquam coepit agros extendere victor, et urbes

Latior amplecti murus vinoque diurno

Placari Genius festis impune diebus, 210

Accessit numerisque modisque licentia major;

Indoctus quid enim saperet liberque laborum

Rusticus urbano confusus, turpis honesto?

Sic priscae motumque et luxuriem addidit arti

Tibicen traxitque vagus per pulpita vestem; 215

Sic etiam fidibus voces crevere severis,

Et tulit eloquium insolitum facundia praeceps,

Utiliumque sagax rerum et divina futuri

Sortilegis non discrepuit sententia Delphis.

Carmine qui tragico vilem certavit ob hircum, 220

Mox etiam agrestes Satyros nudavit, et asper

Incolumi gravitate jocum tentavit, eo quod

Illecebris erat et grata novitate morandus

Spectator, functusque sacris et potus et exlex.

Verum ita risores, ita commendare dicaces 225

Conveniet Satyros, ita vertere seria ludo,

Ne quicunque deus, quicunque adhibebitur heros,

Regali conspectus in auro nuper et ostro,

Migret in obscuras humili sermone tabernas,

Aut dum vitat humum nubes et inania captet. 230

Effutire leves indigna Tragoedia versus,

Ut festis matrona moveri jussa diebus,

Intererit Satyris paullum pudibunda protervis.

Non ego inornata et dominantia nomina solum

Verbaque, Pisones, Satyrorum scriptor amabo; 235

Nec sic enitar tragico differre colori

Ut nihil intersit Davusne loquatur et audax

Pythias emuncto lucrata Simone talentum,

An custos famulusque dei Silenus alumni.

Ex noto fictum carmen sequar, ut sibi quivis 240

Speret idem, sudet multum frustraque laboret

Ausus idem: tantum series juncturaque pollet,

Tantum de medio sumptis accedit honoris.

Silvis deducti caveant me judice Fauni,

Ne velut innati triviis ac paene forenses 245

Aut nimium teneris juvenentur versibus unquam,

Aut immunda crepent ignominiosaque dicta:

Offenduntur enim quibus est equus et pater et res,

Nec, si quid fricti ciceris probat et nucis emptor,

Aequis accipiunt animis donantve corona. 250

Syllaba longa brevi subjecta vocatur iambus,

Pes citus; unde etiam trimetris accrescere jussit

Nomen iambeis, cum senos redderet ictus

Primus ad extremum similis sibi. Non ita pridem,

Tardior ut paulo graviorque veniret ad aures, 255

Spondeos stabiles in jura paterna recepit

Commodus et patiens, non ut de sede secunda

Cederet aut quarta socialiter. Hic et in Acci

Nobilibus trimetris apparet rarus, et Enni

In scenam missos cum magno pondere versus 260

Aut operae celeris nimium curaque carentis

Aut ignoratae premit artis crimine turpi.

Non quivis videt immodulata poëmata judex,

Et data Romanis venia est indigna poëtis.

Idcircone vager scribamque licenter? an omnes 265

Visuros peccata putem mea, tutus et intra

Spem veniae cautus? Vitavi denique culpam,

Non laudem merui. Vos exemplaria Graeca

Nocturna versate manu, versate diurna.

At vestri proavi Plautinos et numeros et 270

Laudavere sales; nimium patienter utrumque,

Ne dicam stulte, mirati, si modo ego et vos

Scimus inurbanum lepido seponere dicto

Legitimumque sonum digitis callemus et aure.

Ignotum tragicae genus invenisse Camenae 275

Dicitur et plaustris vexisse poëmata Thespis,

Quae canerent agerentque peruncti faecibus ora.

Post hunc personae pallaeque repertor honestae

Aeschylus et modicis instravit pulpita tignis

Et docuit magnumque loqui nitique cothurno. 280

Successit vetus his comoedia, non sine multa

Laude; sed in vitium libertas excidit et vim

Dignam lege regi: lex est accepta chorusque

Turpiter obticuit sublato jure nocendi.

Nil intentatum nostri liquere poëtae, 285

Nec minimum meruere decus vestigia Graeca

Ausi deserere et celebrare domestica facta,

Vel qui praetextas vel qui docuere togatas.

Nec virtute foret clarisve potentius armis

Quam lingua Latium, si non offenderet unum 290

Quemque poëtarum limae labor et mora. Vos, o

Pompilius sanguis, carmen reprehendite quod non

Multa dies et multa litura coërcuit, atque

Perfectum decies non castigavit ad unguem.

Ingenium misera quia fortunatius arte 295

Credit et excludit sanos Helicone poëtas

Democritus, bona pars non ungues punere curat,

Non barbam, secreta petit loca, balnea vitat.

Nanciscetur enim pretium nomenque poëtae,

Si tribus Anticyris caput insanabile nunquam 300

Tonsori Licino commiserit. O ego laevus,

Qui purgor bilem sub verni temporis horam!

Non alius faceret meliora poëmata. Verum

Nil tanti est. Ergo fungar vice cotis, acutum

Reddere quae ferrum valet exsors ipsa secandi; 305

Munus et officium, nil scribens ipse docebo,

Unde parentur opes, quid alat formetque poëtam;

Quid deceat quid non; quo virtus, quo ferat error.

Scribendi recte sapere est et principium et fons:

Rem tibi Socraticae poterunt ostendere chartae, 310

Verbaque provisam rem non invita sequentur.

Qui didicit patriae quid debeat et quid amicis,

Quo sit amore parens, quo frater amandus et hospes,

Quod sit conscripti, quod judicis officium, quae

Partes in bellum missi ducis, ille profecto 315

Reddere personae scit convenientia cuique.

Respicere exemplar vitae morumque jubebo

Doctum imitatorem et vivas hinc ducere voces.

Interdum speciosa locis morataque recte

Fabula nullius veneris, sine pondere et arte, 320

Valdius oblectat populum meliusque moratur

Quam versus inopes rerum nugaeque canorae.

Graiis ingenium, Graiis dedit ore rotundo

Musa loqui, praeter laudem nullius avaris.

Romani pueri longis rationibus assem 325

Discunt in partes centum diducere. "Dicat

Filius Albini: Si de quincunce remota est

Uncia, quid superat? Poteras dixisse." "Triens." "Eu!

Rem poteris servare tuam. Redit uncia, quid fit?"

"Semis." At haec animos aerugo et cura peculi 330

Cum semel imbuerit, speramus carmina fingi

Posse linenda cedro et levi servanda cupresso?

Aut prodesse volunt, aut delectare poëtae,

Aut simul et jucunda et idonea dicere vitae.

Quidquid praecipies esto brevis, ut cito dicta 335

Percipiant animi dociles teneantque fideles:

Omne supervacuum pleno de pectore manat.

Ficta voluptatis causa sint proxima veris,

Nec quodcunque volet poscat sibi fabula credi,

Neu pransae Lamiae vivum puerum extrahat alvo. 340

Centuriae seniorum agitant expertia frugis,

Celsi praetereunt austera poëmata Ramnes:

Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci,

Lectorem delectando pariterque monendo.

Hic meret aera liber Sosiis; hic et mare transit 345

Et longum noto scriptori prorogat aevum.

Sunt delicta tamen quibus ignovisse velimus:

Nam neque chorda sonum reddit quem vult manus et mens,

Poscentique gravem persaepe remittit acutum;

Nec semper feriet, quodcunque minabitur, arcus. 350

Verum ubi plura nitent in carmine non ego paucis

Offendar maculis, quas aut incuria fudit

Aut humana parum cavit natura. Quid ergo est?

Ut scriptor si peccat idem librarius usque,

Quamvis est monitus venia caret; ut citharoedus 355

Ridetur chorda qui semper oberrat eadem:

Sic mihi qui multum cessat fit Choerilus ille,

Quem bis terve bonum cum risu miror, et idem

Indignor quandoque bonus dormitat Homerus;

(Verum operi longo fas est obrepere somnum.) 360

Ut pictura poësis: erit quae si propius stes,

Te capiat magis, et quaedam si longius abstes:

Haec amat obscurum, volet haec sub luce videri,

Judicis argutum quae non formidat acumen;

Haec placuit semel, haec decies repetita placebit. 365

O major juvenum, quamvis et voce paterna

Fingeris ad rectum et per te sapis, hoc tibi dictum

Tolle memor, certis medium et tolerabile rebus

Recte concedi. Consultus juris et actor

Caussarum mediocris abest virtute diserti 370

Messalae nec scit quantum Cascellius Aulus,

Sed tamen in pretio est; mediocribus esse poëtis

Non homines, non di, non concessere columnae.

Ut gratas inter mensas symphonia discors

Et crassum unguentum et Sardo cum melle papaver 375

Offendunt, poterat duci quia coena sine istis;

Sic animis natum inventumque poëma juvandis,

Si paulum summo decessit, vergit ad imum.

Ludere qui nescit, campestribus abstinet armis,

Indoctusque pilae discive trochive quiescit, 380

Ne spissae risum tollant impune coronae:

Qui nescit versus tamen audet fingere. Quidni?

Liber et ingenuus, praesertim census equestrem

Summam nummorum vitioque remotus ab omni.

Tu nihil invita dices faciesve Minerva; 385

Id tibi judicium est, ea mens. Si quid tamen olim

Scripseris in Maeci descendat judicis aures

Et patris et nostras, nonumque prematur in annum,

Membranis intus positis: delere licebit

Quod non edideris; nescit vox missa reverti. 390

Silvestres homines sacer interpresque deorum

Caedibus et victu foedo deterruit Orpheus,

Dictus ob hoc lenire tigres rabidosque leones

Dictus et Amphion, Thebanae conditor arcis,

Saxa movere sono testudinis et prece blanda 395

Ducere quo vellet. Fuit haec sapientia quondam,

Publica privatis secernere, sacra profanis,

Concubitu prohibere vago, dare jura maritis,

Oppida moliri, leges incidere ligno:

Sic honor et nomen divinis vatibus atque 400

Carminibus venit. Post hos insignis Homerus,

Tyrtaeusque mares animos in Martia bella

Versibus exacuit; dictae per carmina sortes,

Et vitae monstrata via est; et gratia regum

Pieriis tentata modis; ludusque repertus 405

Et longorum operum finis: ne forte pudori

Sit tibi Musa lyrae sollers et cantor Apollo.

Natura fieret laudabile carmen an arte,

Quaesitum est; ego nec studium sine divite vena

Nec rude quid possit video ingenium: alterius sic 410

Altera poscit opem res et conjurat amice.

Qui studet optatam cursu contingere metam

Multa tulit fecitque puer, sudavit et alsit,

Abstinuit venere et vino; qui Pythia cantat

Tibicen didicit prius extimuitque magistrum. 415

Nec satis est dixisse: "Ego mira poëmata pango;

Occupet extremum scabies; mihi turpe relinqui est

Et quod non didici sane nescire fateri."

Ut praeco, ad merces turbam qui cogit emendas,

Assentatores jubet ad lucrum ire poëta 420

Dives agris, dives positis in fenore nummis.

Si vero est unctum qui recte ponere possit

Et spondere levi pro paupere et eripere atris

Litibus implicitum, mirabor si sciet inter-

Noscere mendacem verumque beatus amicum. 425

Tu seu donaris seu quid donare voles cui,

Nolito ad versus tibi factos ducere plenum

Laetitiae; clamabit enim Pulchre! bene! recte!

Pallescet super his, etiam stillabit amicis

Ex oculis rorem, saliet, tundet pede terram. 430

Ut qui conducti plorant in funere dicunt

Et faciunt prope plura dolentibus ex animo, sic

Derisor vero plus laudatore movetur.

Reges dicuntur multis urgere culullis

Et torquere mero quem perspexisse laborant, 435

An sit amicitia dignus: si carmina condes

Nunquam te fallant animi sub vulpe latentes.

Quintilio si quid recitares, "Corrige sodes

Hoc," aiebat, "et hoc:" melius te posse negares

Bis terque expertum frustra, delere jubebat 440

Et male tornatos incudi reddere versus.

Si defendere delictum quam vertere malles,

Nullum ultra verbum aut operam insumebat inanem

Quin sine rivali teque et tua solus amares.

Vir bonus et prudens versus reprehendet inertes, 445

Culpabit duros, incomptis adlinet atrum

Traverso calamo signum, ambitiosa recidet

Ornamenta, parum claris lucem dare coget,

Arguet ambigue dictum, mutanda notabit,

Fiet Aristarchus; non dicet: "Cur ego amicum 450

Offendam in nugis?" Hae nugae seria ducent

In mala derisum semel exceptumque sinistre.

Ut mala quem scabies aut morbus regius urget

Aut fanaticus error et iracunda Diana,

Vesanum tetigisse timent fugiuntque poëtam 455

Qui sapiunt; agitant pueri incautique sequuntur.

Hic, dum sublimis versus ructatur et errat,

Si veluti merulis intentus decidit auceps

In puteum foveamve, licet, "Succurrite," longum

Clamet, "Io cives!" non sit qui tollere curet. 460

Si curet quis opem ferre et demittere funem,

"Quî scis an prudens huc se projecerit atque

Servari nolit?" dicam, Siculique poëtae

Narrabo interitum. Deus immortalis haberi

Dum cupit Empedocles, ardentem frigidus Aetnam 465

Insiluit. Sit jus liceatque perire poëtis:

Invitum qui servat idem facit occidenti.

Nec semel hoc fecit, nec, si retractus erit jam

Fiet homo et ponet famosae mortis amorem.

Nec satis apparet cur versus factitet, utrum 470

Minxerit in patrios cineres, an triste bidental

Moverit incestus: certe furit ac velut ursus

Objectos caveae valuit si frangere clathros,

Indoctum doctumque fugat recitator acerbus;

Quem vero arripuit tenet occiditque legendo, 475

Non missura cutem nisi plena cruoris hirudo.

NOTES.

ODES.--BOOK I.

ODE I.

This Ode was probably written as a dedication to Mæcenas of the three

first books, when they were collectively published, probably in the

forty-second year of Horace's age, B.C. 24. He says that different men

have different tastes; the Greek loves the Olympic games, the Roman to

get place or money; one is quiet, another restless, and so on; while he

only loves the lyre, and seeks to be ranked by Mæcenas among lyric

poets.

Argument.--Mæcenas, my protector, my pride, various are the aims of men.

The Greek seeks glory from the race; the lords of the world are

supremely happy, one in the honors of the state, the other in his

well-filled barns. The farmer will not plough the seas; the merchant is

restless on land. One man loves his ease and his wine; another, the camp

and the din of war; while the huntsman braves all weathers for his

sport. My glory is in the ivy crown, my delight to retire to the groves

with the nymphs and the satyrs, where my muse breathes the flute or

strikes the lyre. Placed by thee among the lyric choir, I shall lift my

head to the skies.

1. _atavis_] A noun substantive, signifying properly an ancestor in the

fifth degree, thus: 'pater,' 'avus,' 'proavus,' 'abavus,' 'atavus';

compounded of 'ad' and 'avus,' and corresponding to 'adnepos' in the

descending scale. Mæcenas belonged to the family of Cilnii, formerly

Lucumones or princes of Etruria, and up to a late period possessed of

influence in the Etrurian town of Aretium, whence they were expelled by

their own citizens B.C. 300. See Liv. x. 3. Compare Propert. iii. 9. 1:

"Maecenas, eques Etrusco de sanguine regum,

Intra fortunam qui cupis esse tuam."

Martial xii. 4. 2: "Maecenas atavis regibus ortus eques." See also C.

iii. 29. 1. S. i. 6. 1, sqq.

2. _O et praesidium_] 'My protector, my delight, and pride.' Virgil (G.

ii. 40) addresses Mæcenas in the same affectionate terms:

"O decus, O famae merito pars maxima nostrae,

Maecenas";

and Propertius, ii. 1. 73.

3. _Sunt quos_] The Greeks say ἔστιν οὕς. The indicative is used with

'sunt,' or 'est qui,' when particular persons are alluded to, as here

the Greeks in opposition to the Romans. So Epp. ii. 2. 182:

"Argentum--sunt qui non habeant, est qui non curat habere," where, by

the latter, is distinctly indicated the wise man. Here Horace alludes to

the Greeks of former days, and is led to refer to them, because this

was the chief subject of Pindar's poetry.

--_curriculo_] This may mean either the chariot (formed from 'curro,' as

'vehiculum' from 'veho') or the course.

4. _Collegisse_] The perfect is used to express the frequent repetition

of the action, like the Greek aorist. The best illustration of what

follows is in the Iliad (xxiii. 338, sqq.). 'Meta' was the conical

pillar at the end of the course round which the chariots turned on their

way back to the starting place. By the Greeks it was called νύσση. It

was the mark of a skilful driver to turn the goal as closely as possible

without touching it, which is implied in 'fervidis Evitata rotis.'

6. _Terrarum dominos_] That is, the Romans. Virgil (Aen. i. 282) calls

them "Romanos rerum dominos."

8. _tergeminis_] This refers to the three curule magistracies, those of

the ædile, prætor, and consul. Though the quæstorship was usually the

first step in the line of promotion, it is not included, because it was

not a curule office. 'Tergeminus' here signifies no more than 'triplex.'

'Geminus' is used in this combination with cardinal numbers frequently.

So Virgil (Aen. vi. 287) calls Briareus 'centumgeminus.' 'Honoribus' is

the ablative case, as (C. i. 21. 9): "Vos Tempe totidem tollite

laudibus." Tac. Ann. i. 3: "Claudium Marcellum pontificatu et curuli

aedilitate--M. Agrippam geminatis consulatibus extulit."

_Certat--tollere_] The poets, following the Greek idiom, use for

convenience and conciseness this construction of the infinitive with

verbs, which in prose would require 'ut' with the subjunctive, or a

supine, or 'ad' with a gerund or some other construction. In the next

Ode we have "egit visere"; in the 12th, "sumis celebrare"; in the 26th,

"tradam portare," and so on. Verbs of all kinds signifying desire and

the reverse are frequently used with the infinitive, as in this Ode:

"demere spernit," "refugit tendere"; C. 9. 13, "fuge quaerere," &c.

Propertius uses the infinitive after 'ire,' which the prose writers

never do: "Ibat et hirsutas ille videre feras" (i. 1. 12).

10. _de Libycis verritur areis._] The great mass of the corn consumed at

Rome was imported from Sicily and Libya. See C. iii. 16. 26, 31. S. ii.

3. 87. The 'area' was a raised floor on which the corn was threshed,

and, after the wind had winnowed it, the floor was swept, and the corn

was thus collected. See Virgil (Georg. i. 178, sqq.), where directions

are given for making an 'area'.

11. _findere sarculo_] There is something of contempt in these words,

where we should have expected 'arare'. The soil must be poor that was

worked by a hoe, and the owner 'macro pauper agello' (Epp. ii. 2. 12.)

'Scindere' is the proper word for the plough; 'findere,' for the hoe or

lesser instruments--'Attalicis conditionibus' signifies 'the most

extravagant terms.' There were three kings of Pergamus of this name,

which was proverbial for riches. The third left his great wealth to the

Romans (B.C. 134). See C. ii. 18. 5. Compare for 'conditionibus' Cic. ad

Qu. Fr. i. 2. 8: "Nulla conditio pecuniae te ab summa integritate

deduxerit."

13. _dimoveas,_] From the meaning of 'de,' 'down from,' 'demoveo' is

more properly used when the place from which the removal takes place is

expressed, and 'dimoveo' when the sentence is absolute, as here. For

instance, 'demovet' is the proper reading in C. iv. 5. 14: "Curvo nec

faciem littore demovet." The MSS. have in many instances 'dimovet' where

'demovet' is wanted. The same remark applies to 'diripio' and

'deripio'--'Cypria,' 'Myrtoum,' 'Icarus' (C. iii. 7. 21), 'Africum,' are

all particular names for general, as 'Bithyna carina' (C. i. 35. 7). By

adding names more life is given to the description--Horace's epithets

for Africus, which was the west southwest wind, and corresponded to the

Greek λίψ, are 'praeceps,' 'pestilens,' 'protervus.' He uses the phrase

'Africae procellae' (C. iii. 23. 5) to signify the storms for which this

wind was proverbial.--'Luctari,' 'certare,' 'decertare,' 'contendere,'

are used by the poets with the dative case, instead of the ablative with

'cum,' after the manner of the Greek μάχεσθαί τινι.

16. _otium et oppidi Laudat rura sui;_] He commends the peaceful fields

about his native town; for 'otium et rura' may be taken as one subject.

18. _indocilis--pati._] Examples of this Greek construction for 'ad

patiendum' are very numerous. To go no further than this book, we have

'audax perpeti,' 'blandum dicere,' 'nobilem superare,' 'impotens

sperare,' 'callidum condere,' 'doctus tendere,' 'praesens tollere,'

'ferre dolosi'--'Pauperies,' 'paupertas,' 'pauper,' are not usually by

Horace taken to signify 'privation,' or anything beyond a humble estate,

as, among many other instances, "meo sum pauper agello" (Epp. ii. 2.

12). "Probamque pauperiem sine dote quaero" (C. iii. 29. 56).

'Paupertas,' 'inopia,' 'egestas,' is the climax given by Seneca (de

Tranq. Animi, 8).

19. _Est qui_] See above, v. 3. This is the only instance in which 'est

qui' is followed by the indicative where the person is not expressed or

clearly understood. Horace may have had some one in his mind, and the

description would apply to many of his friends, or to himself.

--_Massici_] The wine grown on Mons Massicus in Campania was of delicate

flavor. See S. ii. 4. 54.

20. _solido demere de die_] That is, to interrupt the hours of business.

So (C. ii. 7. 6) "morantem saepe diem mero fregi" 'Solidus' signifies

that which has no vacant part or space; and hence 'solidus dies' comes

to signify the business hours, or occupied part of the day.

The 'solidus dies' ended at the hour of dinner, which with industrious

persons was the ninth in summer and tenth in winter. The luxurious dined

earlier, the busy sometimes later. The commencement of the day varied

with the habits of different people.

21. _viridi_] This is not an idle epithet, which Horace never uses. The

arbutus is an evergreen, which is expressed by 'viridi.'

22. _caput_] This is used for the mouth as well as the spring of a

river. Virg. Georg. iv. 319, "Tristis ad extremi sacrum caput astitit

amnis." Caes. (B. G. iv. 10) says of the Rhine, "multis capitibus in

Oceanum influit." Here it is the spring. Shrines were usually built at

the fountain-head of streams, dedicated to the nymphs that protected

them, which explains 'sacrae.'

23. _lituo tubae_] The 'lituus' was curved in shape and sharp in tone,

and used by the cavalry: 'tuba,' as its name indicates, was straight and

of deep tone, and used by the infantry. "Non tuba directi, non aeris

cornua flexi" (Ov. Met. i. 98). The 'lituus' is said to have been in

shape a mean between the 'tuba' and the 'cornu'; not so straight as the

one, nor so twisted as the other. See C. ii. 1. 17.

24. _bellaque matribus Detestata._] 'Detestatus' is nowhere else used

passively, except by the law-writers, who use it for one convicted by

evidence: 'modulatus' (C. i. 32. 5), 'metatus' (ii. 15. 15), are

likewise instances of deponent participles used passively.

25. _sub Jove_] The atmosphere, and so the sky. Epod. iii. 2: "Nivesque

deducunt Jovem." The Latin writers represented the atmosphere by

Jupiter, the Greeks by Hera.

26. _tenerae_] This word occurs frequently in Horace in the sense of

'young.' See C. 5. 19 (tenerum Lycidam).

28. _teretes_] This word may be rendered 'smooth and round.' It has

always more or less closely one of these meanings, or both. It contains

the same root as 'tero,' 'tornus,' τείρω, and its cognate words, and its

meaning is got from the notion of rubbing and polishing. Horace applies

it to a woman's ankles, a smooth faced boy, the cords of a net, and a

faultless man. It is applied by Ovid (Fast. ii. 320) to a girdle, and by

Virgil (Aen. xi. 579) to the thong of a sling, where, as here, it

represents the exact twisting of a cord. 'Plagae' were nets of thick

rope with which the woods were surrounded to catch the larger beasts as

they were driven out by dogs and beaters (Epod. ii. 32. Epp. i. 6. 58;

18. 46). Marsus for Marsicus, as Medus for Medicus, is the only form

Horace uses. The country of the Marsi, east of Rome, Umbria, and Lucania

were all famous for boars, being abundant in acorns, on which they fed

and grew fat. Laurentian boars were also celebrated. See S. ii. 3. 234;

4. 41. 43.

29. _Me doctarum hederae praemia frontium_] The ivy, which was sacred to

Bacchus, made a fit and usual garland for a lyric poet. "Doctarum

frontium" is the proper description of poets, who by the Greeks were

called σοφοί.

30. _me gelidum nemus_] This is an imaginary scene, in which Horace

supposes himself wandering in cool groves, surrounded with dancing bands

of wood nymphs (Dryads and Hamadryads) and satyrs, and listening to the

flute of Euterpe, and the lyre of Lesbos struck by Polyhymnia. 'Tibia'

was a sort of flageolet. When it is used in the plural (as here, C. iv.

15. 30, Epod. ix. 5), it has reference to two of these instruments

played by one person. Their pitch was different, the low-pitched tibia

being called 'dextra,' because it was held in the right hand, and the

high pitched 'sinistra,' because it was held in the left. Euterpe, the

Muse, was said to have invented the 'tibia,' and she especially presided

over music. Polyhymnia, or Polymnia, another Muse, invented the lyre.

34. _Lesboum--barbiton._] The lyre of Sappho and Alcæus, who were

natives of Mytilene in the island of Lesbos, and flourished at the same

time, about the end of the seventh century B.C. (C. 32. 5).

35. _Quod si_] Although the personal pronoun 'tu' is emphatic in this

sentence, it is omitted, as is often the case in poetry, where no

opposition of persons is intended--'Lyricis' is less common than

'melicis,' to describe the lyric poets of Greece.

_Lyricis_] The most celebrated of the lyric poets of Greece were Pindar,

Alcæus, Sappho, Stesichorus, Ilycus, Bacchylides, Simonides, Alcmeon,

and Anacreon.

ODE II

This Ode seems to have been written on the return of Augustus to Rome,

after the taking of Alexandria, when the civil wars were brought to a

close and the temple of Janus was shut, B.C. 29. Horace here urges

Augustus to take upon himself the task of reducing to order the elements

of the state, which so many years of civil war had thrown into

confusion, and he does so in the following manner. He refers to the

prodigies at Julius Cæsar's death, as evidences of the divine wrath for

the guilt of the civil wars. He then invokes one god after another to

come and restore the state, and finally fixes upon Mercury, whom he

entreats to take upon himself the form of a man, and not to leave the

earth till he has accomplished his mission and conquered the enemies of

Rome. The man whose form Mercury is to take is Augustus.

If this Ode is read with C. ii. 15, and the others mentioned in the

introduction to that Ode, the feeling with which Horace entered into the

mission of Augustus as the reformer will be better understood.

Argument.--Portents enough hath Jove sent upon the earth, making it

afraid lest a new deluge were coming, as the Tiber rolled back from its

mouth, threatening destruction to the city, the unauthorized avenger of

Ilia.

Our sons shall hear that citizens have whetted for each other the steel

that should have smitten the enemy. What god shall we invoke to help us?

What prayers shall move Vesta to pity? To whom shall Jove assign the

task of wiping out our guilt? Come thou, Apollo; or thou, smiling Venus,

with mirth and love thy companions; or thou, Mars, our founder, who hast

too long sported with war; or do thou, son of Maia, put on the form of a

man, and let us call thee the avenger of Cæsar; nor let our sins drive

thee too soon away; here take thy triumphs; be thou our father and

prince, and suffer not the Mede to go unpunished, whilst thou art our

chief, O Cæsar.

1. _Jam satis_--] These are the prodigies which are said to have

followed the death of Julius Cæsar. They are related also by Virgil

(Georg. i. 466-489), which description Horace may have had in his mind.

See also Ovid, Met. xv. 782 sqq.

_dirae_] It is very common in Horace (though not peculiar to him) to

find an epithet attached to the latter of two substantives, while it

belongs to both, as here, and "fidem mutatosque Deos" (C. i. 5. 6),

"poplitibus timidoque tergo" (C. iii. 2. 16), and many other places.

Horace uses this construction so frequently that it may be looked upon

as a feature in his style; and he often uses it with effect.

2, 3. _rubente Dextera_] With his right hand, glowing with the light of

the thunderbolt which it grasped.

_arces_] The sacred buildings on the Capitoline Hill. They were called

collectively Capitolium or Arx (from their position), Arx Capitolii, and

sometimes "Arx et Capitolium." (Livy, v. 39, &c.) They embraced the

three temples of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Juno, and Minerva, of Jupiter

Feretrius, and of Terminus. Horace uses 'jaculari' three times, and

always with an accusative. Other writers use it absolutely. See C. ii.

16. 17; iii. 12. 9.

6. _nova monstra_] The prodigies alluded to are those enumerated in the

following verses; namely, the occupation of the mountains by sea

animals, of the waters by the deer, and the trees by the fishes.

7. _pecus_] The herds of Neptune, or the larger sea animals, fabulous or

otherwise, which were said to be under the charge of Proteus. The deluge

of Deucalion, the husband of Pyrrha, and its causes, are described at

length by Ovid (Met. i. 125-347).

10. _columbis,_] The proper name for a wood-pigeon is 'palumbus,' of

'-ba,' or '-bes'; but 'columbus,' '-ba,' are the generic terms for

pigeons. --'Damae' is both masculine and feminine. Georg. iii. 539:

"timidi damae cervique fugaces."

11. _superjecto_] 'Terris' may be understood. Virgil uses the word (Aen.

xi. 625), "Scopulisque superjacit undam."

13. _flavum_] This common epithet of the Tiber arose out of the quantity

of sand washed down in its stream. Aen. vii. 31: "Vorticibus rapidis et

multa flavus arena." By 'vidimus' Horace means that his generation had

seen the prodigies he refers to, as Virgil says of the eruptions of

Ætna:

"Quoties Cyclopum effervere in agros

Vidimus undantem ruptis fornacibus Aetnam."--Aen. i. 471.

13, 14. _retortis Littore Etrusco violenter undis_] "its waters driven

violently back from the shore of the Etruscan sea," into which the Tiber

emptied itself. It is said that the overflowings of the Tiber are still

by the common people accounted for by the violence of the sea driving

back the stream. They were always held to be ominous, and many such are

mentioned in Livy and other writers.

15. _monumenta regis_] This signifies the palace of Numa adjoining the

temple of Vesta, hence called 'atrium regium' (Liv. xxvi. 27), as

forming a kind of 'atrium' to the temple. Ovid (Fasti, vi. 263) thus

alludes to this building:--

"Hic locus exiguus, qui sustinet atria Vestae,

Tunc erat intonsi regia magna Numae."

17. _Iliae--ultorem,_] Tiber is represented as taking upon himself,

without the sanction of Jove, and in consequence of Ilia's complaints,

to avenge the death of Julius Cæsar, the descendant of Iulus, her

ancestor. Ilia, or Rea Silvia, the mother of Romulus and Remus, is

variously reported to have been married to the Tiber and the Anio,

because into one of those streams she was thrown by order of Amulius.

Jove may be supposed to have disapproved the presumption of the

river-god, because he had reserved the task of expiation for other hands

and happier means. One of the chief purposes professed by Augustus was

the avenging of his adoptive father's death, and his enemies made this a

handle against him.

21. _cives acuisse ferrum_] 'Inter se' or 'in semetipsos' may be

understood. 'Audiet acuisse' does not mean 'shall hear them sharpen,'

but 'shall hear of their having sharpened.' Horace is not predicting

what is to be, but lamenting what has been.

22. _Quo--perirent,_] 'By which it were better that the hostile

Parthians should die.'

Persians, Medes, and Parthians are names freely interchanged by Horace.

The Parthian empire, at the time Horace wrote, extended nearly from the

Indus to the Roman province of Syria; and the Parthians were in the

habit of making incursions into that province, which fact is referred to

in the last stanza of this Ode. Although the name of Augustus, assisted

by their own disputes, did something towards keeping them in check, they

were held by the Romans to be their most formidable enemies. Augustus

meditated, but never carried out, war with the Parthians; and the Romans

never till the reign of Trajan gained any successes against them. Their

empire was broken up, and succeeded by the Persian kingdom of the

Sassanidæ, during the reign of Alexander Severus, A.D. 226.--'Perirent'

would in prose be 'perituri forent.'

24. _Rara juventus._] 'Our children thinned by the crimes of their

fathers.' It took years of peace and the enactment of stringent

marriage-laws to restore the population of Rome, which was thinned not

only by bloodshed, but by indifference to marriage and laxity of morals.

25. _Quem vocet divum_] Vesta was the tutelary goddess of Rome. See

Virg. Georg. i. 499, sqq.

"Dii patrii Indigetes, et Romule, Vestaque mater,

Quae Tuscum Tiberim et Romana palatia servas."

She is represented as turning a deaf ear to the prayers of her virgins,

because Cæsar as Pontifex Maximus had particular charge of her temple

and rites. On _vocet_, see Z.

29. _scelus_] The guilt of the civil wars and of Cæsar's death, which,

as Horace implies in what follows, was to be expiated by Augustus in the

character of Mercury, the messenger of peace--'Partes' means 'office,'

'duty.'

Æneas was said to have preserved the fire of Vesta and brought her to

Rome. 'Carmina' ('hymns') is opposed to 'prece' as a set formula to

other prayers. 'Carmen' has that meaning in respect to legal or any

other formal documents. Liv. i. 26: "Lex horrendi carminis." Epp. ii. 1.

138: "Carmine Di superi placantur carmine Manes."

31. _Nube candentes humeros amictus_] So Homer describes him, εἱμένος

ὤμοιϊν νεφέλην (Il. xv. 308). Virg. (Aen. viii. 720): "candentis lumine

Phoebi." 'Humeros' is the Greek accusative: 'your bright shoulders

veiled in a cloud.'

32. _Augur_] Applied to Apollo as the deliverer of oracles and god of

divination.

33. _Sive_] See i. 3. 12, n. 'Erycina ridens' corresponds to φιλομμείδης

Ἀφροδίτη. Venus is called Erycina, from Mount Eryx in Sicily, where she

had a temple. Ἵμερος and Ἔρως (two forms of Love) were the sons of

Venus. 'Jocus' is an invention of Horace's. Apollo is appealed to as the

steadfast friend of Troy, and, according to his flatterers, the father

of Augustus; Venus, as the mother of Æneas and of the Julian family; and

Mars, as the father of Romulus. Mercury (the son of Jove and Maia), as

above stated (v. 29), is selected as the representative of Augustus,

because he is the messenger of peace.

36. _Respicis_] 'You regard.' Cic. (de Legg. ii. 11) proposes the title

'Fortuna respiciens,' which he explains by 'ad opem ferendam,' for a

temple of Fortune.

37. _ludo,_] See C. i. 28. 17: "Dant alios Furiae torvo spectacula

Marti."

38. _leves,_] 'Polished' or 'burnished.'

39. _Mauri peditis_] Translate in the following order: 'et Vultus Mauri

peditis Acer in cruentum hostem.' The force of 'peditis' here appears to

be that the rider has had his horse killed under him, or has dismounted

to attack his enemy hand to hand, or in consequence of a wound. See S.

ii. 1. 13: "Aut labentis equo describit vulnera Parthi." The troops of

Mauritania were chiefly cavalry. There is a particular meaning in the

reference to them rather than to any other troops.

41. _juvenem_] So Augustus is called, though he was forty years old at

this time. So Virg. (Georg. i. 500):--

"Hunc saltem everso juvenen succurrere saeclo

Ne prohibete."

See C. iii. 14. 9; Epp. i. 8. 14; and S. ii. 5. 62, where the word is

again applied to Augustus.

'Juvenis' and 'adolescens' were used for any age between 'pueritia' and

'senectus.' Cicero speaks of himself as 'adolescens' at the time he put

down Catiline's conspiracy, when he was forty-four years old, and as

'senex' when he delivered his 2d Philippic, at which time he was

sixty-two.

42. _Ales_] Agreeing with 'Filius.'

43. _Filius_] Is the nominative used for the vocative.--'Patiens

vocari,' a Grecism. "Patiarque vel inconsultus haberi" (Epp. i. 5. 15).

"Cum pateris sapiens emendatusque vocari" (Epp. i. 16. 30).

45. _Serus in caelum redeas_] Ovid, Met. xv. 868, sqq.:--

"Tarda sit illa dies et nostro serior aevo

Qua caput Augustum, quem temperat orbe relicto,

Accedat caelo."

See also Trist. v. 2. 47. The adjective for the adverb is common in

respect of time. The instances in Horace are very numerous.

49. _triumphos,_] Augustus had just celebrated, or was just about to

celebrate, three triumphs on three successive days, for his victories,

(1.) over the Gauls, Pannonians, and Dalmatians, (2.) at Actium, and

(3.) at Alexandria. 'Triumphos' is governed by 'ames,' as 'pocula' is

governed by 'spernit' (i. 1. 19); in both which cases we have an

accusative case and an infinitive mood governed by the same verb.

50. _pater_] The title of 'pater patriae' was not assumed by Augustus

till A.U.C. 752. It was the highest title of honor that could be

conferred on a citizen, and was first given by the Senate to Cicero (the

army had formerly bestowed it on Camillus), on the occasion of his

suppressing Catiline's conspiracy. Juv. viii. 243:--

"Roma parentem,--

Roma patiem patriae Ciceronem libera dixit,"

where 'libera' seems to mean that the Senate were no longer free agents

when Augustus took the name. See C. iii. 24. 27, n.

_princeps,_] Tac. Ann. i. 1: "Cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa

principis sub imperium accepit." In the Senate there was always one

person who was called 'princeps senatus,' chosen at their own discretion

by the censors. It was nominally as such that Augustus took the title of

'princeps' rather than 'rex,' which was odious to the Romans. He and his

successors are more often styled 'princeps' than 'imperator' by the

historians. The latter title, from which 'emperor' is derived, they had

in virtue of the 'imperium,' for an explanation of which term see

Smith's Dict. Ant.

51. _Medos equitare inultos,_] That is, the Parthians. See above, v. 21,

n.

52. _Te duce, Caesar_] The name of Cæsar is introduced abruptly where

that of Mercury might be expected. This abruptness increases the effect.

ODE III.

This Ode is addressed to the ship that was carrying Virgil the poet on

some occasion to Greece. His constitution was weak, and he probably made

several voyages for the sake of his health. He went and only returned to

die in B.C. 19, but this ode was written before then. It is taken up

with reproaches against him who first invented navigation, and a lament

for the presumption of mankind.

Argument--We commit to thee Virgil, O thou ship! deliver him safe on the

shores of Attica, and preserve him whom I love as my life, and may the

skies and winds prosper thee. Hard and rash was the man who first

tempted the sea and defied the winds. In what shape should he fear the

approach of death, who unmoved could look on the monsters of the deep,

and the swelling waves, and dangerous rocks? In vain did God separate

lands, if man is to leap over the forbidden waters. So doth he ever rush

into sin. Prometheus brought fire into the world, and with that theft

came all manner of diseases, Dædalus soared on wings, and Hercules burst

into hell. Deterred by nothing, we would climb heaven itself, and our

guilt suffers not Jove to lay aside his bolts.

1. _Sic_] 'Sic' in this place amounts to no more than 'utinam' in a

strong form, as ὡς does in Greek. There are other passages where 'sic'

follows the prayer on which it depends, as C. i. 28. 25:

"Ne parce malignus arenae--particulam dare:

Sic quodcunque minabitur Eurus,"--

where the condition and its consequence are clearly marked, and an

opposite wish is implied if the condition be not fulfilled. But such is

not the case here; first Horace says, 'May the stars and winds prosper

thee,' and then goes on, 'O ship, deliver thy trust in safety.'

'Potens,' like its kindred word πότνια, is used with a genitive after

it. Venus (a Latin divinity) is confounded by the poets with the Greek

Aphrodite, who, from her supposed origin, was imagined to have power

over the sea; hence Horace calls her 'marina' (C. iii. 26. 5; iv. 11.

15). She had the titles εὐπλοία, λιμένιας, had temples built for her in

harbors and is represented on coins with a rudder, shell, and dolphin.

Her principal temples were at Idalium and Paphos in Cyprus, in the

island of Cythera off the Peloponnesus, Eryx (C. 2. 33) and Cnidus in

Caria.

2. _Sic fratres Helenae_] Castor and Pollux had among other titles that

of ἀρωγόναυται, 'sailor helpers'. The appellation 'lucida sidera' is

supposed to be derived from certain meteoric appearances after storms,

which the ancients supposed to indicate the presence of Castor and

Pollux. Similar phenomena are still called by the Italian sailors the

fire of St. Elmo, a corruption (it is believed) from Helena, sister of

Castor and Pollux. Compare Eurip. Helen. 1495, sqq., and C. iv. 8. 31.

3. _pater,_] Æolus is steward of the winds in Homer (Odyss. x. 21), king

in Virgil, and father here.

4. _praeter Iapyga:_] The Iapygian or northwest wind, so called from

Iapygia in Apulia, whence it blows down the Adriatic, was favorable for

a voyage from Brundisium, where Virgil would embark for Greece.

6. _finibus Atticis_] 'Deliver him safe on the shores of Attica',

'finibus' being the ablative case. 'Reddere' is the word for delivering

a letter.

8. _animae dimidium meae_] See C. ii. 17. 5. The definition of a friend

ἥμισυ τῆς ψυχῆς is attributed to Pythagoras.

9. _Illi robur et aes triplex_] This too is an imitation of the Greek,

as Aesch. Prom. 242: σιδηρόφρων τε κὰκ πέτρας εἰργασμένος. We are to

understand a man whose heart is hard, as if cased in oak and a triple

coat of bronze.

13. _Aquilonibus_] The dative, depending on 'decertantem'.

14. _tristes Hyadas,_] These were three stars in the head of Taurus,

whose name (derived from ὕειν, to rain) explains the epithet 'tristes,'

'dull,' 'unhappy.'

15. _arbiter_] This may be rendered 'tyrant.' 'Notus' is called 'dux

turbidus Hadriae' (C. iii. 3. 5). 'Ponere freta' is like Virg. (Aen. i.

66), "placide straverunt aequora venti", and Soph. Aj. 674: δεινῶν δ᾽

ἄημα πνευμάτων ἐκοίμισε στένοντα πόντον. 'Sive' is omitted before

'tollere,' as the Greeks frequently omitted εἴτε in the first clause.

This is common in Horace.

17. _gradum_] This is not 'degree,' but 'step'. It must be rendered in

some such way as this: 'in what shape should he fear the approach of

death'.

18. _siccis oculis_] ξηροῖς ἀκλαύστοις ὄμμασιν (Aesch. S. c. Theb. 696).

The ancients were less exact in ascribing the proper signs to emotion or

they wept less sparingly than men do now. Cæsar, describing the effect

of fear on his men, says, "Hi neque vultum fingere neque interdum

lacrimas tenere potuerunt" (B. G. i. 39); and Ovid (Met. xi. 539),

describing sailors in a storm, says:--

"Non tenet hic lacrimas: stupet hic: vocat ille beatos

Funera quos maneant":

It was enough to make them weep, to think that their bodies could not

meet with burial. 'Sicci occuli' are fitting accompaniments of a heart

so hard as this venturous discoverer is said to have had.

20. _Acroceraunia?_] 'Ceraunii montes' was the ancient name for the

range of mountains that runs down the coast of Epirus, the northern

extremity of which was the promontory called 'Acroceraunia'. The

navigation in the neighborhood of this promontory appears to have been

dangerous. Vessels going from Italy to Greece were liable to be driven

upon it, which accounts for its mention here.

22. _dissociabili_] Used actively, as "penetrabile telum" (Aen. x. 48),

"genitabilis aura Favoni" (Lucret. i. 11), and in Horace 'amabilem' (C.

i. 5. 10), 'illacrimabilem' (ii. 14. 6), which is used passively C. iv.

9. 26. Tacitus uses 'dissociabilis' passively (Agr. 3), "res olim

dissociabiles miscuerit principatum et libertatem." 'Prudens' is

'providens,' foreseeing the evil to come.

25. _Audax omnia perpeti_] 'Presumptuous (enough) to endure all

sufferings.' Compare with this Soph. Antig. 332, sqq.:--

πολλὰ τὰ δεινὰ, κοὐδὲν ἀν-

θρώπου δεινότερον πέλει.

τοῦτο καὶ πολιοῦ πέραν

πόντου χειμερίῳ νότῳ

χωρεῖ, περιβρυχίοισιν

περῶν ὑπ᾽ οἴδμασιν.

'Perpeti' means to endure to the end. 'Vetitum' with 'nefas' is not

altogether redundant. It expresses crimes which are obviously forbidden,

as shown by the obstructions thrown in the way of their commission.

27. _Iapeti genus_] 'Son of Iapetus' (Prometheus). This is after the use

of γένος, which occurs not rarely in the Tragedians. Eurip. (Cyclops

104) has δριμὺ Σισύφου γένος, for Ulysses, and Virg. (Aen. iv. 12)

"genus esse Deorum." Compare S. ii. 5. 63.--Prometheus also claimed to

be the inventor of ships (Aesch. P. V. 467).

28. _fraude mala_] 'Mala' means mischievous or fatal theft, referring to

its consequences. Technically 'dolus malus' means a fraud with bad

intent, and 'dolus bonus' with good intent, a pious fraud.

30. _Subductum_] 'stolen.' 'Sub' in composition has sometimes that force

of ὑπό which signifies 'suppression' and so 'deception' in every form.

But it does not always convey a bad meaning.

31. _incubuit_] This word does not always take a dative case after it.

Lucret. vi. 1141:--

"Mortifer aestus--

Incubuit tandem populum Pandionis omnem."

In what follows 'prius' belongs to 'semoti,' and 'tarda necessitas leti'

are one subject. Translate, 'tardaque necessitas leti, prius semoti,

corripuit gradum,' 'the power, once slow, of death remote before,

hastened its step.' So that 'prius' also affects 'tarda.' The story of

the diseases and ills which issued from Pandora's box, and which were a

punishment for the theft of Prometheus, will be found in any classical

dictionary.

36. _Herculeus labor._] So Odyss. xi. 600, βιή Ἡρακληείη for Hercules.

"Catonis virtus" (C. iii. 21. 11), "virtus Scipiadae et miris sapientia

Laeli" (S. ii. 1. 72), may be taken in the same way. The descent of

Hercules to Hades, for the purpose of bringing up Cerberus, was the

twelfth labor imposed on him by Eurystheus.

ODE IV.

L. Sestius, whose name is used in this Ode, was one of those who served

with Horace under Brutus, and they were no doubt on terms of intimacy.

The Ode professes to be written at the beginning of spring, and its

subject is the uncertainty of life and the duty of enjoying it.

Argument.--The winter is thawing; the spring is returning; the ships are

being launched; the herds quit their stalls and the ploughman his

fireside; and the meadows are no longer white with frost. Venus and the

Graces are leading the dance, and the Cyclops' forge is burning. Let us

bind the head with myrtle or the earth's first flowers and sacrifice a

lamb or kid to Pan. Death calls on rich and poor alike. Life is short, O

Sestius! and our hopes we must contract. The grave awaits thee, and when

there, no more shalt thou preside at the feast, or sigh for the fair

young Lycidas.

2. _machinae_] The machines here mentioned are called by Cæsar (B. C.

ii. 10) 'phalangae.' They were rollers. Vessels were drawn up on shore

from the Ides of November to the Ides of March, during which time

"Defendens pisces hiemat mare" (S. ii. 2. 17). As to 'Favonius' see C.

iii. 7. 2. The usual word for 'to launch' (for which 'trahunt' is here

used) is 'deducere,' the reverse of which, 'to haul up on shore,' is

'subducere.'

3. _neque--aut--nec_] The two first of these form one branch of the

sentence, and the last the other. "Neque (pecus aut arator) gaudet nec

prata albicant." See C. ii. 3, at the beginning.

4. _canis-pruinis_] The hoar-frost.

5. _imminente Luna,_] 'with the moon overhead.' 'Cytherea Venus' is

unusual, but is analogous to Φοῖβος Ἀπόλλων.

6. _Junctaeque Nymphis_] 'Nymphis' is dative. Translate 'decentes'

'comely.' See C. 30. 5, and 7, n.

7. _graves_] This epithet may have a variety of meanings. Perhaps Horace

meant 'laborious.' The eruptions of Ætna, where the thunderbolts of Jove

were supposed to be forged, taking place chiefly in the summer and early

autumn, the Cyclops are fitly represented as preparing these bolts in

spring.

8. _urit_] This seems to be an adaptation of φλέγει, 'lights up,' and is

an unusual sense for 'uro.' Ovid (Fast. iv. 473) has "Antraque Cyclopum,

positis exusta caminis," which was possibly imitated from this.

9. _nitidum_] i.e. with oil. C. ii. 7. 22, n.; Epp. i. 5. 14, n.

11. _Fauno decet immolare_] The Faunalia took place on the Ides of

December. But a lesser festival was observed on the Ides of February, at

the advent of Faunus (Pan, the two being identified by the later

Romans). See C. iii. 18. At that time the flocks and herds went out to

graze, and the god was invoked for their protection. 'Immolare' admits

of two constructions: with an ablative, as (Livy xli. 14) "immolantibus

Jovi singulis bubus"; and with an accusative, as (Virg. Aen. x. 519)

"inferias quas immolet umbris." Horace himself has the latter

construction elsewhere (S. ii. 3. 164): "Immolet aequis hic porcum

Laribus." So Virgil (Ecl. iii. 77), "facias vitula."

13. _pulsat_] Ovid, Heroid. xxi. 46, "Persephone nostras pulsat acerba

fores."

14. _Reges_] This word is commonly applied to the rich by Horace, and by

Terence too, as Phormio (i. 2. 20): "O! regem me esse opportuit." The

Romans, after the expulsion of the kings, used the terms 'rex,'

'regnum,' 'regnare,' for the most part, in an invidious sense.--'Beatus'

means one who is rich and lives free from misfortunes. Sestius shared

the defeat of Brutus at Philippi, but returning to Rome he was favored

by Augustus, and rose to be consul.

15. _inchoare_] 'To enter upon.' This word means properly to begin a

thing and not to bring it to an end. The derivation is uncertain.

16. _premet_] From this word, which belongs more properly to 'nox,' we

must understand appropriate words for 'Manes' and 'domus.' Orelli

supplies 'circumvolitabunt' and 'teget.'

_fabulaeque Manes_] This is explained by Juv. S. ii. 149:--

"Esse aliquid (_or_ aliquos) Manes--

Nec pueri credunt nisi qui nondum aere lavantur."

Persicus has imitated Horace, S. v. 152: "cinis et Manes et fabula

fies." 'Fabulae,' therefore, signifies 'unreal.' See Epp. ii. 2. 209,

n.--'Exilis' is 'bare,' as in Epp. i. 6. 45: "Exilis domus est qua non

et multa supersunt."--'Simul' is used commonly by Horace for 'simul ac,'

'as soon as.'--'Mirabere,' as expressing affection, savors of the Greek

θαυμάζειν. It occurs again Epod. iii. 10.--As to 'talis,' 'dice,' see S.

ii. 3. 171, n. It was usual at feasts for one to be chosen by lot, or

by throw of dice, president, called by the the Greeks συμποσίαρχος, and

by the Romans 'rex bibendi' or 'magister bibendi,' his office being

principally to regulate the quantity and quality of wine to be drunk.

Compare C. ii. 7. 25.

ODE V.

This is a graceful fancy poem. It expresses a lover's jealousy, under

the pretence of being glad to escape from the toils of an inconstant

mistress. He supposes her to be at this time engaging the affections of

some inexperienced youth unknown, who is embarked on the dangerous sea

from which he has himself barely escaped. Milton has made a good

translation of this Ode.

Argument.--What slender youth art thou toying with now, Pyrrha? He

thinks, poor, credulous boy, it will always be thus with thee, and will

timidly wonder when the tempest ariseth. I pity those who have no

experience of thee; for my part, I have escaped out of the storm, as the

walls of the Sea-god show, whereon my dripping garments and the picture

of my wreck are hung.

1. _multa--in rosa_] 'on a bed of roses.'

5. _Simplex munditiis?_] 'Munditia,' in the singular and plural,

signifies elegance of dress without pretension. Translate 'plain in thy

neatness.'

6. _Mutatosque deos_] 'Mutatos' applies equally to 'fidem' and 'deos.'

See C. ii. 1, n.

8. _Emirabitur_] This word is not found in other good authors. It is a

stronger form of 'miror,' which is a common effect of 'e' and 'de' in

composition, as, among many other instances, 'decertantem' in the third

Ode. 'Demiror' is a word used by Cicero and others, and adopted here by

some editors.--'Insolens' is either used absolutely or with a genitive.

9. _aurea:_] 'All gold' is Milton's translation, and none other that I

know of will do. It implies perfection, just as 'aurea mediocritas'

signifies that perfect state which transgresses neither to the right nor

to the left. So Homer calls Venus χρυσέα frequently.

10. _vacuam,_] 'heart free.' "Elige de vacuis quam non sibi vindicet

alter," Ov. Herod. xx. 149. See also C. i. 6. 19: "Cantamus vacui sive

quid urimur."--'Amabilem' Gesner understands actively. It may be either,

or both. See C. i. 3. 22.

13. _tabula_] This practice of persons escaped from shipwreck hanging up

in the temple of Neptune or other sea-god a picture representing their

wreck and the clothes they escaped in, is mentioned twice again by

Horace, S. ii. 1. 33; A.P. 20. Also, among many others, by Virgil, Aen.

xii. 768:

"Servati ex undis ubi figere dona solebant

Laurenti divo, et votas suspendere vestes."

The temples of Isis in particular were thus adorned, after the

introduction of her worship into Rome, which was not till quite the

latter years of the Republic. She was worshipped in Greece as Πελαγία,

and the Romans placed themselves under her protection at sea. Juvenal

asks (S. xii. 28): "Pictores quis nescit ab Iside pasci?" There is a

little confusion in the sentence; for Horace says, 'the wall shows with

its votive picture that he has hung up his clothes to the sea-god.' This

may be accounted for if we suppose that he meant to say, 'the wall with

its picture shows that he has escaped drowning,' to which the other is

equivalent, but expresses more, namely, the hanging up of the clothes.

15. _potenti--maris_] 'Potenti' governs 'maris,' as "potens Cypri," C.

i. 3. 1.

ODE VI.

This Ode is addressed to M. Vipsanius Agrippa, the friend and general,

and at a later time the son-in-law, of Augustus. It was probably written

after the battle of Actium, where Agrippa commanded the fleet of

Augustus against M. Antonius. He may have asked Horace to write an ode

in his honor, and he declines in a modest way, professing to be unequal

to such high exploits, which he places on the same level with those of

Homer's heroes.

Argument.--Varius shall sing in Homeric strain of thy victories by sea

and land. My humble muse does not sing of these, of the wrath of

Achilles, or the wanderings of Ulysses, or the fate of Pelops's house,

nor will she disparage thy glories and Cæsar's. Who can fitly sing of

Mars, mail-clad,--of Meriones, black with the dust of Troy,--of Diomed,

a match for gods? I sing but of feasts, and of the battles of boys and

girls.

1. _Scriberis_] See next Ode, v. 1, n. L. Varius Rufus was a

distinguished epic and tragic poet frequently mentioned by Horace, with

whom he was intimate, and whom he introduced to Mæcenas. He was popular

with his contemporaries, and much admired by them. Augustus also had an

affection for him (see Epp. ii. 1. 247).

2. _carminis alite,_] 'Alite' is in apposition with 'Vario.' Translate,

'bird of Homeric song.' In prose the ablative of the agent without a

preposition is not admissible. But Horace has the same construction, C.

iii. 5. 24. S. ii. 1. 84. Epp. i. 1. 94. It is most frequently found in

Ovid. Homer is called 'Maeonius' from the fact that Smyrna, a town of

Lydia, more anciently called Mæonia, was one of those that claimed to be

his birthplace.

3. _Quam rem cunque_] The construction is by attraction. The full

expression would be 'scriberis et scribetur omnis res quamcunque.'

Agrippa's great successes up to this time had been in the Perusian war

against L. Antonius, B.C. 41 (in which he had the principal command

under Augustus), in Gaul and Germany, by land; and against Sex. Pompeius

and at Actium, by sea.

4. _te duce_] See next Ode, v. 27, n.

5. _neque haec--nec gravem_] This is as if he had said: 'I should not

think of singing of these victories, any more than I should of the wrath

of Achilles.' Compare C. iii. 5. 27-30:

"Neque amissos colores

Lana refert medicata fuco,

Nec vera virtus cum semel excidit

Curat reponi deterioribus."

'As the stained wool does not recover its lost color, so true virtue

once lost will not be restored to the degenerate.' 'Gravem stomachum' is

a translation of μῆνιν οὐλομένην (Il. i. 1), and 'cedere nescii' is

explained by 'inexorabilis,' A.P. 121. This construction with 'nescius'

is not uncommon. Virgil, Aen. xii. 527: "Rumpuntur nescia vinci

pectora." Ovid, Ep. ex Pont. ii. 9. 45: "Marte ferox et vinci nescius

armis."

7. _duplicis_] διπλοῦς, 'double-minded or double-tongued,' as he is

described by Hecuba in Euripides's play of the Trojan Women (v. 285):--

ὃς πάντα τἀκεῖθεν ἐνθάδ᾽

ἀντίπαλ᾽ αὖθις ἐκεῖσε διπτύχῳ γλώσσᾳ

φίλα τὰ πρότερ᾽ ἄφιλα τιθέμενος πάντων.

'Ulixeï' is a genitive of the second declension, 'Ulixeus' being an old

Latin form of 'Ulysses.'

8. _saevam Pelopis domum_] Alluding to Varius's tragedy Thyestes.

Tantalus, the founder of his house, served up his own son Pelops at a

feast of the gods. Pelops, restored to life, murdered Œnomaus his

father-in-law and his own son Chrysippus (Thucyd. i. 9). Atreus, the son

of Pelops, murdered and placed before their father as a meal the

children of Thyestes his brother, who had previously seduced the wife of

Atreus. Atreus was killed by Ægisthus, his nephew and supposed son, who

also seduced the wife of his cousin, Agamemnon (the son of Atreus), who

was murdered by the said wife Clytemnestra, and she by her son Orestes,

who was pursued to madness by the Erynnyes of his mother: all of which

events furnished themes for the Greek tragedians, and were by them

varied in their features as suited their purpose, or according to the

different legends they followed.

11. _Laudes_] It is said that Varius wrote a panegyric on Augustus, and

if so, it is possible Horace means indirectly to refer to it here.

13. _tunica tectum adamantina_] This expresses Homer's epithet

χαλκοχίτων.

15. _Merionen_] The charioteer of Idomeneus, king of Crete. 'Pulvere

Troico nigrum' is like 'non indecoro pulvere sordidos' (C. ii. 1. 22).

With the help of Pallas, Diomed encountered Mars and wounded him (Il. v.

858).

18. _Sectis--acrium_] The order is, 'virginum in juvenes acrium, Sectis

tamen unguibus.'

19. _sive quid urimur_] The construction has been noticed before (3.

15), and 'vacuus' occurs in the last Ode (v. 10). See Z. § 385.

20. _Non praeter solitum leves._] 'Trifling, according to my usual

practice.'

ODE VII.

Munatius Plancus, who followed Julius Cæsar both in Gaul and in his war

with Pompeius, after Cæsar's death attached himself to the republican

party, but very soon afterwards joined Augustus; then followed Antonius

to the East, and B.C. 32, the year before Actium, joined Augustus again.

He was consul in B.C. 42. See C. iii. 14. 27,

"Non ego hoc ferrem, calidus juventa,

Consule Planco."

He had a son Munatius, who is probably the person referred to in Epp. i.

3. 31. To which of them this Ode was addressed, if to either, is

uncertain. It might have been addressed to any one else, for its only

subject is the praise of a quiet life and convivial pleasure, which is

supported by a story about Teucer, taken from some source unknown to us.

Much of the language and ideas seems to have been copied from the Greek.

Argument.--Let others sing of the noble cities of Greece, and dedicate

their lives to the celebration of Athens and all its glories. For my

part, I care not for Lacedæmon and Larissa, as for Albunea's cave, the

banks of Anio, and the woods and orchards of Tibur. The sky is not

always dark, Plancus: drown care in wine, whether in the camp or in the

shades of Tibur. As Teucer, though driven from his father's home, bound

poplar on his head, and cheered his companions, saying: "Let us follow

fortune, my friends, kinder than a father: despair not, while Teucer is

your chief; Apollo has promised us another Salamis: drown care in wine,

for to-morrow we will seek the deep once more."

1. _Laudabunt_] This future is like 'scriberis' in the last Ode (v. 1),

'others shall if they please.' 'Claram' means 'bright,' with reference

to its cloudless skies. 'Bimaris' is an unusual word. It refers to the

position of Corinth, which, standing at the south of the isthmus,

commanded the shore of the Sinus Corinthiacus, by two long walls

reaching from the town to the sea, and had its eastern port Cenchreæ on

the Sinus Saronicus.

5. _Sunt quibus_] 'There are those who make it the single business of

their lives to tell of chaste Minerva's city in unbroken song, and to

gather a branch from every olive to entwine their brow.' A 'perpetuum

carmen' is a continuous poem, such as an Epic; and 'a branch from every

olive,' or, more literally, an 'olive-branch from every quarter,' means

that the various themes connected with the glory of Athens are as

olive-trees, from each of which a branch is plucked to bind the poet's

brow. The figure is appropriate to the locality, where the olive

flourished and was sacred to Minerva (see Herod. v. 8. Soph. Oed. Col.

694, sqq.). We do not know of any poem or poems to which Horace may have

alluded, but Athens furnished subjects for the inferior poets of the

day.

8. _Plurimus_] This word for 'plurimi' standing alone occurs nowhere

else; with a substantive it is not uncommon, as 'Oleaster plurimus,'

Georg. ii. 182. 'Plurimus aeger,' Juv. iii. 232. 'In honorem,' for the

ablative, is an unusual construction. But Propertius (iv. 6. 13) says,

"Caesaris in nomen ducuntur carmina," which is an analogous case. See

Hom. Il. iv. 51, where Here says:--

ἦ τοι ἐμοὶ τρεῖς μὲν πολὺ φίλταταί εἰσι πόληες,

Ἄργος τε Σπάρτη τε καὶ εὐρυάγυια Μυκήνη.

She had a celebrated temple between Argos and Mycenæ called the Ἡραῖον.

Homer (Il. ii. 287) calls Argos ἱππόβατον ('aptum equis'), the plain in

which the city was placed being famous for breeding horses.

'Dites Mycenas' is later: Μυκήνας τὰς πολυχρύσους (Soph. Elect. 9).

'Opimae Larissae' is Homeric; Λάρισσα ἐριβώλαξ (Il. ii. 841). There were

several towns of this name, and it is uncertain which Homer meant, but

probably that in Thessaly. Horace perhaps took his town, with its

epithet, without thinking much where it was. But he may have been at all

these places while he was in Greece. 'Patiens' is the Spartan's

historical character, but also that of Horace's age. Cicero (Tusc. v.

27) says, "Pueri Spartiatae non ingemiscunt verberum dolore laniati.

Adolescentium greges Lacedaemone vidimus ipsi, incredibili contentione

certantes pugnis, calcibus, unguibus, morsu denique, ut exanimarentur

prius quam se victos faterentur." 'Percussit' is generally used with the

ablative of the instrument or cause. Standing alone in this way, and in

the aoristic perfect, it savors very much of ἔπληξε which is used in the

same sense.

12. _Albuneae resonantis_] Albunea, one of the Sibyls worshipped at

Tibur, gave her name to a grove and fountain. See Virg. Aen. vii. 81,

sqq.

13. _Tiburni lucus_] Tiburnus (or -tus), Catillus, and Coras were the

mythical founders of Tibur. See Virg. Aen. vii. 671. The brothers were

worshipped and had a grove there. Tiburnus was the tutelar deity of

Tibur, as Tiberinus was of the river Tiber, Anienus of the Anio, &c.

They are in fact adjectives. Tibur was famous for its orchards. As to

'uda' see C. iii. 29. 6, n. Close to Tibur there is a fall of the Anio,

which explains 'praeceps.'

15. _Albus_--_Notus_] This is the λευκόνοτος of the Greeks. We have

also 'candidi Favonii' (C. iii. 7. 1) and 'albus Iapyx' (C. iii. 27.

19). In the latter place it represents a treacherous wind. Horace

prefers the older forms in 'eo,' as 'deterget,' 'tergere' (S. ii. 2.

24), 'densentur' (C. i. 28. 19).

19. _fulgentia signis_] The standards in front of the 'praetorium,' the

commander-in-chief's quarters, were decorated with plates of burnished

gold or silver.

21. _Teucer_] Teucer was brother of Ajax, and son of Telamon, king of

Salamis, that island on the southern coast of Attica where Themistocles

defeated the forces of Xerxes. When he returned from Troy, his father

refused to receive him, because he came without his brother, whereupon

he went with his followers to Cyprus, and built a city there, which he

called after his native place, Salamis. 'Cum fugeret tamen' is an

imitation of the Greek καὶ φεύγων ὅμως. But this use of 'tamen' is not

uncommon in Cicero. Teucer selected Hercules as his protector, and so

wore a crown of poplar, which was sacred to that hero. See Virg. Aen.

viii. 276.

25. _Fortuna melior parente_] 'Fortune, kinder than my father.'

27. _duce et auspice_] Horace puts technical distinctions into Teucer's

lips, of which he could know nothing. The commander-in-chief of a Roman

army had a power called 'imperium' given him, in virtue of which his

acts in the war in which he was engaged were done on behalf of the

state. He alone had the power of taking the auspices under which the war

was carried on. The difference between 'dux' and 'auspex' was the

difference between a commander who had the 'imperium' (and therefore the

'auspicium') and one who had not. If an 'imperator' commanded in person,

the war was said to be carried on under his 'ductus' as well as his

'auspicia'; otherwise only under his 'auspicia,' his 'legatus' being the

'dux.' Thus Tacitus says (Ann. ii. 41), "recepta signa cum Varo amissa

ductu Germanici auspiciis Tiberii." Tiberius as 'imperator' alone had

the 'auspicium,' which the emperors rarely delegated to their generals.

See last Ode, v. 4. C. iv. 14. 33. Epp. ii. 1. 254. 'Certus' is

equivalent to σαφής in εἰ Ζεὺς ἔτι Ζεὺς χὠ Διὸς Φοῖβος σαφής (Oed. Col.

623).

29. _Ambiguam_] Of doubtful name, i.e. liable to be confounded with the

old Salamis.

ODE VIII.

This Ode contains an expostulation with a damsel, Lydia, who is supposed

to be spoiling by her charms a youth, Sybaris, once distinguished in all

manly sports, which he has now forsaken. Sybaris was the name of a Greek

town on the Sinus Tarentinus, the inhabitants of which were idle and

luxurious. The name, which was proverbial though the town had long been

destroyed, is given to this youth by way of representing the character

into which he has fallen.

Argument.--Lydia, why art thou spoiling Sybaris thus, so that he shuns

all manly exercises? He who was once so active, why does he no longer

ride and swim and wrestle, and throw the quoit and javelin in the Campus

Martius? Why does he hide himself with thee, like Achilles, in woman's

apparel?

3, 4. _apricum campum_] The Campus Martius, where the youth of Rome used

to practise manly and warlike exercises.

5. _militaris_] 'as a soldier should.'

6. _Gallica nec lupatis_] The best horses were bred in Cisalpine Gaul.

Lupata (plur.) is used as a substantive by Virgil (Georg. iii. 208). It

was the sharpest kind of bit, so called from the jagged teeth of the

wolf, which it resembled. It was also called 'lupus.' The participle is

not elsewhere used.

8. _Tiberim tangere?_ _Cur olivum_] The Romans bathed often in the

Tiber, before which, and before their exercises in the Campus Martius,

they were wont to rub oil on their limbs. C. iii. 12. 6. S. i. 6. 123;

ii. 1. 8.

10. _armis_] The discus (S. ii. 2. 13) and lance, the violent use of

which strained and discolored the arms.

13. _Quid latet,_] 'Why is he hiding himself in your house?' as Achilles

was hid in a woman's dress, in the palace of Lycomedes, in the island of

Scyros, lest he should be carried to Troy; a legend which Homer knew

nothing of. Thetis foresaw that the siege of Troy would be fatal to

Achilles. In Ovid (Met. xiii. 165, sqq.) Ulysses relates the story, and

tells how he discovered Achilles and dragged him to the war.

16. _Lycias_--_catervas?_] The Lycians assisted the Trojans under the

command of Sarpedon and Glaucus.

ODE IX.

This is a drinking song for the winter, imitated from an Ode of Alcæus.

A party is supposed to be assembled in the city, and one calls upon the

master of the feast to bring out his best wine, and make the fire burn

bright, that they may banish care and all thought for the future, since

youth is the time for innocent enjoyment.

Argument.--You see how Soracte stands out with snow, and the woods are

bending with their burden, and the sharp frost hath frozen the streams.

Heap logs on the fire, and draw your best Sabine wine, feast-master, and

leave the rest to the gods, at whose bidding the fierce winds are still

and the woods have rest. Ask not what is to come; enjoy the present day;

let the dance be ours while we are young, the Campus Martius, the

promenade, the nightly assignation, and the coy girl that loves to be

caught.

1. _stet_] 'stands out.' This signifies a fixed and prominent

appearance. 'Stant lumina flamma' (Aen. vi. 300) may be rendered in the

same way. Soracte was one of the Faliscan range of hills, about 2200

feet high and twenty-four miles from Rome. It is now called Monte

Tresto, a corruption from 'San Oreste.' It is seen very clearly from the

northern point of the city. Apollo had a temple there: "Summe deum

sancti custos Soractis Apollo," Aen. xi. 785.

4. _constiterint_] 'have ceased flowing.' See Ov. Tr. v. 10. 1: "Ut

sumus in Ponto ter frigore constitit Ister." 'Acuto,' as applied to

cold, corresponds to the ὀξεῖα χιών of Pindar, and 'penetrabile frigus'

of Virgil. But Horace also applies it to heat (Epp. i. 10. 17): "Cum

semel accepit solem furibundus acutum." In English, we say 'a sharp

frost,' but do not use the same word for heat.

7. _Deprome quadrimum Sabina,--diota._] The first of these words means

here to draw the wine from the 'diota' into the crater or bowl in which

it was mixed with water. The diota (so called from its having two

handles or ears, ὦτα) was the same as the 'amphora' (so called for the

same reason), 'testa,' or 'cadus,' which were names for the vessels of

earthen-ware or glass in which the wine was kept, as we keep it in

bottles, after it was drawn from the 'dolium,' the larger vessel in

which it was put to ferment when new. The name of the wine is applied to

the vessel containing it here, as in 'Graeca testa' (i. 20. 2);

'Laestrygonia amphora' (iii. 16. 34). Sabine wine was not among the

best, nor was it of the worst sort. It was a sweet wine, and probably

after four years' keeping was in its prime. Horace calls it elsewhere

(C. i. 20. 1) "vile Sabinum," but that was as compared with Mæcenas's

more expensive sorts.

14. _Fors_] 'Chance.' Cic. (de Legg. ii. 11) distinguishes 'Fors' from

'Fortuna' thus: "Fortuna valet in omnes dies; Fors in quo incerti casus

significantur magis." 'Fors' and 'Sors' differ as cause and effect. See

S. i. 1. 1. 'Quem dierum cunque' is equivalent to 'quemcunque diem';

'whatever day chance shall bestow.'

_lucro Appone,_] 'set it down to good luck.' Cic. Div. 9. 17: "de lucro

prope jam quadriennium novimus," i.e. of good luck and contrary to

expectation. Liv. (xi. 8) has the same expression: "De lucro vivere me

scito." 'Lucrari' is said of things gained without our own effort,

according to Forcellini's explanation.

17. _virenti_] Epod. 13. 4: "dumque virent genua." The Greeks used γόνυ

χλωρόν. 'Virere' is also applied to old age, and we speak commonly of a

'green old age.' "Cruda ac viridis senectus," Tac. Agr. 29.

18. _areae_] Courts and open places about the temples and in different

parts of the town, used as promenades and for games. 'Any place in a

city not built upon,' is the jurists' definition of 'area.'

24. _male pertinaci._] 'slyly obstinate,' or 'not obstinate,' that is,

which does not resist the snatching of the ring; for 'male' may be taken

in either sense. See below, C. 17. 25, n.

ODE X.

In the following Ode, which is a translation or close adaptation of one

written by Alcæus, the attributes and legends belonging to Hermes, the

Greek divinity, are applied to Mercurius, the Latin, who was properly

the god who presided over commerce. Ovid gives much the same account of

Mercurius in the fifth book of the Fasti (663, sqq.). His description

begins with the same apostrophe as this, 'Clare nepos Atlantis.'

Argument.--Mercury, thou who in their infancy didst tame the human race

by the gifts of speech and the palæstra, of thee will I sing, thou

messenger of the gods, thou master of the lyre and prince of thieves.

Why, while Apollo was threatening thee for stealing his cows, he turned

and laughed to find his quiver gone. By thee Priam passed through the

Grecian camp. Thou conductest souls to their last home, thou favorite of

the gods above and gods below!

1. _nepos Atlantis,_] Hermes was the son of Zeus and Maia the daughter

of Atlas.

3. _Voce formasti_] Hermes was looked upon as the herald of the gods,

and so as gifted above all others with eloquence; hence he was called

λόγιος. He was said to have invented the first written language.

_decorae More palaestrae,_] 'The practice (exercise) of the graceful

palæstra,' so called as giving grace to the limbs. As the inventor and

patron of gymnastic exercises, Hermes was called ἀγώνιος.

6. _lyrae parentem,_] Hermes was said, when a child, to have taken the

shell of a tortoise and put strings to it, and so to have invented the

lyre.

7. _Callidum quidquid_] All arts of cunning were supposed to have

originated with Hermes, who as the god of gain patronized thieving.

9. _Te boves olim_] Translate in the following order: 'Olim Apollo, dum

Te puerum terret (terrebat) minaci Voce, nisi reddidisses boves per

dolum amotas, Risit viduus (spoliatus) pharetra.' Hermes is also said to

have stolen when a child some cows of Apollo's. After some time, that

god discovered the thief, and when threatening to punish him if he did

not restore them, he turned and found his bow and arrows gone; and

Horace says he smiled at the expertness of the theft. This story is said

to have been first told by Alcæus. Ovid, in the place above mentioned,

relates it.

14. _Ilio dives Priamus_] Horace uses the forms Ilios (feminine) and

Ilion (neuter). The story of Priam going through the Grecian camp to beg

the body of his son Hector of Achilles, is told by Homer in the 24th

book of the Iliad (334, sqq.).

15. _Thessalos ignes_] The watch-fires of the troops of Achilles.

17. _Tu pias laetis_] As the conductor of the dead, Hermes was called

ψυχοπομπός, and as the bearer of a golden wand, he was named

χρυσόῤῥαπις. This wand the Greeks called κηρυκεῖον, the Latins

'caduceus.'

20. _imis._] That is, Pluto and Proserpine.

ODE XI.

The swarms of impostors from the East, who pretended to tell fortunes

and cast nativities at Rome in the time of the empire, became a public

nuisance, and they were expelled and laws passed against them, but

without the effect of putting them down. Tacitus (Hist. i. 22) describes

them as "Genus hominum infidum, sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate

nostra et vetabitur semper et retinebitur." They were becoming numerous

in Cicero's time. As might be supposed, they were most successful in

engaging the attention of women (Juv. vi. 569, sqq.), and Horace here

addresses himself to one of that sex, whom he calls Leuconoë, a name

which appears to be equivalent to 'folly.'

Argument.--Look not into the book of fate, Leuconoë, nor consult the

astrologers. How much better to be satisfied, whether we have yet many

winters to see, or this be the last! Be wise, strain the wine, think of

the shortness of life, and cut your expectations short. Even while we

speak, time flies. Live to-day; trust not to-morrow.

1. _scire nefas,_] 'Nefas' means that which is not permitted by the

gods. It does not always signify what is wrong, but sometimes what is

impossible for the above reason.

2. _Babylonios numeros._] 'The calculations of the Chaldeans.'

6. _vina liques,_] 'strain the wine.' See S. ii. 4. 51, n.

_spatio brevi_] This means 'cut down distant hopes, and confine them

within a narrow compass.'

8. _Carpe diem_] 'Seize the (present) day.'

ODE XII.

The object of this Ode is to celebrate the popular divinities and heroes

of Rome; but the design is so worked out as to draw the chief attention

to Augustus. The Muse is asked whom she will praise,--Jove and his

children, or some one of the worthies of Rome, of whom many are

mentioned, beginning with Romulus and ending with Augustus, of whom it

is declared that he is under the especial care of Jove, and that he

holds from him the sceptre of the world. These persons are mentioned

without reference to chronological order, and it does not appear why

some were chosen rather than others of more or equal note who are

omitted.

Argument.--Whom wilt thou sing among gods or men, Clio? Whose name shall

the echoes of Pindus or Helicon repeat, or of Hæmus, whose woods

followed the sweet music of Orpheus? Whom, before the Almighty Father,

who knows no equal or second? After him cometh Pallas, and then brave

Liber, and the huntress Diana, and Phœbus the archer, and Hercules, and

Leda's sons, the horseman and the fighter, before whose star the

tempests fly. Then shall it be Romulus, or the peaceful Numa, or proud

Tarquin, or Cato, who nobly died? Regulus, and the Scauri, and Paulus,

who gave up his great soul to the Carthaginian, gratefully I will sing,

and Fabricius and Curius and Camillus, all trained for war in poverty's

school. The fame of Marcellus is growing up insensibly, like a tree, and

the star of Julius is brighter than all stars. To thee, great Father, is

given the care of Cæsar; share with him thy kingdom. Putting Parthians

to flight, and subduing the nations of the East, he shall rule the

world, as thy vicegerent, with a righteous sway, while thou dost shake

Olympus, and hurlest thy bolts on the haunts of impiety.

1. _Quem virum_] This opening is taken from the beginning of the second

Olympic Ode of Pindar:--

ἀναξιφόρμιγγες ὕμνοι

τίνα θεόν, τίν᾽ ἥρωα, τίνα δ᾽ ἄνδρα κελαδήσομεν;

2. _sumis celebrare,_] See C. i. 1. 8, n. Horace invokes the Muses

without much discrimination; but Clio is not improperly invoked here, as

the Muse of history, to which the names of the worthies recounted

belong. Calliope, the Epic Muse, is invoked C. iii. 4. 2; Melpomene, the

tragic, is asked for a dirge, i. 24. 3, and is invoked by Horace as his

patroness in iv. 3; Euterpe and Polymnia, the proper lyric Muses, occur

i. 1. 33. 'Imago' is used absolutely for the echo (for which the Romans

had no corresponding term) by Cicero, Tusc. iii. 2: "ea (laus bonorum)

virtuti resonat tanquam imago." Virgil gives the full expression, Georg.

iv. 50: "Vocisque offensa resultat imago." See C. i. 20. 8. Our

verse-writers are fond of Horace's epithet, 'sportive echo.'

5. _Heliconis oris_] Helico was a range of mountains in Bœotia, and

Pindus between Thessaly and Epirus. Both were celebrated as the abodes

of the Muses. Hæmus was a range on the north of Thrace, and Orpheus was

a Thracian. See A. P. 391, 405, n.

9. _Arte materna_] Orpheus was the son of the Muse Calliope.

15, 16. _Qui mare ac terras_] Virgil addresses Jove in the same way:--

"O qui res hominumque deumque

Aeternis regis imperiis et fulmine terres."--Aen. i. 230.

_variisque mundum--horis_] 'Mundum' here signifies 'the sky,' as in

Georg. i. 240, and 'horis' has its Greek signification,--'seasons.'

17. _Unde nil majus_] 'Unde' occurs several times in Horace as referring

to persons. See, among other places, Cicero de Senect. 4, fin., "fore

unde discerem neminem."

19. _Proximos_] This, signifying the next in order without reference to

distance, does not contradict what goes before. 'Secundum' means close

proximity. Pallas is said to hold the next place to Jupiter, not

absolutely, but among those 'qui generantur ipso,' and only these are

mentioned.

21. _Proeliis audax_] Horace confounds the Latin divinity Liber with the

Greek Dionysus or Bacchus, whose Indian wars and contests with the

giants (ii. 19. 21) are here alluded to.

26. _Hunc equis,--_] S. ii. 1. 26.

29. _Defluit saxis agitatus humor,_] The waters that in their fury

covered the rocks flow back to their bed. See C. i. 3. 2, n.

33. _Romulum post hos_, etc.] The order is, 'dubito utrum prius post hos

memorem Romulum, an quietum Pompili regnum,' etc.

34. _superbos Tarquini fasces_] Tarquinius Priscus is probably referred

to, and 'superbos' must in that case be taken in a good sense.

35. _Catonis_] M. Cato, surnamed Uticensis from the fortress of Utica in

Africa, where he died. He put himself to death, rather than fall into

the hands of Julius Cæsar, B.C. 46.

37. _Scauros_] The plural is used for the singular (see S. i. 7. 8, n.),

and M. Æmilius Scaurus is meant, who was consul B.C. 115. The story of

M. Atilius Regulus, who as consul commanded the Roman army in the first

Punic war, and was taken by the Carthaginians, is told in C. iii. 5. L.

Æmilius Paullus commanded with Varro, his colleague in the consulship,

at the battle of Cannæ, when the Romans were defeated by Hannibal, and

Paullus lost his life by refusing to fly when he might have done so. C.

Fabricius Luscinus was consul, and commanded in the war with Pyrrhus,

B.C. 278, three years after which M. Curius Dentatus was consul and

commander in the same war. Both of these consuls were celebrated for the

simplicity of their habits, and for rejecting the bribes of the

Samnites, in respect to which a notable saying of Curius is related by

Cicero (De Senect. c. 16). The older Romans wore their hair and beards

long. These heroes are represented as negligent of their appearance. L.

Furius Camillus is he who was said to have forced the Gauls to raise the

siege of the Capitol, B.C. 390.

43, 44. _Saeva paupertas_] 'Saevus' does not necessarily bear a bad

sense, nor is it so used in C. iii. 16. 16. 'Apto cum lare' means 'with

a suitable house,'--a house of a size proportionate to the small

ancestral farm.

45. _occulto--aevo_] 'By an imperceptible growth,' as Ovid, Met. x. 519:

"Labitur occulte fallitque volatilas aetas." Marcellus was he who took

Syracuse in the second Punic war, B.C. 212, and his name stands for all

his descendants, and particularly the young Marcellus, who married

Julia, the daughter of Augustus, B.C. 25, and died in less than two

years after. This allusion makes it probable he was alive when the Ode

was written. The star of Julius Cæsar, and the lesser lights of that

family, are meant by what follows. By 'Julium sidus' is meant Cæsar

himself, at whose death a comet is reported to have appeared, which was

supposed to be his spirit translated to the skies. (See Ovid, Met. xv.

sub fin.)

53. _Ille, seu Parthos_] See C. 2. 21, n. The Romans had hopes that

Augustus would conquer the Parthians, and redeem the disgrace they had

suffered from them, and this is written in anticipation of that event.

'Justo triumpho' is a complete triumph. (See Cic. de Am. c. 20, ad Fam.

xv. 6, with Long's notes.)

56. _Seras et Indos,_] See notes on C. iii. 29. 27; iv. 15. 23.

ODE XIII.

This Ode expresses a lover's jealousy, being addressed to his mistress,

Lydia, who is supposed to be coquetting with a youth named Telephus.

Argument.--Lydia, while thou art praising Telephus's neck, Telephus's

arms, oh! my heart is ready to burst. My mind tosses about; my color

comes and goes; and the tear stealing down my cheek tells of the slow

fire that burns within. It galls me when his rough hands hurt thy

shoulders, or his teeth leave their mark on thy lips: think not he will

be constant who could hurt that nectared mouth. How happy they whom love

binds fast, to the day of their death!

2. _cerea Telephi_] 'Cerea' means 'white as wax.' The Romans wore their

necks and arms bare, the tunic being cut so as to expose the throat and

upper part of the chest, and having no sleeves.

4. _difficili bile_] 'Jealousy.' The Romans expressed anger by

'splendida' or 'vitrea bilis,' and melancholy by 'atra bilis'

(μελαγχολία).

6. _manet,_] The lengthening of a short syllable in such positions is

not uncommon. So C. ii. 13. 16: "Caeca timet aliunde fata."

12. _memorem_] 'lasting'; which will long tell the tale of his violence.

13. _Non,--Speres_] This more emphatic negative is used not uncommonly

in prohibitive sentences, instead of 'ne,' as "non--sileas," S. ii. 5.

91; "non ulceret," Ep. i. 18. 72; "non sit qui tollere curet," A. P.

460.

16. _Quinta parte sui nectaris imbuit._] Some of the Greek poets had

notions about the relative sweetness of nectar and honey which Horace

has here imitated, and "quinta parte sui nectaris" probably means honey.

18. _irrupta_] This word is not found elsewhere.

20. _Suprema citius_] This construction for 'citius quam suprema' only

occurs once again in Horace, in "plus vice simplici" (C. iv. 14. 13).

ODE XIV.

During the troubles in Mitylene, his native city, Alcæus wrote an Ode,

of which this seems to be a close imitation. It was written most

probably during the civil wars, that is, between B.C. 41 and 30 (when

Horace returned to Rome). The state is likened to a ship drifting out to

sea with its rigging crippled, and in danger of destruction.

Argument.--Thou art drifting again to sea, thou ship; oh! haste, and

make for the harbor; oars lost, mast split, yards crippled, and rigging

gone, how canst thou weather the storm? Thy sails are torn, thy gods are

gone, and, noble hull though thou be, there is no strength in thy

beauty. If thou be not fated to destruction, avoid the rocks, thou who

wert but late my grief, and art now my anxious care.

6. _sine funibus_] 'deprived of her rigging.' Some understand it to mean

'without girding ropes,' referring to St. Luke's description of their

undergirding the ship in which St. Paul was being conveyed to Rome (Acts

xxvii. 16).

10. _Non di,_] "Accipit et pictos puppis adunca deos" (Ov. Heroid. xvi.

112). There was usually a niche in the stern of a ship where the image

of the tutelary god was kept.

11, 12. _Pontica pinus,_] The best ship timber came from Pontus. 'Pinus'

is in apposition with the subject of 'Jactes,' and 'nobilis' agrees with

'Silvae.'

15. _nisi--Debes ludibrium,_] i.e. 'if thou be not fated to

destruction.'

17. _Nuper sollicitum_] Taking the Ode as an address to the state, we

can only understand Horace to mean, that while he was attached to

Brutus, or before he had received pardon, he had no other feelings than

fear for his own safety and disgust with the state of the country; but

now, under Augustus, he watches its fate with the affection and anxiety

of a friend. The order is, '(Tu) quae nuper eras mihi sollicitum taedium

(et quae) Nunc (es) desiderium curaque non levis, Vites aequora

Interfusa (inter) nitentes Cycladas.'

19. _nitentes_] This is like 'fulgentes' (C. iii. 28. 14), shining, as

cliffs will do in the sun. The Cyclades abound in white marble.

ODE XV.

This is probably an early composition of Horace, made up of materials

from the Greek, and written merely to exercise his pen.

Argument.--Paris is carrying off Helen, when Nereus causes a calm, and

thus prophesies their fate: With dark omen art thou carrying home her

whom Greece hath sworn to recover. Alas for the sweating horse and

rider, and the deaths thou art bringing upon Troy! Pallas prepareth her

arms and her fury. Under Venus's shelter, comb thy locks and strike thy

lyre, and hide thyself in thy chamber; but it shall not avail thee.

Seest thou not Laertes's son, Nestor of Pylos, Teucer of Salamis, and

Sthenelus the fighter and bold charioteer? Merion too, and the son of

Tydeus, from whom thou shalt flee panting, as the stag fleeth from the

wolf,--thou, who didst boast better things to thy fair one? Achilles's

wrath may put off the evil day, but the fire of the Greek shall consume

the homes of Troy.

2. _Helenen_] Horace uses the Greek inflections in his odes, and the

Latin in his iambic verses, satires, and epistles (Bentley). This might

be expected, especially when, as in this instance, the imitation of

Greek writers is obvious.

5. _Nereus_] He is made to speak, because the sea-gods were endowed with

the gift of prophecy. 'Mala avi' is like 'alite lugubri,' C. iii. 3. 61;

"mala alite," Epod. x. 1.

7. _Conjurata--rumpere_] This is a legitimate prose construction.

"Conjuravere patriam incendere" (Sal. Cat. 52. 24. See Liv. 22. 38).

'Rumpere' governs 'regnum' as well as 'nuptias,' though for its sense it

ought only to belong to 'nuptias.'

11. _aegida_] The 'aegis' was properly the skin of the goat Amalthea,

the nurse of Zeus, which he used as a shield or as a breastplate (see C.

iii. 4. 57), where it is worn, as here, by Pallas. The word is not

confined in use to the original meaning, but is taken for a metal shield

or breastplate worn by Zeus, Pallas, or Apollo. It had a Gorgon's head

upon it.

13. _Veneris praesidio_] See Hom. Il. iii. 44, and on v. 16 see Il. iii.

380; vi. 321. Horace's description of Paris is drawn, not from Homer,

who makes him brave, but from later writers who altered the Homeric

characters. See Heyne, Exc. i. Aen. ii. See also Aen. iv. 215, sqq.

14. _Pectes caesariem_] See C. iv. 9. 13.

15. _divides;_] 'Dividere carmina' is perhaps to sing and play

alternately.

17. _Cnosii_] Cnossus or Cnosus or Gnosus was the principal city of

Crete. See C. iv. 9. 17, n.

19. _Ajacem;_] The son of Oileus. Homer calls him Ὀϊλῆος ταχὺς Aἴας (Il.

ii. 527).

24. _Teucer et_] In this verse and in v. 36 Horace has introduced a

trochee in the first foot, contrary to his own custom, but in accordance

with the practice of the Greeks. 'Sciens pugnae' is Homer's πολέμου εὖ

εἰδώς, and 'Tydides melior patre' is taken from Sthenelus's vaunt, Il.

iv. 405: ἡμεῖς τοι πατέρων μέγ᾽ ἀμείνονες εὐχόμεθ᾽ εἶναι.

31. _Sublimi--anhelitu_] 'Panting heavily,' as the fleeing stag, with

its head raised in the air.

32. _tuae._] C. i. 25. 7.

33. _diem_] For 'diem supremam.' In this form the expression is like the

Hebrew, which we meet with frequently in the Scriptures: "Remember the

children of Edom in the day of Jerusalem" (Ps. cxxxvii. 7), and "they

that come after him shall be astonished at his day, as they that went

before were affrighted" (Job xviii. 20). The word which expresses the

wrath of Achilles is applied to his fleet.

ODE XVI.

Horace appears to have written some severe verses against some woman or

other, and this seems to be written in mock penitence for that offence.

He represents the evils of anger, and begs her to destroy his verses and

forgive him.

Argument.--Lovely daughter of a lovely mother, destroy those abusive

verses how thou wilt. Cybele, Apollo, Liber, agitate not their votaries'

hearts as anger does, which is stopped neither by sword, nor by waves,

nor by fire, nor by the falling of the skies themselves. When Prometheus

was bidden to take a part from every animal to give to man, he implanted

in our hearts the lion's fury. Wrath laid Thyestes low, and hath brought

proud cities to the dust. Be appeased. In the sweet season of youth I

was tempted by hot blood to write those rash verses. I would now lay

aside all unkindness, if thou wilt but let me recall my libel, and give

me back thy heart.

2. _criminosis_] 'abusive.'

5. _Dindymene,_] Cybele, the mother of the gods, so called from Mount

Dindymus, in Galatia, where she had a temple. Her priests were called

Galli (from this locality) and Corybantes. Her rites were celebrated by

these priests in a very mad fashion, as were those of Bacchus.

9. _Noricus_] The best steel for sword-blades came from Noricum, on the

Danube.

13. _Fertur Prometheus,_] This story is not found elsewhere. 'Principi

limo,' 'the prime clay,' corresponds to πρῶτον ἄρχον πηλόν in Soph.

Frag. (432 Dind.), καὶ πρῶτον ἄρχον πηλὸν ὀργάζειν χεροῖν. It means the

clay before the soul was put into it.

18. _ultimae Stetere causae_] Liv. vii. c. 1. "Ea ultima fuit causa cur

bellum Tiburti populo indiceretur." The final or proximate cause: that

which immediately leads to a thing. See Virg. Aen. vii. 553: "Stant

causae belli."

24. _celeres_] A. P. 251: "iambus pes citus." The quality of the measure

is mentioned as some palliation, perhaps, of the severity of the

verses.

ODE XVII.

This professes to be an invitation to a woman named Tyndaris to visit

Horace at his farm. He promises her peace and plenty, and security from

the jealousy of her husband or lover, Cyrus.

Argument.--Tyndaris, often doth Pan leave Lycæus to visit Lucretilis,

protecting my flocks from sun and wind; my goats go unharmed, and fear

not snake or wolf, when his sweet pipe sounds in the vale of Ustica. The

gods love me for my piety and my muse. Here Plenty awaits thee; here

shalt thou retire from the heat, and sing of the loves of Penelope and

Circe for Ulysses. Here shalt thou quaff mild Lesbian wine in the shade,

nor shall strife be mingled with the cup, nor shalt thou fear lest the

jealous Cyrus lay his violent hand upon thee.

1. _Lucretilem_] 'Mons Lucretilis' is identified with the lofty mountain

(or range) called Monte Gennaro, that overhangs the valley of the

Licenza,--Horace's Digentia (Epp. i. 18. 104),--in which his estate lay.

Ustica was probably the name of a spot on the slope of the hills, and

'cubantis' in that case means 'sloping.'

2. _Mutat Lycaeo Faunus_] Faunus is put for Pan (C. i. iv. 11, n.), who

had his principal temple on Mount Lycæus in Arcadia.--The construction

with 'muto,' 'permuto,' by which the remoter object becomes the nearer,

is not peculiar to Horace, but it will be found to occur several times

in his works. Virg. Georg. i. 8: "Chaoniam pingui glandem mutavit

arista." Ἀλλάσσειν, ἀμείβειν also admit of this double construction,

sometimes the thing given in exchange being in the accusative, sometimes

the thing taken.

3. _capellis_] The dative.

7. _Olentis uxores mariti,_] 'the she-goats.' See Georg. iii. 125, "Quem

legere ducem et pecori dixere maritum."

9. _Nec Martiales Haediliae lupos,_] 'Haediliae' was perhaps the name of

one of the Sabine hills.

10. _fistula_] This instrument corresponded nearly to the Greek syrinx,

and to what we call the Pandean pipe.

14. _Hic tibi copia_] The order of the words is 'hic copia opulenta

ruris honorum manabit ad plenum tibi benigno cornu.' 'Here Plenty, rich

in the glories of the country, shall pour herself out for thee

abundantly from her generous horn.' 'Ad plenum' occurs in the same

sense, Georg. ii. 244. The 'cornu copiae,' so common in ancient works of

art as a horn filled with fruit and flowers, was a symbol belonging

properly to the goddess Fortuna, to whom it is said to have been

presented by Hercules, who won it from the river-god, Achelous. It was

the horn of Amalthea, the goat-nurse of Zeus, who gave it such virtue

that it was always filled with anything the owner wished. (See C. S.

60.)

18. _fide Teïa_] The lyre of Anacreon, who was born at Teos on the coast

of Ionia. 'Laborantes in uno' means in love with the same person, that

is, Ulysses. Circe was the daughter of a sea-nymph, Perse, and was

herself reckoned among the sea-goddesses. Hence, perhaps, the epithet

'vitrea,' 'glassy,' which applies properly to the sea, is given to

Circe, just as 'caerula' is applied to Thetis in Epod. xiii. 16, and

'virides' to the sea-gods in Ov. Tr. i. 2. 59: "Pro superi viridesque

Dei quibus aequora curae."

21. _Lesbii_] This is one of three Aegean wines mentioned by Horace, the

others being from Cos and Chios. Lesbian was a mild wine.

22. _Semeleïus--Thyoneus_] Bacchus is here called by both the names of

his mother, Semele, who was also named Thyone, from θύειν, 'to be

frenzied,' from which the Bacchanals were called Thyades.

25. _male dispari_] 'By no means his match'. 'Male' is sometimes used as

a negative, as S. ii. 3. 137, "male tutae mentis," and sometimes to

strengthen a word, as here and S. i. 3. 31, "male laxus calceus."

28. _immeritam vestem._] 'your innocent robe.'

ODE XVIII.

This is a translation or close imitation of an ode of Alcæus in the same

metre, one verse of which is almost literally translated in the first

verse of this Ode, μηθὲν ἄλλο φυτεύσῃς πρότερον δένδρεον ἀμπέλω. It

professes to be addressed to a friend who is making a plantation near

his house at Tibur. The friend's name is Varus, and that was the

cognomen of Quinctilius, whose death is lamented in C. 24 of this book.

But whether this is the person intended or not it is impossible to say,

and it does not signify, since the scene is most probably imaginary.

Varus is advised to plant the vine before all other trees, since wine,

if used in moderation, drives care away, though if abused its attendants

are strife, self-love, vainglory, and broken faith.

Argument.--The vine is the first tree thou shouldst plant, Varus, by the

walls of Tibur. Hardships are only for the sober; wine drives away all

cares. Who speaks of battles and poverty, rather than of Bacchus and

Venus, when he is under the influence of wine? But that no man exceed,

let him think of the bloody frays of the Centaurs and Lapithæ, and of

the Thracians, over their cups, when the appetite confounds right and

wrong. I'll not rouse thee unbidden, beautiful Bassareus, nor drag thy

mysteries from their secret places. Silence the horn and drum, whose

followers are vainglory and broken faith.

2. _Tiburis et moenia Catili._] See C. i. 7. 13, n. Horace shortens the

penultimate syllable of Catillus's name for the sake of the metre, and

the same liberty is taken with the name of Porsenna, Epod. xvi. 4.

4. _aliter_] By any other means than wine, which is not expressed, but

sufficiently implied in 'siccis.'

6. _te potius,_] A verb must be understood more suitable than 'crepat,'

which is equivalent to 'croaks,' or something of that sort. 'Laudat' or

'canit' may be supplied.

8. _super mero_] 'over their wine,' that is, while they were drinking.

'Super' with the ablative generally means 'about,' 'on behalf of,' or

'concerning,' a thing; but it is also used to express time, as in Aen.

ix. 61 we have 'nocte super media.' The story is, that at the

marriage-feast of Peirithous, king of the Lapithæ, the Centaurs, being

guests, attempted in their drunkenness to carry off the bride,

Hippodamia, and the other women present, which led to a battle, in which

the Centaurs were beaten.

9. _Sithoniis non levis Euius,_] The Sithonians were a people of Thrace,

on the borders of the Euxine. Bacchus was angry with the Thracians, and

visited habitual drunkenness upon them, because their king, Lycurgus,

forbade the cultivation of the vine. See C. i. 27. 1, sq.

10. _Cum fas atque nefas_] 'Cum' refers to 'super mero.' 'When the

greedy of wine distinguish between right and wrong by the slender line

of their lusts,' that is, the slender distinction that lust so inflamed

can draw. 'Avidus' is used absolutely for 'avidus pugnae,' C. iii. 4.

58, as here it means 'avidi vini.'

12. _quatiam,_] This is explained by Aen. iv. 301:--

"Qualis commotis excita sacris

Thyas ubi audito stimulant trieterica Baccho

Orgia nocturnusque vocat clamore Cithaeron,"

'I will not rouse thee against thy will, nor drag to light thy

mysteries, hidden in leaves.' There were sacred things contained in

small chests, 'cistae,' which were carried in the processions at the

Dionysia, covered with the leaves of vine and ivy. Bassareus was a title

of Bacchus, of which the origin is uncertain. It is said to be derived

from βασσαρίς, the fox-skin worn by the Bacchanals.

16. _Arcanique Fides prodiga,_] 'The faith which betrays secrets.' See

C. iii. 21. 16. Epod. xi. 14. S. i. 4. 89. Epp. i. 5. 16.

ODE XIX.

The hero of this Ode, whoever he may be, says that, though he had meant

to put away love from his heart, Glycera's charms have taken such hold

upon him, that he can no longer sing of grave subjects, which are

nothing to him, but must build an altar, and offer sacrifice to

propitiate the goddess of love.

Argument.--The mother of love, Semele's son, and wantonness recall my

heart to love, which I thought I had put away for ever. I burn for

Glycera, fairer than marble, and the mischievous face so dangerous to

look upon. With all her strength hath Venus come upon me, and bids me

sing no more of idle themes,--the Scythian and the Parthian. Build me an

altar, slaves; bring boughs and incense and wine, for I would soften the

goddess with a victim.

1. _Mater saeva Cupidinum_] This verse occurs again C. iv. 1. 5. The

multiplication of the forms of ἔρως was derived from the Greeks by the

Romans.

3. _Licentia_] This is the same impersonation as the Greek Ὕβρις.

8. _lubricus_] Forcellini derives this from the verb 'labor.' 'Vultus

lubricus adspici' is a face dangerous to look upon, as slippery ground

is dangerous to tread upon.

10. _Scythas_] Under this name Horace, with the historians of this

period, understood all nations on and beyond the Tanais, as well as

those on the north of the Danube, as the Geloni, Getæ, Daci, with one or

more of whom the Romans were at this time perpetually at war. See Virg.

Georg. iii. 31: "Fidentemque fuga Parthum versisque sagittis"; and C.

ii. 13. 17: "Miles sagittas et celerem fugam Parthi."

11. _versis--equis_] The Parthians are described as in the habit of

pretending to fly in battle, and, as the enemy pursued, shooting their

arrows or throwing their darts at them from horseback.

12. _quae nihil attinent._] They were nothing to a man in love.

13. _vivum--caespitem,_] This rude sort of altar was enjoined upon the

Israelites in the wilderness in preference to any other (Exod. xx. 24).

The word 'verbena' was used for any boughs employed for crowning the

altar or for sacred purposes. 'Verb,' and 'herb' in 'herba,' are the

same root.

16. _veniet_] That is, Venus will come. When sacrifice was offered to

Venus, the blood of the victim was not allowed to stain the altar (Tac.

Hist. ii. 3).

ODE XX.

This Ode informs Mæcenas of the wine he will get when he comes to sup

with Horace, who had it appears invited him.

Argument.--You shall have some poor Sabine, Mæcenas, bottled at that

time when the echoes of the Vatican resounded your praises. You drink

Cæcuban and Calenian, but the vines of Falernum and Formiæ are not for

me.

1. _Vile potabis modicis Sabinum Cantharis_] It has been said before (C.

9. 7, n.) that Sabine wine was none of the worst; but it was cheap and

poor compared with the best, to which Mæcenas was used, and this

probably had not had the benefit of keeping. Horace commends it,

therefore, by referring to the circumstances under which it was bottled

(as we should say)--The most ordinary kind of earthen-ware jug was

called 'cantharus,' supposed to be the name of its inventor. Horace had

tried to improve his wine by putting it into a 'testa' or 'amphora,'

which had contained some of the rich wine of the Ægean.

3. _levi,_] The cork of the 'testa' was covered with pitch or gypsum

after the wine was put into it, and this Horace says he did with his own

hand. He would at the same time seal it with his own seal, and attach to

it a label with the date, and he could so vouch for its being the wine

he speaks of. And when he says he did it with his own hand, he means

also to show the pains he had taken to celebrate Mæcenas's recovery.

'Condere' and 'diffundere' were the words used for putting the wine into

the 'amphora.' (C. 9. 7, n.)

5. _Care Maecenas eques,_] Mæcenas was content with the equestrian rank,

and would take no higher; hence the frequent repetition of the title

'eques,' by Horace and others. (See C. iii. 16. 20.) It appears that

Mæcenas recovered from a bad attack of fever the same year that Horace

was nearly killed by the falling of a tree, and the first time he went

to the theatre after his recovery the people received him with applause.

The circumstance is referred to again in C. ii. 17. 22, sqq.

7. _Vaticani Montis imago._] The theatre must have been that of

Pompeius, which was opposite to the Vatican hill, on the left bank of

the river, the hill being on the right or Etruscan bank, which gives

propriety to the words 'paterni fluminis ripae.' The second syllable of

Vaticanus is long in Martial and Juvenal. On 'imago' see above, C. 12.

3, n.

10. _Tu bibes_] The future has here the same signification as above, C.

6. 1, 7. 1. 'You may drink, if you please, the richer wines. I have none

such.' 'Caecubum' was the finest sort of wine in Horace's time. It was

grown in the 'Caecubus ager,' in Latium, at the head of the bay of

Amyclæ. The Calenian was from Cales (now Calvi) in Campania. Close by

Cales was the 'Falernus ager,' which produced several varieties of the

best quality. The hills about Formiæ on the Appia Via (see S. i. 5. 37,

n.) produced a good wine.

ODE XXI.

The year after Augustus returned to Rome from the taking of Alexandria,

that is, B.C. 28, he dedicated a temple to Apollo on the Palatine hill

(C. i. 31), and instituted quinquennial games in honor of Apollo and

Diana, and called them the 'Ludi Actiaci.' This or some like festival

seems to have suggested these verses, in which a chorus of boys and

girls are called upon to sing the praises of Diana and Apollo, and

Latona, their mother.

Argument.--Sing, ye damsels, of Diana, sing, ye youths, of Apollo, and

Latona, dear to Jove; of Diana, who rejoices in the streams and woods of

Algidus, or Erymanthus, or Cragus. Praise ye no less Tempe and Delos,

Apollo's birthplace, and the shoulder that is graced with the quiver and

the lyre,--that in answer to your prayer he may turn the griefs of war,

famine, and plague from Rome and her prince upon the heads of her

enemies.

2. _Intonsum_] 'Ever-youthful,' the Greek ἀκερσεκόμης.

6. _Algido_] Algidus was the name of a mountain in Latium, sacred to

Diana (C. S. 69), so called from its cold temperature. It is elsewhere

called 'nivalis' (iii. 23. 9). Cragus in Lycia and Erymanthus in Arcadia

were mountains on which the goddess was supposed to hunt.

9. _Vos Tempe_] Tempe is mentioned because there Apollo purified himself

after slaying the serpent Pytho.

12. _Fraterna_] Invented by Mercury (C. 10. 6).

13. _Hic bellum lacrimosum,_] Apollo was especially ἀλεξίκακος, 'the

averter of evil,' particularly in respect of Augustus, his reputed son.

'Lacrimosum' corresponds to the δακρυόεις πόλεμος of Homer, and

'lacrimabile bellum' of Virgil.

15. _Persas_] The Parthians. See C. 2. 21, n.

ODE XXII.

Aristius Fuscus was an intimate friend of Horace, and the wag whom he

represents as playing him false on the Sacra Via (S. i. 9. 61). Horace

and he were

"paene gemelli,

Fraternis animis; quicquid negat alter, et alter;

Adnuimus pariter; vetuli notique columbi" (Epp. i. 10).

We know nothing more of him except that he is said to have been a writer

of plays and a grammarian.

Fuscus, as usual, has not much to do with the Ode, which relates how a

wolf fled from the poet as he was walking in the woods on his own

estate, making verses on Lalage; showing that an honest man is always

safe.

Argument.--An honest man, Fuscus, may go unarmed along the burning

shores of Africa, over the wild Caucasus, or to the fabulous East. As I

wandered careless in the woods, singing of my Lalage, a wolf, such as

Apulia and Africa rear not, met me and fled! Set me in the cold and

stormy North, or in the burning and uninhabited tropic, still will I

love my smiling, prattling Lalage.

1. _Integer vitae scelerisque purus_] These are Grecisms, but not

peculiar to Horace. Virgil, for instance, has 'animi maturus Aletes'

(Aen. ix. 246); 'integer aevi' (Aen. ix. 255); 'amens animi (Aen. iv.

203); 'praestans animi juvenis' (Aen. xii. 19). Compare Ἁγνὰς μέν, ὦ

παῖ, χεῖρας αἵματος φέρεις (Eurip. Hipp. 316). The more usual prose form

with the ablative occurs S. ii. 3. 213: "purum est vitio tibi quum

tumidum est cor?"

2. _Mauris_] The same as 'Mauretanicis.'

5. _per Syrtes iter aestuosas_] That is, along the burning coast that

borders on the Syrtes. 'Aestuosus' is used again in this sense in C. i.

31. 5.

6. _inhospitalem_] Caucasus has the same epithet applied to it again,

Epod. i. 12, and Aesch. (P. V. 20) calls it ἁπάνθρωπον πάγον.

7. _fabulosus_] On the Hydaspes, one of the tributaries of the Indus,

Alexander the Great gained his victory over Porus. India was known to

the Greeks and Romans chiefly through the Greek historians of

Alexander's campaigns, and the stories of merchants, which were often

marvellous and false. The Hydaspes is now the Vitasta, in the Punjab.

11. _curis--expeditis,_] Like 'solvo,' 'expedio' admits of two

constructions. See Catull. 31. 7, "O quid solutis est beatius curis?"

But there is also "solvite corde metum, Teucri," Aen. i. 562. Horace

says (C. iii. 24. 8): "non animum metu Non mortis laqueis expedies

caput." It is common in this measure for the middle and last syllables

to have the same sound. Besides this verse there will be found six

instances in this one Ode, vv. 3, 9, 14, 17, 18, 22.

14. _Daunias_] This is properly an adjective, but here a substantive ἡ

Δαυνιάς. Daunia is the ancient name of Apulia, or more properly the

northern part of that which the Romans called Apulia. It was said to

have been derived from Daunus, a native king, the father-in-law of

Diomed (C. ii. 1. 34; iii. 30. 11; iv. 14. 26). In C. iv. 6. 27, Daunia

is put for the whole of Italy. 'Militaris' means 'famous for soldiers.'

We do not hear that the Apulians were particularly warlike. They were

Horace's own countrymen.

_aesculetis,_] This word is not found elsewhere. The slopes of the

Apennines which run down into the plain of Apulia were thickly wooded.

15. _Jubae tellus_] Juba, the son of Hiempsal, was king of Numidia. His

son, by favor of Augustus, was restored to that kingdom, but afterwards

received in exchange for it Mauritania and parts of Gætulia. It is

uncertain which of the two kings Horace had in mind, or whether he means

generally the northern parts of Africa, which were famous for lions. See

next Ode, v. 10.

17. _pigris_] 'dull,' that is, unfruitful. 'Piger' is here equivalent to

the Greek ἀργός.

20. _urget_] 'lies heavily upon.'

22. _domibus negata_] 'uninhabitable.'

ODE XXIII.

This appears to be imitated from a poem of Anacreon, of which a fragment

has been preserved in Athenæus (ix. p. 396):--

ἀγανωστὶ

ἅτε νεβρὸν νεοθηλέα γαλαθηνὸν ὅστ᾽ ἐν ὕλῃς

κεροέσσης ἀπολειφθεὶς ὑπὸ μητρὸς ἐπτοήθη.

Argument.--Thou fliest from me, Chloe, as a fawn that has lost its dam,

and trembles at every breeze. I follow not as a wild beast, to tear

thee. O cease from following thy mother, for 't is time to follow after

man.

1. _hinnuleo_] The same as 'hinnulo.'

4. _Aurarum et silüae metu._] Virg. (Aen. ii. 728): "Nunc omnes terrent

aurae, sonus excitat omnis Suspensum." 'Silüae' = 'silvae.'

12. _Tempestiva--viro._] Aen. vii. 53: "Jam matura viro, jam plenis

nubilis annis." 'Tempestiva' means 'of a suitable age,' old enough.

ODE XXIV.

Quinctilius Varus was born at Cremona, and was a neighbor and friend of

Virgil, through whom it is probable Horace made his acquaintance. He is

referred to in the Epistle to the Pisones, v. 438, sqq., as a discerning

critic. He died young, B.C. 24, and this Ode is intended to console

Virgil for the loss of his friend.

Argument.--What bounds shall be set to our grief for one so dear? Teach

us a mournful strain, Melpomene. Can it be that Quinctilius, whose like

Modesty, Justice, Fidelity, and Truth shall not behold again, is gone to

his everlasting rest? Many good men mourn for him, but none more truly

than thou, Virgil. 'T was not for this thou didst commit him to the care

of Heaven. But in vain thou dost ask him back. The lyre of Orpheus could

not bring him to life again. 'T is hard to bear, but patience makes that

lighter which no power can change.

2. _capitis?_] The Greek and Latin poets use the head for the whole

person, especially when affection is meant to be expressed.

3. _Melpomene,_] See C. i. 12. 2, n.

5. _Ergo_] From the Greek ἔργῳ 'indeed,' 'can it be?'

6. _Pudor et Justitiae soror--Fides_] These personages are associated

again C. S. 57. Cicero (De Off. i. 7) says: "Fundamentum autem justitiae

est fides, id est dictorum conventorumque constantia et veritas."

8. _inveniet._] It is Horace's usual but not invariable practice to have

the verb in the singular number after several substantives, as here.

11. _Tu frustra pius heu non ita creditum_] 'It is vain, alas! that with

pious prayers thou dost ask the gods to restore Quinctilius, whom thou

didst intrust to their keeping, but not on these terms' (i.e. that they

should take him away).

13. _Quodsi_] Horace never uses 'sin,' which Virgil uses as often and in

the same way as Horace uses 'quodsi,' 'but if.'

15. _imagini,_] 'Imago' ('spectre,' 'shade') was that unsubstantial body

in which the soul was supposed to dwell after death, called by the

Greeks εἴδωλον. Such were the forms which Æneas saw:--

"Et ni docta comes tenues sine corpore vitas

Admoneat volitare cava sub imagine formae,

Irruat, et frustra ferro diverberet umbras."

--Aen. vi. 292, sqq.

16. _virga_] The caduceus.

17. _Non lenis precibus fata recludere_] This Greek construction has

been noticed before (1. 18). The expression 'fata recludere' seems to

mean 'to open the door of hell when Fate has closed it.'

18. _Nigro compulerit--gregi._] 'Has gathered to the dark crowd.' The

dative is only admissible in poetry. It is like S. ii. 5. 49: "Si quis

casus pueram egerit Orco," for 'ad Orcum.' As to 'virga,' and

'Mercurius' as conductor of the dead, see C. 10. 17, n.

19. _Durum: sed levius_] Donatus says that Virgil was much in the habit

of commending this virtue of patience, saying that the hardest fortunes

might be overcome by a wise endurance of them. Therefore, says,

Fabricius, Horace consoles Virgil with his own philosophy.

20. _nefas._] 'impossible.' See C. 11. 1.

ODE XXV.

This Ode is addressed to a woman whose beauty has faded, and who, the

poet says, must pay the penalty of her former pride, by seeing herself

neglected in her old age.

Argument.--Thy windows are no longer assailed and thy slumbers broken by

saucy youths; thy door turns no more on its hinges; the serenade is

silent. Now 't is thy turn, in some lone alley, on a dark night, with

the winter wind blowing, and thy heart on fire with lust, to cry for

lovers, and complain that young blood goes after the tender plant, and

bids the old leaves go float upon the Hebrus.

2. _Ictibus_] Throwing of stones.

3. _amat_] 'it cleaves to,' as 'littus ama' (Aen. v. 163). 'Multum' in

this sense is rather a favorite expression with Horace, as 'multum

demissus homo,' S. i. 3. 57; 'multum celer,' S. ii. 3. 147.

7. _Me tuo_] 'While I, thy lover, am pining through the tedious nights.'

The possessive pronoun is used thus abruptly once before (i. 15. 32),

"non hoc pollicitus tuae", and Ov. Remed. Am. 492: "Frigidior glacie fac

videare tuae." The words are supposed to be those of a serenade, or

lover's song, sung under her windows. Such a serenade is C. iii. 10.

10. _angiportu,_] An alley, or narrow passage. It is compounded of a

root 'ang-', which appears in 'angustus,' and 'portus,' which word was

not, according to Festus, confined to a harbor for ships, but also meant

a house.

11. _Thracio bacchante_] While the north-wind blows more bitterly than

ever, in the intervals of the moon, that is, in dark nights when the

moon does not shine.

14. _furiare_] This word we do not meet with before Horace.

18. _pulla_] This word, which means 'dark,' belongs to 'myrto.' Young

beauties are compared to the fresh ivy and dark myrtle, while the faded

old woman is likened to withered leaves which are tossed to the winds,

to carry if they please to the cold and distant waters of the Hebrus, in

Thrace. This expression is like that at the beginning of the next Ode.

ODE XXVI.

This Ode is an invocation of the Muse, praying her to do honor to Lamia,

respecting whom see C. iii. 17. It would appear that, at the time it was

written, the affairs of the Parthians were occupying a good deal of

attention at Rome, since Horace speaks of himself as the only one who

gave no heed to them. The circumstances that may be supposed to be

referred to are to be gathered from the following account. In the year

B.C. 30, Phraates (Arsaces XV.) being on the Parthian throne, and having

by his cruelties made himself obnoxious to his subjects, Tiridates,

likewise one of the family of Arsacidæ, was set up as a rival to

Phraates, but was defeated in his attempt to dethrone him, and fled for

protection that same year to Augustus, who was then in Syria after the

death of M. Antonius. Shortly afterwards, however, the Parthians

succeeded in getting rid of their king, and Tiridates was called to the

throne. In B.C. 25, Phraates, having obtained assistance from the

Scythians, returned and recovered his kingdom, and Tiridates fled to

Augustus once more for protection. He was then in Spain. The assembling

of the Scythian force, and the alarm of Tiridates, are evidently

referred to here, and the two seem to be associated. It is natural to

infer, therefore, that it was just before Tiridates fled from his

kingdom, in B.C. 25, that the Ode was composed.

Argument.--As the friend of the Muses should, I toss care to the winds,

and mind not, as every one else does, the alarms of Tiridates. Sweet

Muse, weave a garland for my Lamia. All my honors, without thee, are

naught; him shouldst thou with thy sisters consecrate with the lyre.

1. _Musis amicus_] See C. iii. 4. 25: "Vestris amicum fontibus et

choris."

2. _Tradam protervis_] See the last note on C. 25.

3. _quis_] This is the dative case, and refers to the terror implied in

Tiridates and his party by the approach of the Scythians. See

Introduction.

6. _integris_] 'pure.'

9. _Pimplea_] 'Muse'; derived from Pimplea, a mountain of Thrace, in

which was a fountain called by the same name, and sacred to the Muses.

10. _fidibus novis,_] 'Lyric strains new' to the Romans,--unknown, till

introduced by Horace.

ODE XXVII.

This is a convivial Ode, in which the poet supposes himself at table

with a noisy drinking party. He bids them put away brawls, and when they

call upon him to join them, he makes it a condition that a young man of

the party, whose looks betray that he is in love, shall tell him the

name of his mistress. The youth whispers it in his ear, and the poet

breaks out into compassion for his hopeless situation. The Ode is said

to be imitated from Anacreon.

Argument.--Let barbarous Thracians fight over their wine. Stop your

unhallowed noises, my friends, and let each lie quietly on his couch.

What, am I to join you? Then let that boy tell me who has got his heart.

Will he not? Then I drink not. Whoever it is, thou hast no cause to be

ashamed. Here, whisper it in my ear.--Ah! poor boy, into what a

Charybdis hast thou been drawn! What witch, what god, shall deliver

thee! Pegasus himself could not do it.

1. _Natis--laetitiae_] 'Intended by nature for purposes of merriment.'

2. _Thracum_] See C. 18. 9, n.

3. _verecundum_] In Epod. xi. 13 he is called 'inverecundum,' but the

cases are different.

4. _prohibete_] 'Prohibere' and 'arcere' are used with the accusative of

the person and the ablative of the thing or _vice versa_. The latter is

the more usual construction. (See Epp. i. 1. 31; 8. 10. A. P. 64.)

5. _Vino et lucernis_] In prose these datives would be expressed by the

ablative with 'a.' The same construction is found in 'dissidens plebi,'

C. ii. 2. 18; "medio ne discrepet imum," A. P. 152.

_acinaces_] This word, which signifies the Persian scymitar, or short

sword, appears to have been introduced into Greece after the Persian

wars. It is commonly used by Herodotus. Horace seems to have been the

first Latin writer who employed it.--Horace says quarrelling is vastly

unsuited to those jovial meetings which are kept up to a late

hour,--'vino et lucernis.' The Romans sat down to table seldom later

than three or four o'clock, and commonly continued there till past

midnight.

6. _Immane quantum_] This form is imitated from the Greek: οὐράνιον

ὅσον, θαυμαστὸν ὅσον, ἀμύθητον ὅσον, θαυμαστὰ ἡλίκα, ἀμήχανον

ὅσον,--phrases commonly met with in the Greek writers. The same

expression occurs in Tacitus and Sallust, and 'mirum quantum,' 'nimium

quantum,' are used by Cicero, and Livy (ii. 1, fin.). The indicative

mood is right, 'immane quantum' being merely an expletive.

8. _cubito--presso_] 'with elbow rested' on the cushion of the couch.

10. _Opuntiae_] The birthplace of Megilla (the Locrian Opus) is added,

as Buttmann remarks, only "to give the poem a fresher look of

individuality." The same remark will apply in other instances, as,

"Xanthia Phoceu," C. ii. 4. 2.

13. _Cessat voluntas?_] 'Are you reluctant' to confess? The young man is

shy, and will not tell at first; when he does, Horace is supposed to

break out with 'Ah miser,' etc.

19. _laborabas_] Orelli may be right in saying the imperfect refers to

the time when the question was put. But I am not sure that some finer

sense of the imperfect tense is not to be traced in this word, as in

"Tempus erat dapibus, sodales" (C. i. 37. 4, where see note).

_Charybdi,_] This whirlpool, which still exists near Messina, was the

terror of ancient navigators. It is taken here to represent the

dangerous position of the youth, through his love for some famous beauty

and coquette.

21. _Thessalis_] The Thessalians were famous for witchcraft. See Epod.

v. 45.

24. _Pegasus expediet Chimaera._] Bellerophon, being ordered by the king

of Lycia to destroy the monster Chimæra, is said to have done so with

the help of the winged horse Pegasus. This part of the story is later

than Homer (see Il. vi. 179, sqq.). Chimæra was a mountain in Lycia,

from which flames were always issuing. The spot has been identified, and

this phenomenon is still visible. The ancients described it, from some

fanciful conception, as a female monster, with the head of a lion, the

waist of a goat, and the tail of a serpent. (See Aen. vi. 288.)

ODE XXVIII.

Septimius, one of Horace's most intimate friends, had a villa at

Tarentum (C. ii. 6), where it is likely Horace on some occasion, if not

often, paid him a visit. He may have seen a body cast on shore at that

place, where the scene of this Ode appears to be laid. The spirit of a

shipwrecked man is introduced, moralizing upon death and asking for

burial. His reflections take the form, in the first instance, of an

address to Archytas, the philosopher, whose name was associated with the

place; and he joins with him other worthies, whose wisdom and greatness

had not saved them from the common lot of all. Then, seeing a seafaring

man passing by, he calls upon him to cast dust upon his unburied body,

in order that he may have rest.

ARGUMENT.--Even thee, thou measurer of earth and sea, thou counter of

the sands, Archytas, how small a portion of earth contains thee now! It

profits thee not to have searched the air and traversed the heavens,

since thou wert to die. So Tantalus, Tithonus, and Minos have died, and

Pythagoras too, with all his learning, hath gone down once more to the

grave. But so it is: all must die alike; some to make sport for Mars,

some swallowed up in the deep: old and young go crowding to the grave:

none escape: I, too, have perished in the waters. But grudge me not,

thou mariner, a handful of earth: so may the storm spend itself on the

woods, while thou art safe, and thy merchandise increases. Is it a small

matter with thee to bring ruin on thy children? Yea, perhaps retribution

awaits thyself: my curses will be heard, and then no atonement shall

deliver thee. 'T is but the work of a moment,--thrice cast earth upon

me, and hasten on.

1. _Te maris et terrae_] 'Te' is emphatic, 'even thee,' as the

abruptness of the opening requires. ἄμμον μετρεῖν, κύματα μετρεῖν were

proverbial expressions for lost labor. See Georg. ii. 104, sqq.:--

"Neque enim numero comprendere refert;

Quem qui scire velit, Libyci velit aequoris idem

Dicere quam multae Zephyro turbentur arenae."

Archimedes wrote a work, ὁ ψαμμίτης, in which he computed the grains of

sand on the shores of Sicily, and it may be alluded to here. There is no

reason to suppose that Archytas ever attempted to solve any such

problem.

2. _Archyta,_] Archytas was a native of Tarentum, born towards the end

of the fifth century B.C. He was for a long time the leading man in that

city, the power and consequence of which he was the means of extending.

He was a celebrated philosopher and mathematician. It would seem, from

this passage, that there was a legend to the effect that Archytas was

buried on the shore under the promontory of Matinum, running out from

the range called Mons Garganus, in Apulia. Possibly, a tomb was shown

there as his. That Archytas was shipwrecked on a voyage down the

Adriatic, (which is the general opinion,) cannot be proved from this

Ode.

3. _parva--Munera,_] 'a small portion.' 'Munus' seems to contain the

same element as μοῖρα. It is not properly equivalent to 'donum.'

7. _Pelopis genitor,_] See C. 6. 8, n.

8. _Tithonus_] He was the husband of Aurora, carried by her into heaven,

on her golden chariot (Eur. Tro. 852).

9. _Minos_] Called by Hom. (Odyss. xix. 149) Διὸς μεγάλου ὀαριστής, the

grandson of him who became judge in Hades.

10. _Panthoiden_] The story alluded to is that of Pythagoras, who, to

prove his doctrine of metempsychosis, declared that he had been

Euphorbus, the son of Panthous, who fell in the Trojan war. In support

of which he claimed as his own a shield hung up in the temple of Juno at

Argos, which, when taken down, proved to have the name of Euphorbus

engraved on it.

11. _quamvis_] "Tacitus and the later writers use 'quamvis' with an

indicative, and, _vice versa_, 'quanquam' with a subjunctive." (Key's

Gram. 1227, b. note.) The prose-writers of Horace's time would not use

'quamvis' with an indicative; and he uses the subjunctive where the case

is strictly hypothetical, as C. iv. 2. 39, or where it suits the metre,

as C. iv. 6. 7.

_quamvis clipeo_] 'although, by taking down the shield, and testifying

to the season of the Trojan war, he proved that he had surrendered

nothing but his sinews and his skin to death.'

14. _Judice te_] Archytas professed to follow the doctrines of

Pythagoras.

_non sordidus auctor Naturae verique._] i.e. 'no mean teacher of truth,

physical and moral,' or, as we should say, 'no mean authority' on such

subjects. 'Auctor' is one whose evidence may be relied upon.

17. _Furiae_] This name represents the Greek notion of the Erinnyes, as

Ποῖναι, or Ἀραί, the divinities which executed vengeance on the guilty,

and in that character stirred up strife, as here represented. So Virgil

(Aen. iv. 610) calls them 'Dirae ultrices.' See also Aen. vii. 324, and

xii. 845-852. 'Spectacula' corresponds to 'ludo' in C. i. 2. 37.

'Avarum' is repeated C. iii. 29. 61.

19. _densentur_] 'Densere' occurs in Lucretius, Virgil, and Tacitus.

Livy has only 'densare.'

20. _Proserpina fugit._] The perfect has the aoristic sense here. The

allusion is explained by Virg. Aen. iv. 698:--

"Nondum illi (Didoni) flavum Proserpina vertice crinem

Abstulerat Stygioque caput damnaverat Orco."

In Eurip. (Alc. 74) Death says in respect to his victim,

στείχω δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ὡς κατάρξωμαι ξίφει

ἱερὸς γὰρ οὗτος τῶν κατὰ χθονὸς θεῶν

ὅτου τόδ᾽ ἔγχος κρατὸς ἁγνίσῃ τρίχα.

The general practice in commencing a sacrifice (κατάρχεσθαι τῶν ἱερῶν)

was to cut off the forelock of the victim.

21. _devexi--Orionis_] Orion sets about the beginning of November, a bad

time for sailors. C. iii. 27. 18. Epod. xv. 7. Virg. Aen. vii. 712.

22. _Illyricis--undis._] The waters of the Hadriatic, which wash the

coast of Illyricum.

23. _At tu, nauta,_] 'Nauta' is not properly a common sailor, but

'navicularius,' a shipmaster. Such a person may be supposed to be

passing, and the shade to appeal to him.

24. _capiti inhumato_] Other hiatuses occur, C. ii. 20. 13; iii. 14. 11.

Epod. v. 100; xiii. 3.

25. _sic_] See note on i. 3. 1.

26. _Venusinae_] See C. iii. 4. 9, n.; iv. 9. 2, n. The ghost prays that

the east wind may spend its force on the forests of the Apennines,

before it reaches the Etruscan Sea, where the sailor may be supposed to

be voyaging.

29. _custode Tarenti._] Taras, the founder of Tarentum, was a son of

Neptune, who is represented on Tarentine coins as the tutelary deity of

the place.

30. _Negligis--fraudem committere?_] 'Art thou careless of doing a wrong

which shall presently fall upon thine innocent sons?' 'Postmodo' belongs

to 'nocituram,' and 'te' is dependent on 'natis.' 'Modo' limits 'post'

to a short time.

32. _vicesque superbae_] 'stern retribution.'

33. _precibus_] 'curses.' See Epod. v. 86. S. ii. 6. 30.

36. _Injecto ter pulvere_] The number three is so familiar in all

ceremonies of a religious nature, that we need not be surprised to find

it here. The watchman, speaking of the corpse of Polyneices, says, λεπτὴ

δ᾽ ἄγος φεύγοντος ὣς ἐπὴν κόνις (Sop. Ant. 256). The chief object in

respect to the burial of the dead was that the face should be covered

(Cic. de Legg. ii. 22). The expiation required by the Roman law for

neglect of this duty to the dead, was a sow, and the person neglecting

it was said 'porcam contrahere.'

ODE XXIX.

In the year B.C. 24 an army was sent into Arabia Felix by Augustus,

under Ælius Gallus, who was governor of Egypt. The force chiefly

consisted of troops stationed in that province, but the prospect of

wealth which the expedition held out, from the indefinite knowledge then

possessed of the country, attracted young men at Rome, and induced, it

would seem, Iccius, a man of studious habits, to join it. The

expedition was attended with nothing but disaster, and the greater part

of the force perished. But Iccius survived, and we find Horace writing

to him a few years later as Agrippa's steward in Sicily (Epp. i. 12).

Beyond this, nothing is known of Iccius. The Ode is a piece of

good-tempered, jocular irony, of which the point lies in the man of

books going forth as a conqueror to subdue fierce nations, untamed

before, and to return laden with the spoils of the East. Later times

have seen young and chivalrous men hastening to an El Dorado in

expectation of wealth and distinction, and finding nothing but

disappointment, and such appears to have been the case on the occasion

of this expedition into Arabia.

Argument.--What, Iccius, after all, dost thou grudge the Arabs their

wealth, and prepare chains for the princes of Sabæa and the fierce Mede?

Which of the fair barbarians dost thou mean to bring home for thy bed,

or what royal page for thy table? Sure, rivers shall flow back to their

mountains, and the Tiber turn again, if Iccius can desert his books to

put on the breastplate.

1. _nunc_] This word expresses surprise: 'what now, to belie all

expectations, and abandon all your pursuits!'

3. _Sabaeae_] The Romans had possession of parts of Arabia Petræa, but

not of Arabia Felix. Hence Horace says, "Intactis opulentior Thesauris

Arabum" (C. iii. 24. 1). It may have been reported that the army would

proceed against the Parthians, after the Arabs were conquered, or, as is

more probable, the 'horrible Mede' is only introduced to heighten the

coloring of the picture in a jocular way.

5. _Quae--virginum--barbara_] A very uncommon construction for 'quae

virgo barbara' or 'quae virginum barbararum.' There is humor in the

question, as if Iccius had only to choose for himself some royal damsel,

whose betrothed he was to slay with his own hand, and an Eastern page of

great beauty, brought from his native wilds to wait upon one of the

princes of this happy land. If Horace mixes up Tartars (Sericas) and

Parthians, it only makes the picture more absurd.

_Puer--ex aula_] 'A royal page.' Boys whose office it was to pour out

the wine, are called in inscriptions 'pueri a cyatho' or 'ad cyathum,'

or 'ab argento potorio,' 'ad argentum potorium,' 'a potione,' and so

forth.

9. _sagittas tendere_] For 'arcum tendere.' Virgil also says (Aen. ix.

606), "spicula tendere cornu," and (Aen. v. 508) "pariterque oculos

telumque tetendit."

11. _Pronos relabi posse rivos_] The phrase ἄνω ποταμῶν became a proverb

from Euripides (Med. 410): ἄνω ποταμῶν ἱερῶν χωροῦσι παγαί.

12. _Montibus_] The dative.

14. _Socraticam et domum_] Socrates's school, as Plato, Xenophon, &c.

Cicero speaks of the "familia Peripateticorum" (Div. ii. 1); and Horace

supposes himself to be asked "quo me duce, quo Lare tuter" (Epp. i. 1.

13). Panætius was a philosopher of Rhodes, from whom Cicero appears to

have gathered the substance of his work De Officiis. He professed the

doctrines of the Stoics, but seems to have qualified them with opinions

derived from the writings of Plato, and others of the Socratic school,

which accounts for their being mentioned in connection with his name. He

flourished in the second century B.C., and was intimate with the younger

Scipio.

15. _loricis Hiberis_] 'Spanish mail.' The steel of Hiberia (Spain) was

celebrated.

ODE XXX.

It is not improbable that the main incident of this Ode, that of a lady

sacrificing or dedicating a little chapel to Venus, is taken from life;

but there is a fragment of one of Alcman's poems, running Κύπρον ἱμερτὰν

λιποῖσα καὶ Πάφον περίῤῥυτον, which appears to have been imitated in the

first two verses.

Argument.--Royal Venus, leave thy beloved Cyprus, and come, dwell in

Glycera's temple. Let Love come with thee, and the Graces and Nymphs,

and Youth, who is unlovely without thee, and Mercury too.

1. _Cnidi Paphique,_] See C. 3. 1, n.

4. _aedem._] The humblest houses had their little chapel, set apart for

an image.

5. _solutis Gratiae zonis_] The oldest painters and sculptors

represented the Graces clothed; afterwards it became the fashion to

represent them naked; but the latest practice lay between the two, and

they were painted and sculptured with loose, transparent drapery. Horace

varies in his descriptions. See C. i. 4. 6; iii. 19. 16; iv. 7. 6.

7. _Et parum comis sine te Juventas_] Cupid ('fervidus puer') or several

Cupids (C. 19. 1), Youth (Ἥβη), Hermes, the god of eloquence, Persuasion

(Πειθώ), and the Graces, were the principal companions of Venus,

according to the notions of the Greeks. The nymphs of the woods, or of

the hills, were likewise usually represented as her companions. (See C.

iv. 6.)

ODE XXXI.

In B.C. 28 (25th October), Augustus dedicated a temple, with a library

attached, which he had built in honor of Apollo, on the Palatine Hill,

to commemorate his victory at Actium. After the ceremonies of the day of

dedication were over, we may suppose Horace putting in his own claim to

the god's favor in this Ode, in which he represents himself as offering

a libation (whether in private or at the temple is uncertain) and asking

for that which, according to Juvenal (x. 356), should be the end of all

prayer, 'mens sana in corpore sano!'

Argument.--What asks the poet of Apollo? Not cups, or herbs, or gold and

ivory, or rich fields. Let those who may prune Calenian vines, and rich

merchants drink rich wine out of cups of gold, favorites of heaven, who

traverse the deep in safety. My food is the olive, the chicory, and the

mallow. Let me enjoy what I have, thou son of Lato, sound in body and

mind, and let my age pass with honor and the lyre.

1. _dedicatum_] This word is applied to the god as well as his temple.

So Cic. de N. D. ii. 33, says, "ut Fides ut Mens quas in Capitolio

dedicatas vidimus proxime a M. Aemilio Scauro."

2. _novum_] Libations were made with wine of the current year.

4. _Sardiniae_] This island supplied much of the corn consumed at Rome.

'Ferax' is properly applied to the soil which produces; here it is said

of the produce itself, and means 'abundant.'

5. _Calabriae_] Where flocks were pastured in the winter season. C. ii.

6. 10. Epod. i. 27, n.

7. _Liris_] This river, now called Garigliano, took its rise near the

Lacus Fucinus, in the country of the Æqui, and, passing through the

richest part of Latium, emptied itself below Minturnæ into the sea (S.

i. 5. 40, n.). The upper part of the stream is much broken by

waterfalls. Horace's description applies only to the lower part, where,

having left the Apennines and joined the Trerus (Sacco), it flows

quietly through the cultivated lands of Latium.

9. _Premant_] Virgil uses this word in the same sense (Georg. i. 157):

"et ruris opaci Falce premes umbras"; and Ovid (Met. xiv. 629). 'Calena'

is transferred from the vine to the knife, as in 'Sabina diota' (9. 7),

'Laestrygonia amphora' (iii. 16. 34), 'Graeca testa' (i. 20. 2), where

to the press that makes or the vessel which contains the wine is applied

the name of the wine itself. As to Calenian wine, see C. 20. 10, n.

12. _Vina Syra reparata merce,_] Wine taken in exchange for Syrian

goods, which includes all the costly merchandise of the East; elsewhere

called 'Tyriae merces.' The seaports of Syria were entrepôts for goods

from and for the East, and were frequented by a vast number of ships

from all parts.--Horace uses many words compounded with 're' without any

perceptible difference of meaning from the simple words, as

'retractare,' 'resecare,' 'resolvere,' 'revincere,' 'renare,'

'remittere.' But there is the force of bartering in this word, as in

ἀνταγοράζεσθαι. (See C. i. 37. 24, n.) 'Mercator' was a dealer in wares

who generally sailed or travelled into foreign parts. The 'mercatores'

were an enterprising class, and penetrated into barbarous and distant

countries and dangerous seas. The mention of the Atlantic is a little

out of place, immediately after 'Syra merce'; but, as usual, Horace

writes generally, and does not aim at strict accuracy. 'Aequor

Atlanticum' suited his verse. The travelling merchants are often

referred to by Horace. See C. i. 1. 15; iii. 24. 40; S. i. 1. 6, 4. 29.

Epp. i. 1. 45, 16. 71, and elsewhere.

16. _leves_] 'Setting lightly' on the stomach.

17. _Frui paratis,_ etc.] The order is, 'Precor (ut) dones mihi, et

valido .... et integra Cum mente, frui paratis.' 'Latoë' (Λατῷε); 'O son

of Lato,' or Latona.

ODE XXXII.

This is an address of the poet to his lyre, calling upon it to help him

now and whenever he shall require its aid.

Argument.--I am asked to sing. If I have ever composed a song that shall

not die, with thee, my lyre, come, help me to a Latin song,--thou whom

Alcæus did first touch, who, in the field or on the deep, still sung of

Liber, the Muses, Venus and her son and Lycus, with dark eyes and hair.

Thou glory of Phœbus, welcome at the table of the gods, thou consoler of

my toils, help me whenever I shall invoke thee.

1. _Poscimur._] 'Poscitur a nobis carmen.' This may mean that the poetic

afflatus is on him, and he feels called upon to sing.

2. _Si quid vacui_] 'If ever, at my ease under the shade, with thee I

have sung aught that shall live this year, yea more.'

4. _Barbite,_] Βάρβιτος is used as a feminine noun by the early Greek

writers. The later make it masculine. Here it is masculine, and in C. 1.

34.

5. _Lesbio--civi,_] Alcæus of Mytilene (C. 1. 34, n.). He fought in the

civil wars of his native country, and left his arms behind him on the

field of battle, in a war with the Athenians in Troas. He was exiled by

Pittacus, tyrant of Mytilene, and travelled in different countries,

particularly Egypt. Horace says, that in the midst of his battles and

wanderings he still found time to sing of wine and love. But he also

sang of dangers by sea and land (C. ii. 13. 27), and inspired his

countrymen with martial odes ('minaces Camenae,' C. iv. 9. 7).

_modulate_] See C. i. 1. 24, n.

6. _qui ferox bello_, etc.] 'Who, though a fierce warrior, would yet, if

he were in the camp, or had moored his sea-tossed bark on the wet shore,

sing of Bacchus and the Muses, and Venus and her ever-attendant son.'

10. _haerentem_] This verb 'haerere' is taken by Horace with a dative,

as here and S. i. 10. 49; or with an ablative with 'in,' as S. i. 3. 32;

or without 'in,' as C. i. 2. 9. S. ii. 3. 205.

11. _Et Lycum_] A young friend of Alcæus, whose name appears in a

fragment still extant, οὐκ ἐγὼ Λύκον ἐν Μοΐσαις ἀλέγω.

14. _testudo_] See C. 10. 6, n.

15. _cumque_] As 'quandoque' is put for 'quandocumque,' 'cumque' is put

for 'cumcumque' or 'quumquumque,' which occurs in Lucret. ii. 113.

'Cumque' belongs to 'vocanti,' 'whenever I shall invoke thee,' as if it

were 'quandocumque vocem.'

ODE XXXIII.

Albius Tibullus, the poet, was a favorite with his contemporaries. To

him was addressed the fourth Epistle of the first book, as well as this

Ode. He appears on some occasion to have been in bad spirits, and

crossed in love, and Horace sent him this little poem, to amuse and

cheer him.

Argument.--Come, Albius, do not be drawling pitiful poetry upon Glycera,

because she prefers a younger man to you. Pretty Lycoris loves Cyrus,

Cyrus inclines to Pholoë, who admires the vulgar sinner as the she-goat

loves the wolf. Such are Love's diversions, bringing opposites under the

yoke together. So it happened to me,--a tender heart was attached to me,

while I could not free myself from the fetters of Myrtale, more

impetuous than the waves of the Adriatic.

1. _memor_] 'ever thinking of.'

2. _neu miserabiles_, etc.] 'And do not (always) sing doleful strains,

because,' &c.

3. _cur_] 'Cur' or 'quur' is formed from 'qui,' and has the force of

'quod' here, as in Epp. i. 8. 10.

5. _tenui fronte_] A low forehead was considered a beauty, and the women

braided their hair accordingly, as is seen in some statues. The same

appears to have been considered an attraction in men. Epp. i. 7. 26:

"reddes--nigros angusta fronte capillos." Intellectual beauty, as we

view it in men, is better described by Pliny, Epist. iii. 6. 2: "rari et

cedentes capilli; lata frons."

7. _Cyrus in asperam Declinat Pholoën_] All these are imaginary persons.

8. _Jungentur capreae lupis_] This is a common hyperbole. Epod. xvi. 30:

"Novaque monstra junxerit libidine Mirus amor," &c.

9. _adultero._] 'libertine.'

10, 11. _impares--animos_] 'ill-matched persons and dispositions.'

12. _Saevo cum joco_] 'In cruel sport.'

14. _compede_] This word is used twice again by Horace in the singular

number: "grata compede vinctum" (C. iv. 11. 24); "nivali compede

vinctus" (Epp. i. 3. 3); and once by Tibullus: "Spes etiam valida

solatur compede vinctum" (ii. 6. 25). These are the only instances till

after the Augustan age. Myrtale was a common name among freedwomen.

16. _Curvantis Calabros sinus._] 'Breaking into bays the coast of

Calabria'; that is, indenting the coast of Calabria, and so forming

bays. By Calabria, the Romans understood the whole of the peninsula

which was called by the Greeks Iapygia or Messapia, washed by the

Hadriatic on one side, and the Gulf of Tarentum on the other.

ODE XXXIV.

If we are to take Horace at his word, he was one day startled by the

phenomenon of a thunder-clap, or other noise, when the sky was clear;

and he appears to have been frightened into considering the error of his

ways, which led him to abandon the loose doctrines of Epicurus, by which

he had been guided before.

Argument.--Careless of Heaven, I have been wandering in the darkness of

an insane creed; I now retrace my steps, awakened by the sign of Jove's

chariot dashing through an unclouded sky,--that chariot with which he

shakes the earth, the waters, and hell, and the ends of the world. God

is strong to bring down the mighty and exalt the low, to take the crown

from one and place it on the head of another.

2. _Insanientis sapientiae_] 'A wild philosophy,' the Greek σοφία

ἄσοφος. The doctrines of Epicurus are here alluded to. This creed Horace

professed, writing in his twenty-eighth year, to hold,

"Deos didici securum agere aevum

Nec si quid miri faciat natura, deos id

Tristes ex alto caeli demittere tecto."

(Sat. i. 5. 101.) On 'consultus,' which is used like 'jurisconsultus,'

see Forcelli.

5. _relictos:_] 'Iterare cursus relictos' signifies to return to the

paths he had left; 'iterare' being equivalent to 'repetere.'

_Diespiter,_] It is said that this name was given to Jove as 'diei

pater.' 'Dies' is an old form of the genitive. But probably the first

two syllables are only a different form of 'Jup-' in 'Juppiter,' and

from the same root as Ζεύς.

7. _per purum tonantes_] The phenomenon of thunder heard in a clear sky

is frequently alluded to by the ancients, and was held especially

ominous. See Virg. Georg. i. 487. Aen. vii. 141, etc.

10. _Taenari_] Taenarum (Matapan) was the most southern promontory of

the Peloponnesus, where was a cave, supposed to lead down to Hades.

11. _Atlanteusque finis_] Apparently imitated from Eurip. (Hipp. 3),

τερμόνων τ᾽ Ἀτλαντικῶν. The African range Atlas was supposed to be the

boundary of the world in that direction.

12. _Valet ima summis_] This language is like the opening of the next

Ode. It may be compared with various familiar passages of the sacred

Scriptures; as, "He hath put down the mighty from their seat, and

exalted them of low degree." (Luke i. 52.) "Promotion cometh neither

from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south. But God is the

Judge; he putteth down one, and setteth up another." (Psalm lxxv. 6, 7.)

The sentiment, however, is common. Tacitus seems to have had Horace's

words in his mind, when he wrote of the public funeral given to Flavius

Sabinus, and the overthrow of Vitellius, that they were "magna documenta

instabilis fortunae summaque et ima miscentis" (Hist. iv. 47).

14. _hinc apicem_] 'Apex' signifies properly the tuft (composed of wool

wrapped round a stick) or the top of the Flamen's cap. It appears to

stand for any covering of the head, and Horace applies it to the royal

crown, here and in C. iii. 21. 20. 'Valere' with an infinitive is not

used by prose-writers till after the Augustan age.

ODE XXXV.

When Augustus was meditating an expedition against the Britons, and

another for the East, Horace commended him to the care of Fortune the

Preserver, to whom this Ode is addressed. The design of invading Britain

was interrupted by an insurrection of the Salassians, an Alpine people.

The goddess Fortuna, under different characters, had many temples at

Rome; but her worship was most solemnly maintained, when Horace wrote,

at Præneste and at Antium, where she had an oracle, and was worshipped

under a double form, as 'prospera' and 'adversa.' Tacitus mentions a

temple belonging to an Equestris Fortuna, in which the Equites set up a

statue they had vowed for the recovery of Augusta (Ann. iii. 71). She

was represented on Roman coins with a double ship's rudder in one hand

and a cornucopiæ in the other, which may furnish a clew to the allusions

in the second stanza. There are passages which may have been drawn from

paintings in the temple at Antium.

Argument.--Queen of Antium, all-powerful to exalt or to debase, the poor

tenant cultivator worships thee, and the mariner on the deep. Thou art

feared by the savage Dacian and nomad Scythian, by all cities and

nations; yea, by proud Latium herself; by royal mothers trembling for

their sons, and kings fearing for their crowns. Necessity, with her

stern emblems, goes before thee. Hope and Fidelity go with thee, when

thou leavest the house of prosperity, while false friends fall away.

Preserve Cæsar as he goeth to conquer Britain; preserve the fresh levies

destined for the East. It repenteth us of our civil strife and impious

crimes. Let the sword be recast, and whetted for the Scythian and the

Arab.

1. _Antium,_] A maritime town of Latium, now called Porto d' Anzo. (See

Introduction.)

2. _Praesens_] There is no other instance of 'praesens' with an

infinitive. 'Praesens' is often used with the signification of 'potens.'

In its application to the gods, it expresses their presence as shown by

their power. "God is a very present help in trouble." Ps. xlvi. 1.

Cicero (Tusc. Disp. i. 12. 28) says of Hercules, "apud Graecos indeque

prolapsus ad nos et usque ad Oceanum tantus et tam praesens habetur

deus."

4. _funeribus_] The same as 'in funera.'

6. _colonus,_] See C. ii. 14. 12, n.

7, 8. _Bithyna--carina_] A vessel built of the timber of Bithynia.

9. _profugi Scythae_] This is to be explained by the wandering habits of

the Scythians. It explains 'campestres Scythae' (C. iii. 24. 9), and

corresponds to Σκύθας δ᾽ ἀφίξει νομάδας οἳ πλεκτὰς στέγας Πεδάρσιοι

ναίους᾽ ἐπ᾽ εὐκύκλοις ὄχοις (Aesch. P. V. 709). 'Profugus' is repeated

in C. iv. 14. 42.

11. _Regumque matres barbarorum_] Orelli quotes the description in the

fifth chapter of Judges, ver. 28. "The mother of Sisera looked out at a

window, and cried through the lattice, Why is his chariot so long in

coming? why tarry the wheels of his chariot?" There are four objects in

respect of which Fortune is here said to be invoked,--the seasons, the

winds, war, and faction. (See Introduction.) She is said to be an object

of reverence to the distant and barbarous nations, as well as the cities

and provinces of the Roman world, and Eastern mothers and tyrants

fearing for their crowns.

14. _Stantem columnam,_] The figures of Peace, Security, Happiness, and

others, are each represented on old monuments as resting on a column.

What Horace means is, that tyrants are afraid lest Fortune should

overthrow their power, represented figuratively by a standing column.

15. _Ad arma--ad arma_] The repetition of these words suggests the cry

of the 'thronging people' ('frequens populus'). 'Cessantes' means the

peaceably disposed.

17. _Te semper anteit saeva Necessitas_] The several things that

Necessity is here represented as holding, are emblems of tenacity and

fixedness of purpose,--the nail, the clamp, and the molten lead: they

have nothing to do with torture, as many have supposed. 'Anteit' is to

be scanned as a dissyllable.

18. _Clavos trabales_] These were nails of the largest sort, for

fastening beams in large houses. There is said to be one in the Museum

of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, at Florence, weighing fifty pounds, made

of bronze. 'Clavi trabales' had passed into a proverb with the Romans.

Compare Cicero (in Verr. Act. ii. 5. 21) "ut hoc beneficium, quemadmodum

dicitui, trabali clavo figeret." 'Cunei' were also nails wedge-shaped.

On the nails of Fate, see C. iii. 24. 7. The metaphor of molten lead,

used for strengthening buildings, is used by Euripides (Androm. 267),

καὶ γὰρ εἰ πέριξ σ᾽ ἔχει τηκτὸς μόλυβδος.

21. _Te Spes et albo_] The picture represented in this and the following

stanzas, apart from the allegory, is that of a rich man in adversity,

going forth from his home, with hope in his breast, and accompanied by a

few faithful friends, but deserted by those who only cared for his

wealth. In the person of Fortune, therefore, is represented the man who

is suffering from her reverses; and in that of Fidelity, the small

('rara') company of his true friends. Fortune is represented in the

garments of mourning ('mutata veste'), and Fides in a white veil,

emblematic of her purity. With such a veil on their heads, men offered

sacrifice to her. She is called by Virgil (Aen. i. 292), 'Cana Fides,'

but there it probably means 'aged.' According to Livy (i. 21), Numa

established religious rites for Fides.

22. _nec comitem abnegat,_] 'nor refuses herself for thy companion,' as

if 'se' were understood.

28. _Ferre jugum pariter dolosi._] 'Too faithless to bear the yoke

together with him.' This metaphor is taken from beasts unequally yoked.

29. _Serves iturum_] See Introduction.

_ultimas Orbis Britannos_] "Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos"

(Virg. Ec. i. 67), "Extremique hominum Morini" (Aen. viii. 727), are

like Horace's phrase.

32. _Oceanoque rubro._] The force that was to conquer Arabia (see C. i.

29) was probably at this time preparing.

36. _unde_] 'From what?'

39. _diffingas retusum_] 'Diffingas' is a word met with in no author but

Horace, who uses it here and in C. iii. 29. 47: "neque Diffinget

infectumque reddet." It means here to break up or unmake, with the

purpose of forging it again. 'O I pray thee on new anvil recast the

blunted sword for the Scythian and the Arab.' It had been blunted in

civil war, and was to be whetted again for the destruction of the

barbarians.

40. _Massagetas_] These people are said by Herodotus (i. 204) to have

inhabited the great plain east of the Caspian; but the Romans had no

distinct knowledge of them, and the name is used for the unknown regions

of Northern Asia, like the name of the Scythians.

ODE XXXVI.

Who Numida was, we have no means of knowing. That he was an intimate

friend of Horace's appears from this Ode. He was also a great friend of

Lamia's (see C. 26 of this book). He appears to have lately returned

from the army in Spain, and Horace writes this Ode for the occasion,

calling upon Numida's friends to celebrate his return with sacrifice,

music, and wine.

Argument.--Let us sacrifice to the guardian gods of Numida, on his safe

return from Spain; he is come to embrace his dear friends, but none more

heartily than Lamia, in remembrance of their early days. Mark the fair

day with a white mark; bring out the wine without stint; cease not the

dance; let Bassus out-drink Damalis the drunken; bring the rose, the

parsley, the lily, for our feast. Though all eyes shall languish for

Damalis, she will cleave only to Numida.

4. _Hesperia_] In the year B.C. 26, Augustus went into Spain to put down

an insurrection of the Cantabri. He returned to Rome two years

afterwards, and Numida returned with him, or perhaps a little before,

since Augustus was detained by sickness (C. iii. 14).

7. _Lamiae,_] See Introduction.

8. _Actae non alio rege puertiae_] 'Rege' may perhaps be put in a

familiar way for their schoolmaster; if so, it was Orbilius Pupillus

(Epp. ii. 1. 71). But the meaning is not quite certain.

_puertiae_] For 'pueritiae.' Other instances of syncope are 'lamnae,'

'surpuerat,' 'surpite,' 'soldo,' 'caldior,' etc.

9. _Mutataeque simul togae._] They were of the same age, and therefore

had taken the 'toga virilis' together. See Epod. v. 7, n.

10. _Cressa ne careat pulchra dies nota,_] The custom of marking fair

days with a white stone or mark, and unlucky ones with a black, had

passed, if not into practice, into a proverb with the Romans. Hence

Persius (ii. 1, sqq.), writing to his friend on his birthday, says:

"Hunc, Macrine, diem numera meliore lapillo,

Qui tibi labentes apponit candidus annos."

'Cressa' is the adjective formed from 'creta,' chalk, so called as

coming from Cimolus, a small island near Crete.

11. _Neu--amphorae_] 'And let there be no measured use of the wine-jar

brought out.'

12. _Neu morem in Salium_] 'Salium' is an adjective like 'Saliaris' in

the next Ode. It occurs again in C. iv. 1. 28, where see note.

13. _multi Damalis meri_] 'Damalis, great drinker (as she is).' Such is

the expression 'Multi Lydia nominis' (C. iii. 9. 7). Ovid (Met. xiv.

252) has nearly the same words: "Eurylocumque simul, multique Elpenora

vini." Who Bassus was, we cannot tell, without knowing more of his

friend Numida. Damalis may be anybody,--a woman like Lyde (C. ii. 11.

22), brought into the Ode to make up a scene. The name was common among

freedwomen.

14. _Threïcia vincat amystide,_] 'Amystis' was a deep draught, taken

without drawing breath or closing the lips (ἀ, μύειν). For Threïcia see

i. 27. 2.

17. _putres Deponent oculos,_] 'will fix their languishing eyes.' The

Greeks expressed 'putres' by τηκόμενοι.

20. _ambitiosior._] This is the only passage in which the word occurs in

this sense of 'clinging,' the nearest to 'ambire' in its primitive

meaning.

ODE XXXVII.

The occasion that gave rise to this Ode, and the time therefore of its

composition, are sufficiently clear. Intelligence of the deaths of M.

Antonius and Cleopatra was brought to Rome in the autumn of B.C. 30, and

on this occasion Horace wrote the following Ode, which is directed

chiefly against Cleopatra. Horace appears to have started with an ode of

Alcæus on the death of Myrsilus in his head. It began,

νῦν χρὴ μεθύσθην καί τινα πρὸς βίαν

πίνην ἐπειδὴ κάτθανε Μύρσιλος.

The historical facts referred to may be gathered from Plutarch's Life of

M. Antonius.

Argument.--'T is time to drink, to smite the earth, and set out a feast

for the gods, my friends. We might not bring down the Cæcuban, while

that mad queen with her foul herd was threatening Rome with destruction.

But her fury is humbled, her fleet in flames, her drunken heart shook

with fear when Cæsar hunted her from Italy, as the hawk pursues the dove

or the hunter the hare, to chain the accursed monster; who feared not

the sword nor fled to secret hiding-places, but chose to die, rather

than submit to be led in triumph by the conqueror.

2. _nunc Saliaribus_] A Saliaric banquet is a rich banquet, fit for the

Salii, the priests of Mars. The feasts of the Pontifices were proverbial

for profusion. On great occasions, a banquet was set out, in place of a

sacrifice, and images of the gods were placed upon couches, as for the

purpose of eating. This sort of banquet was called a 'lectisternium.'

3. _pulvinar_] Properly, the cushion of the couch, and so put here for

the couch itself.

4. _Tempus erat_] This imperfect tense seems to mean that this was the

time that the Fates had intended for such festivities. Ovid (Tr. iv. 8.

24, sq.) has it twice over in this unusual way:--

"Sic igitur tarda vires minuente senecta

Me quoque donari jam rude tempus erat;

Tempus erat nec me peregrinum ducere caelum

Nec siccam Getico fonte levare sitim."

The Greeks used the imperfect ἐχρῆν in the same undefined way. See note

on i. 27. 19.

6. _Cellis_] The 'cella' was, properly speaking, a chamber, partly above

and partly under ground, in which the 'dolia' were kept. That in which

the 'amphorae' were stored was called 'apotheca,' and was in the upper

part of the house: hence the terms, 'depromere,' 'deripere,'

'descendere.' 'Capitolio' is equivalent to 'urbi.' See C. iii. 3. 42;

iii. 30. 8. 'Imperio' is used for the sovereign power of Rome, as in C.

iii. 5. 4.

7. _Regina dementes ruinas_] 'Dementes' is transferred from 'regina' to

'ruinas' as in Virg. (Aen. ii. 576): "Uleisci patriam et sceleratas

sumere poenas," where 'sceleratas' expresses the guilt of Helen.

9. _Contaminato cum grege turpium Morbo virorum,_] 'with her filthy herd

of men (forsooth) foul with disease.' The corrupt lusts of that class of

persons who were most about an Eastern queen, are properly called a

disease. 'Virorum' is used ironically. In Epod. ix. 11, Horace

complains:--

"Romanus eheu! posteri negabitis

Emancipatus foeminae

Fert vallum et arma miles, et spadonibus

Servire rugosis potest."

10. _impotens Sperare_] 'wild enough to expect anything.' This is a

common construction, noticed at C. i. 1. 18. 'Impotens' corresponds to

ἀκρατής, and signifies violence, want of self-control. See Epod. xvi.

62.

13. _Vix una sospes navis_] Cleopatra's fleet escaped from the battle of

Actium, but M. Antonius saved no more than his own ship, in which he

fled to Egypt. From motives of delicacy no allusion is made to M.

Antonius throughout the Ode.

14. _Mentemque lymphatam Mareotico_] 'Lymphatus' is equivalent to

νυμφόληπτος, 'lympha' and 'nympha' being the same word. Mareotic wine

was from the shores of the Lake Mareotis in the neighborhood of

Alexandria. 'In veros timores' is opposed to what the Greeks called τὰ

κενὰ τοῦ πολέμου. Cleopatra's fleet fled from Actium, before a blow was

struck, under the influence of a panic; but Horace chooses to say it was

a 'verus timor.' The historical facts are not accurately represented in

this Ode. Though it is said that Cleopatra meditated a descent upon

Italy, in the event of M. Antonius and herself proving successful at

Actium, she fled from that place to Egypt, and never went near Italy,

whither Augustus returned after the battle; and it was not till the next

year, A.U.C. 724, that he went to Alexandria, and the deaths of M.

Antonius and Cleopatra occurred.

20. _Haemoniae,_] This is an ancient name for Thessaly.

24. _reparavit_] Literally, 'took in exchange for her own kingdom shores

out of the sight of men.' It is said that Cleopatra contemplated

quitting Egypt, to escape from Augustus, and that she transported

vessels across the desert to the Red Sea; but they were destroyed by the

Arabs, and she abandoned her design. Plut. Ant. c. 69. On the word

'reparavit,' see C. i. 31. 12, n.

25. _jacentem_] On Cleopatra's death, etc., see Plut. Ant. c. 84.

26, 27. _asperas--serpentes_] 'venomous asps.' 'Atrum' is 'deadly.'

29. _Deliberata morte ferocior_] 'Growing bolder, when she had resolved

to die.'

30. _Liburnis_] See Epod. i. 1, n.

ODE XXXVIII.

This Ode was probably written as a song, and set to music. There is not

much to remark upon it. No great pains are usually bestowed on such

matters. Some suppose it to be a translation, others an original

composition. It is probably only a good imitation of Anacreon. The time

is supposed to be Autumn (v. 4).

Argument.--I hate your Persian finery. Hunt not for the rose, boy; I

care only for the myrtle, which equally becomes thee, the servant, and

me, thy master.

2. _philyra_] The linden-tree was so called by the Greeks; and its thin

inner bark was used for a lining, on which flowers were sewed to form

the richer kind of chaplets, called 'sutiles.'

3. _Mitte_] 'forbear,' equivalent to 'omitte.'

5. _allabores_] This is a coined word, and signifies to labor for

something more. It corresponds to προσπονεῖν, and occurs again, Epp.

viii. 20. The order is, 'curo nihil sedulus allabores simplici myrto,'

'I wish you to take no trouble to add anything,' &c.

7. _sub arta Vite_] 'Arta' signifies 'thick,' 'close-leaved.'

ODES.--BOOK II.

ODE I.

This Ode is addressed to C. Asinius Pollio, the friend and companion in

arms of Julius Cæsar. In B.C. 40 he was consul, and in the following year

he was sent by M. Antonius against the Parthini, a tribe of Illyricum,

and having defeated and subdued them he was allowed a triumph on his

return to Rome. He then betook himself to literature, and practising as

an orator in the courts of justice, and speaking in the senate. He

patronized literary men, built a library, wrote poetry, particularly

tragedies, and composed a history of the civil wars, in most of which he

had taken an active part. The Ode was written after hearing Pollio

recite part of this work, a practice which he is said to have been the

first to introduce among literary men at Rome.

Argument.--The civil wars, their causes, their progress, and their fatal

results,--a dangerous task is thine, and treacherous is the ground thou

art treading.

Leave the tragic Muse for a little while, and thou shalt return to her

when thou hast finished the historian's task, O Pollio! advocate,

senator, conqueror! Even now I seem to hear the trumpet and the clarion,

the flashing of arms, and the voices of chiefs, and the whole world

subdued but the stubborn heart of Cato. The gods of Africa have offered

his victors' grandsons on the tomb of Jugurtha. What land, what waters,

are not stained with our blood? But stay, my Muse, approach not such

high themes.

1. _Motum ex Metello consule_] The foundation of the civil wars is here

laid in the formation of the (so-called) triumvirate by Cæsar, Pompeius,

and Crassus, which took place in the consulship of Q. Caecilius Metellus

Celer, and L. Afranius, A.U.C. 694, B.C. 60. But though this was the

first great act of aggression on the liberties of Rome, the civil war

did not break out till the year A.U.C. 704, B.C. 50, when Cæsar and

Pompeius came to their final rupture. Pollio's work was in seventeen

books, and probably ended with the battle of Actium.

2. _modos_] The 'plans' pursued by the opposing parties.

4. _Principum amicitias_] The alliance of Cæsar and Pompeius, and the

subsequent coalition of M. Antonius and Augustus, more than once broken

and renewed, and always maintained at the expense of the people's

liberties, and therefore called 'graves,' 'oppressive,' are here

principally referred to. See Plutarch, Vit. Caes. c. 13. Pollio was

himself the means of reconciling Antonius and Augustus, in the year of

his consulship B.C. 40.

5. _Nondum expiatis uncta cruoribus,_] See C. i. 2, Introduction. The

29th verse of that Ode, "Cui dabit partes scelus expiandi," compared

with this, makes it probable the two were written about the same time.

The plural 'cruoribus' is unusual, and savors of the Greek. So Aesch.

Supp. 265: παλαιῶν αἱμάτων μιάσμασιν.

6. _Periculosae plenum opus aleae,_] 'A task full of hazard,' literally,

'full of perilous chance.' Pollio had been faithful to Julius Cæsar, but

after his death had sided rather with M. Antonius than Augustus; and

therefore, when the latter had succeeded in putting an end to his rival,

and had the entire power in his own hands, it was a bold and difficult

task that Pollio had undertaken. It does not appear, however, that he

involved himself in any difficulty with Augustus, for he lived quietly

to a good old age, dying in his eightieth year at his villa at Tusculum,

A.U.C. 758, A.D. 4. It is probable that his history was written with

impartiality, and that Augustus was not jealous, and could afford to be

otherwise. See Tac. Ann. iv. 34. 'Aleae' was the name for dice (see C.

iii. 24. 58); here it means 'hazard,' 'risk.'

7. _Incedis per ignes_] 'Thou art treading on ashes that cover a

smouldering fire,' like the ashes at the mouth of a volcano, cool on the

surface but burning below.

10. _mox ubi publicas Res ordinaris_] 'When you shall have finished your

history of public events.' The Greeks used συντάσσειν for writing a

book. Plutarch uses σύνταγμα for a book. Ἀνατάξασθαι occurs in the

preface to St. Luke's Gospel, and is thus rendered in the Vulgate

translation, "Quoniam quidem multi conati sunt ordinare narrationem." It

seems that Pollio was writing tragedy at the same time with his history,

and the style of the one may have affected the style of the other, so

that Horace advises him to lay aside his tragedies, in order that he may

do justice to his history. As the theme is delicate, and he is well able

to adorn it, he should put aside the only obstacle to its proper

accomplishment, viz. his tragedies. They were probably of no great

merit. None have survived, and he has no credit for them, except with

Horace and Virgil, who were under personal obligations to him. See S. i.

10. 42, and Virg. Ec. viii. 10.

11. _grande munus_] 'Thou shalt put on the Attic cothurnus, and return

to thy lofty task.' The 'cothurnus' was a shoe worn by tragic actors,

the use and name of which were borrowed by the Romans from the

Athenians. It was usually ornamented with purple, and strapped up the

leg nearly to the knee. When worn on the stage, it had a thick sole and

a high heel, to add to the actor's height. Men of rank wore the

'cothurnus.' Horace speaks figuratively, when he says that Pollio shall

put on the 'cothurnus,' meaning that he shall return to writing

tragedies (see last note).

16. _Delmatico--triumpho_] See Introduction.

17. _Jam nunc_] See C. iii. 6. 23, n. As to 'cornua' and 'litui,' see C.

i. 1. 23, n.

21. _Audire--videor_] 'I seem to myself to hear' (as C. iii. 4. 6),

referring to what he had heard Pollio read (see Int.). Cicero uses

'videor' with 'videre' not unfrequently, as (De Am. 12), "videre jam

videor populum a senatu disjunctum."

23. _cuncta terrarum subacta_] It is probable that Pollio had given a

stirring account of Cæsar's African campaign, in which he himself

served, and that his description had made a great impression upon

Horace. The victory of Thapsus, B.C. 46, made Cæsar master of the whole

Roman world. 'Cuncta terrarum' is equivalent to 'cunctas terras.'

24. _atrocem_] 'stubborn.'

25. _Juno et deorum_] 'Juno and all the gods that favor Africa, who had

departed helplessly (i.e. after the Jugurthine war) and left that land

unavenged, have offered up as an atonement ('rettulit') the grandsons of

those victors, on the grave of Jugurtha.' 'Inferiae' or 'parentalia'

were offerings presented by relatives at the tombs of the dead. Ten

thousand of the Pompeian army alone fell at the battle of Thapsus. It

has been suggested that the Jugurthine, rather than any of the other

African wars, is referred to, because Sallust's history had lately come

out, and was attracting much attention.

29. _Quis non Latino_] In this and the following stanza Horace amplifies

a little. But during the civil wars of Julius Cæsar, Spain, Greece, and

Africa were scenes of much bloodshed, and Romans fought against each

other at Mutina, at Philippi, and at Actium. That the Parthian had heard

the crash of Italy in its fall, is a poetical exaggeration, meaning, in

plain prose, that the bitterest enemy of Rome had watched her

dissensions, and rejoiced in the prospect of her downfall.

_pinguior_] Comp. Virg. (Georg. i. 491):--

"Nec fuit indignum superis bis sanguine nostro

Emathiam et latos Haemi pinguescere campos."

34. _Dauniae_] 'Roman.' See C. i. 22. 14, n; iii. 30. 11; iv. 6. 27.

35. _decoloravere_] 'have deeply dyed.'

38. _Ceae--neniae:_] 'The subjects which belong to the Cean Muse.'

'Nenia' is used in various senses by Horace. As a dirge (C. ii. 20. 21);

as a night song (C. iii. 28. 16); as a charm (Epod. xvii. 29); as a song

of triumph (Epp. i. 1. 63). Here it stands for the melancholy poetry of

Simonides of Ceos, who flourished in the sixth century B.C.

_retractes_] Equivalent to 'tractes.' See note on i. 31. 12.

39. _Dionaeo--antro_] A cave dedicated to Venus, the daughter of Dione.

ODE II.

Horace, meaning to write an Ode on the moderate desire and use of

wealth, dedicated it to C. Sallustius Crispus, grand-nephew of the

historian, and inheritor of his property. He had previously alluded to

him in no terms of praise in Sat. i. 2. 48, but that Satire was written

many years before this Ode, and at this time Sallustius was in high

favor with Augustus, and possessed of great riches, of which Horace

implies that he made a good use.

Argument.--Silver hath no beauty while hid in the earth, Sallustius.

Proculeius, for his generosity to his brethren, will live for ever, and

the man who rules the spirit of avarice is a greater king than if from

Carthage to Gades were all his own. The dropsy grows and grows, till its

cause is expelled. Phraates, restored to his throne, is not happy; he

only is a king and conqueror who looks on money with indifference.

2. _Abdito terris,_] Sallustius possessed some valuable mines in the

Alps, and to this circumstance Horace seems to refer. The character

given of Sallustius by Tacitus (Ann. iii. 30) is rather different from

Horace's description. Tacitus says he was inclined to luxurious living

and fine clothes, different from the practice of the old times. Horace

inverts the order of the cognomen and gentilician name, as Tacitus

frequently does; as, 'Agrippam Postumum' (Ann. i. 3), and elsewhere. The

eleventh Ode of this book is addressed to Quintius Hirpinus, and the

names are inverted, as here.

_lamnae_] Ovid (Fast. i. 207):--

"Jura dabat populis posito modo consul aratro

Et levis argenti lamina crimen erat."

For examples of syncope, see i. 36. 8, n.

5. _Vivet extento Proculeius aevo_] C. Proculeius is said to have been

brother of Licinius Murena, who, with one Fannius Caepio, entered into a

conspiracy against the life of Augustus, and was put to death B.C. 22.

See C. ii. 10, Int. Who was the other brother of Proculeius is

doubtful, and also on what occasion he assisted them. They may have lost

their property in the civil wars, as the Scholiasts say. Proculeius was

in great favor with Augustus, and was intimate with Mæcenas (who married

his sister or cousin, Terentia), and probably with Sallustius. He was

alive at this time, and did not die till after Horace. Proculeius was,

like Mæcenas, a favorer of letters, and is so referred to by Juvenal (S.

vii. 94). "Quis tibi Maecenas quis nunc erit aut Proculeius?"

6. _Notus--animi_] Horace's adaptation of Greek constructions is one of

the chief features of his style. He uses 'metuente' here in the same

sense as in C. iv. 5. 20, "Culpari metuit Fides": 'wings that refuse to

melt,' as Icarius's did. See C. iv. 2. 2.

9. _Latius regnes_] The only king was the sage, according to the Stoics,

and the sage kept all his passions under control. See S. i. 3. 125, n.,

and below, v. 21.

10. _remotis Gadibus_] Gades (Cadiz) was taken poetically for the

western limit of the world, so that when Horace would say his friend

Septimius was willing to go with him to the ends of the earth, he says

'Septimi Gades aditure mecum' (C. ii. 6. 1). It was originally, like

Carthage, a Phœnician settlement, of which there were many in Spain,

whence Horace says 'uterque Poenus,' the Phœnicians in Africa and those

in Hispania.

17. _Phraaten_] Phraates was restored to the Parthian throne B.C. 25 (C.

i. 26, Introd.). It is called the throne of Cyrus, because the Parthians

succeeded to the greater part of the Eastern empire founded by Cyrus the

Great. See C. i. 2. 21, n.

18. _plebi_] See C. i. 27. 5, n. Observe the elision of the last

syllable of this verse by the commencing vowel of the next; and see C.

ii. 16. 34, and C. iii. 2. 22.

19. _populumque_, etc.] 'And teaches men not to use wrong names for

things.'

22. _propriam_] See S. ii. 2. 129, n.

23. _inretorto_] 'Who does not look with eyes askance (that is, with

longing) at vast heaps of gold?' Compare Epp. i. 14. 37. "Non istic

obliquo oculo mea commoda quisquam Limat."

ODE III.

The person to whom this Ode is nominally addressed is generally supposed

to be Q. Dellius, who, from being a follower, first of Dolabella, and

then of Brutus and Cassius, became a devoted adherent of M. Antonius,

and his tool, throughout his intrigues with Cleopatra, till shortly

before the battle of Actium, when he quarrelled with Cleopatra and

joined Augustus, who received him with favor (Plut. Anton. c. 59).

Plutarch calls him ἱστορικός. Dellius was called 'desultor bellorum

civilium,' in allusion to the 'desultor' of the circus, who rode two

horses at the same time. Horace's way of giving a name to his odes has

been sufficiently noticed and in this, as in other cases, there is

nothing to guide us to the person whose name he uses. The Ode is on his

usual commonplaces,--moderation, the enjoyment of the present moment,

and the certainty of death.

Argument.--Be sober in prosperity or adversity, in sadness or in mirth.

What is the use of the shade and purling stream, if we bring not thither

wine and flowers, while circumstances and youth permit and life is our

own? Soon thou must give up all to thine heir; rich and noble, or poor

and humble, we must all come to one place in the end.

2. _non secus in_] 'Non secus ac' is the more usual phrase, but 'non

secus' may stand alone.

6. _remoto gramine_] 'in a secluded grassy spot.'

8. _Interiore nota Falerni._] The cork of the 'amphora' was stamped with

the name of the consul in whose year it was filled, or a label with that

inscription was fastened to the vessel, and the 'amphorae' being placed

in the 'apotheca' as they were filled, the oldest would be the

innermost.

9. _Quo pinus ingens_] 'Quo' signifies 'to what purpose,' as 'quo mihi

fortunam si non conceditur uti?' (Epp. i. 5. 12).

_albaque populus_] The Greeks had two names for the poplar,--λευκή,

which was white, and αἴγειρος, which was dark. Virgil calls the white

'bicolor.' 'Amant,' as in C. iii. 16. 10, is used like the Greek φιλοῦσι

'are wont.' Virgil has a like expression to 'hospitalem' (Georg. iv. 24)

"Obviaque hospitiis teneat frondentibus arbor."

11. _obliquo laborat_] 'To what purpose does the flying stream struggle

to haste down its winding channel?' The stream is represented as

striving to hurry on, in spite of the obstructions offered by its

winding banks. As to 'trepidare,' see C. ii. 11. 4. Epp. i. 10. 21.

17. _Cedes coëmptis_] Compare C. 14. 21, sqq. of this book.

18. _lavit,_] Horace uses this form, not 'lavat.'

21. _Inacho_] The name of Inachus, the earliest mythical king of Argos,

appears to have been used proverbially, for we have it again in C. iii.

19. 1.

23. _moreris,_] This reminds us of Cicero (de Senect. xxiii.):

"Commorandi natura deversorium nobis, non habitandi locum dedit."

25. _cogimur,_] 'We are driven like sheep,' "Tityre coge pecus" (Virg.

Ec. iii. 20).

26. _Versatur urna_] Compare C. iii. 1. 16. "Omne capax movet urna

nomen." The notion is that of Fate standing with an urn, in which every

man's lot is cast. She shakes it, and he whose lot comes out must die.

Ovid has imitated this passage (Met. x. 32):--

"Omnia debemur vobis paullumque morati

Serius aus citius sedem properamus ad unam.

Tendimus huc omnes."

28. _Exilium_] This is put for the place of exile, as (Ov. Fast. vi.

666): "Exilium quodam tempore Tibur erat." The word is only another form

of 'exsidium,' from 'ex sedeo.' 'Cumbae' is in the dative case, and is

the form usually found in inscriptions for 'cymbae.'

ODE IV.

This amusing Ode represents a gentleman in love with his maid-servant,

and jocularly consoles him with examples of heroes who had been in the

same condition, and with the assurance that one so faithful must be,

like the slaves of the Homeric warriors, the daughter of a royal house.

The name Xanthias must be fictitious, and Phoceus indicates that the

person was also supposed to be a Phocian. Why Horace, assuming a Greek

name for his real or supposed friend, should also make him a Phocian, is

needless to inquire. There may have been a significance in it which has

passed away or never existed but for the understanding of the person

addressed and perhaps a few intimate friends. Xanthias was a name given

to slaves, like Geta, Sosius, &c. in the "Frogs" and other plays of

Aristophanes.

Horace was born B.C. 65, and he wrote this Ode when he was just

finishing his eighth lustre, which would be in December, B.C. 25.

Argument.--Be not ashamed, Xanthias; heroes have loved their maids

before thee,--Achilles his Briseis, Ajax his Tecmessa, and Agamemnon his

Cassandra. Doubtless your Phyllis is of royal blood: one so faithful and

loving and unselfish is no common maiden. Nay, be not jealous of my

praises, my eighth lustre is hastening to its close.

2. _Xanthia Phoceu!_] See Introd.

3. _Briseis_] Hippodameia, so called from her father, Briseus, king of

Lyrnessus, a town of Troas, taken, with eleven others, by Achilles. He

delivered up the spoils for distribution, and got Briseis for his prize

(Il. ix. 328, sqq.). Agamemnon took her from him, as a compensation for

the loss of his own slave, Chryseis (Il. i. 320, sqq.).

6. _Tecmessae;_] Tecmessa was the daughter of Teleutas, king of Phrygia,

who was killed by the Greeks during the Trojan war, and his daughter

became the prize of Ajax, the son of Telamon. Homer alludes to her when

he speaks of Αἴαντος γέρας (Il. i. 138). Sophocles, in his play of Ajax,

represents her as tenderly attached to him.

7. _Arsit--Virgine rapta,_] That is, Cassandra, whom Agamemnon chose,

when the spoils of Troy were divided among the Greeks. 'Arsit' is used

by Horace three times with an ablative,--here, in C. iii. 9. 5, and in

Epod. xiv. 9; and once as a transitive verb (C. iv. 9. 13): "Non sola

comptos arsit adulteri crines"; as it is in Virgil's second Eclogue:

"Formosum pastor Corydon ardebat Alexin."

10. _Thessalo victore_] Achilles, whose native country was Phthiotis in

Thessaly.

_ademptus Hector_] 'the loss of Hector.' This is from the Iliad (xxiv.

243):--

ῥηίτεροι γὰρ μᾶλλον Ἀχαιοῖσιν δὴ ἔσεσθε

κείνου τεθνηῶτος ἐναιρέμεν.

13. _Nescias an_] 'You cannot tell but,'--'You may well believe.' All

that follows, in this and the next stanza, is good-natured banter. See

Introd. As to the phrase 'nescio an,' 'I incline to think it is so,' see

Zumpt's Latin Grammar, §§ 354 and 721. On 'beati,' see C. i. 4. 14.

17. _Crede non illam_] 'Believe not that she whom thou lovest is of the

villanous herd.'

22. _Fuge_] The same as 'noli,'--'do not.'

23. _Cujus octavum_] See Introd.; and as to 'lustrum,' see C. ii. 15.

13, n.

ODE V.

This Ode professes to be a remonstrance with one who is courting a young

girl not yet come to womanhood.

Argument.--That girl is too young for a yoke-fellow; as yet, she is like

an unbroken heifer, or an unripe grape. She will come to thee of her own

accord, when she is a little older; then will she wax wanton, and seek a

mate, and thou wilt love her above coy Pholoe or Chloris or Gyges.

5. _Circa_] The Greeks use περί in this way, 'occupied with.'

7. _Solantis_] This is the poetical word for satisfying hunger or

thirst, as Virgil (Georg. i. 159): "Concussaque famem in silvis solabere

quercu."

12. _Purpureo varius colore_] 'Erelong, autumn with its varied hues will

dye the green grape with purple,' which means, that she will soon be

ripe for marriage, as the purple grape is for plucking.

13. _feror Aetas_] Time is compared to a wild horse, as in Ovid (Fast.

vi. 772): "fugiunt freno non remorante dies." The words that follow

mean, '_she_ will approach the flower of her age, as _you_ recede from

it'; which is expressed thus: 'the years which time takes from your

life, he will add to hers.' The way of speaking is like that of

Deianira, when, comparing her own age and attractions with those of her

rival, she says:--

ὁρῶ γὰρ ἥβην τὴν μὲν ἕρπουσαν πρόσω,

τὴν δ᾽ αὖ φθίνουσαν.

(Soph. Trach. v. 547, sqq.) It is also explained by those verses in the

Epistle to the Pisones:--

"Multa ferunt anni venientes commoda secum,

Multa recedentes adimunt."

(v. 175, sq.)

16. _Lalage_] This name is formed from λαλεῖν, "dulce loquentem" (C. i.

22. 24).

20. _Cnidiusve Gyges,_] This name, which is Lydian, Horace employs again

(C. iii. 7. 5). This boy is represented as a slave from Cnidus in Caria,

and he is said to be so beautiful that, if he were introduced at supper

among the girls, the cleverest of the company could not detect him.

'Discrimen obscurum' means a difference hard to see.

24. _ambiguoque vultu._] Ovid expresses the same ambiguity in the case

of Atalanta very elegantly (Met. viii. 322):--

"Talis erat cultus; facies quam dicere vere

Virgineam in puero puerilem in virgine possis."

Boys let their hair grow till they assumed the 'toga virilis,' about

their fifteenth year.

ODE VI.

Of Septimius, to whom this Ode is addressed, we know nothing, except

that he was an intimate friend of Horace's, as we gather also from the

letter of introduction he gave him to Tiberius (Epp. i. 9). He had a

house at Tarentum, where Horace probably paid him one or more visits.

Beyond this we know nothing of Septimius.

It was probably on or after a visit to Septimius, that Horace composed

the twenty-eighth Ode of the first book; and, probably, with the

attractions of Tarentum fresh in his mind, he wrote this Ode. He says

that, next to Tibur, it is the place where he would choose to end his

days. He says the same in Epp. i. 7. 45.

Argument.--Septimius, I would that I might end my days at Tibur, or, if

that be forbidden me, at Tarentum. Above all others I love that spot,

with its honey, its olives, its long spring, and mild winter, and grapes

on Mount Aulon. On that spot we ought to live together; and there thou

shouldst lay my bones, and weep over them.

1. _Septimi, Gades aditure mecum_] That is, 'who art ready to go with

me, if need be, to the ends of the earth.' See above C. 2. 10, n.

2. _Cantabrum indoctum_] At any time before B.C. 29, when the Cantabri

were first reduced, they could have been called by Horace 'indoctos juga

ferre nostra,' even though no attempt had been made to impose that yoke.

In 29 they were reduced to subjection; in 26 they broke out again, and

in the following year they were finally subdued, though an insurrection

had to be put down by Agrippa, some years afterwards (see C. iii. 8. 21;

iv. 14. 41. Epp. i. 12. 26). They were one of the fiercest of the

tribes of Hispania, and the last that submitted to the Romans. They

occupied a part of the north coast, between the mountains and the sea.

3. _Syrtes_] The modern Gulfs of Sydra and Gabis.

5. _Tibur_] Tibur (Tivoli), which was sixteen miles east of Rome, Horace

was in the habit of visiting (see C. iii. 4. 23. Epp. i. 7. 45). He here

expresses a great affection for it. Some suppose he had a house there,

which, as he nowhere mentions it, is improbable.

_Argeo--colono_] Catillus, or his brother Tiburtus (see C. i. 18. 2,

n.).

7. _Sit modus lasso_] 'Lasso' may be taken with 'maris,' etc. (as 'fessi

rerum,' Aen. i. 178), or absolutely, leaving the genitives to depend on

'modus': or the genitives may depend upon both. It is probable Horace is

only speaking generally, meaning that the weary need seek no happier

resting place than Tibur, or Tarentum.

10. _pellitis_] This word refers to the practice of covering the sheep

with skins, to preserve their wool. The Galæsus (Galaso) flowed through

the ager Tarentinus, which was rich in gardens and corn land, as well as

in pastures.

11. _regnata_] Similar passives are found in C. iii. 3. 43, "Medis

triumphatis"; iii. 19. 4, "Bella pugnata"; Epod. i. 23, "Bellum

militabitur"; S. ii. 5. 27, "Res certabitur". 'Regnata' occurs again in

C. iii. 29. 27; and Tacitus (Hist. i. 16) speaks of "gentes quae

regnantur." The word is not used by prose writers of an earlier age than

Tacitus. Phalanthus of Lacedæmon headed a body of youths, called from

the circumstances of their birth Partheniæ, in migrating from the

Peloponnesus into Italy, where they got possession of Tarentum.

15. _decedunt_] This word is used again in the same sense of 'giving

place to' in the second epistle of the second book, v. 213: "decede

peritis." The honey of Tarentum or Calabria (iii. 16. 33), and of

Matinum (iv. 2. 27) in Italy, of Hybla in Sicily, and of Hymettus in

Attica, are those Horace celebrates most. Venafrum (hod. Venafro) the

most northern town of Campania was celebrated above all places in Italy

for its olives. 'Venafro' is the dative case. See C. i. 1. 15, n.

18. _Aulon_] From the name, we may suppose this was a valley near

Tarentum. It gave excellent pasturage to sheep. 'Baccho' depends on

'amicus.'

21. _beatae--arces;_] Rich heights or hills near Tarentum. 'Arx' is akin

to ἕρκος, and signifies primarily a fortified place; and fortified

places being commonly on heights, 'arx,' in a derived sense, came to

mean a hill generally.

23. _favillam_] The practice of burning the dead was not general among

the Romans, till towards the end of the republic. Before that, they were

usually buried, though burning was known even in old times.

ODE VII.

Pompeius Varus was a companion of Horace's in the army of Brutus, and

fought at Philippi, after which it is probable he followed the fortunes

first of Sextus Pompeius and afterwards of M. Antonius, and did not

return to Rome till the civil war was over. This Ode was written on his

return, to welcome him.

Argument.--O Pompeius, my earliest friend and best, with whom I have

served and indulged, full many a day, who hath sent thee back to us, a

true citizen of Rome? We fought and fled together at Philippi, but while

I was carried off by Mercury, the wave drew thee back into the stormy

ocean again. Come, then, pay thy vows unto Jove, and lay thy weary limbs

under my laurel. Bring wine and ointment and garlands, choose a master

of the feast, for I will revel like any Thracian, for joy that my friend

hath returned.

1. _tempus in ultimum_] During the two years between his leaving Rome

and the battle of Philippi, Brutus went through many hard-fought battles

with the native tribes in Macedonia and in Asia Minor, as well as in

resisting the assumption of his province by C. Antonius, the triumvir's

brother, to whom the Senate had assigned it. 'Tempus in ultimum' does

not mean so much to the brink of the grave, as we should say, as into

extreme danger or need.

3. _redonavit Quiritem_] This word 'redonare' is peculiar to Horace. He

uses it again, C. iii. 3. 33. 'Quiritem' has particular force as

'unshorn of your citizenship.' He had not been 'capite deminutus.' See

Aesch. Eum. 757, Ἀργεῖος ἁνὴρ αὖθις. The singular 'Quiris' is not found

in prose-writers. It occurs again in Epp. i. 6. 7.

5. _prime sodalium,_] 'Prime' means 'earliest and best.' It is probable

that the days Horace enjoyed so much with his friend were spent at

Athens when they were both young students. The language does not seem to

suit a camp life, especially on such a service as the army of Brutus

went through. On 'fregi' see C. i. 1. 20, n.

8. _Malobathro_] Oil produced from an Indian shrub of that name. 'Syrio'

is only used in the same extended application in which Ovid uses

'Assyrium' (Amor. ii. 5. 40): "Maeonis Assyrium foemina tinxit ebur."

See C. ii. 11. 16.

9. _Philippos et celerem fugam_] 'the rout at Philippi.' We need not

take Horace too much at his word. He was not born for a soldier, any

more than his friend Iccius (C. i. 29); and he could afford to create a

laugh against himself as a ῥίψασπις, a coward who runs away and leaves

his shield behind him. He had in mind, no doubt, the misfortune that

befell Alcæus, as related by Herodotus (v. 95). See C. i. 32. 5, n.

There was nothing disgraceful in the flight from Philippi, which Brutus

advised and necessity compelled.

11. _minaces Turpe solum_] All that seems to be meant is, that the bold

were struck to the ground.

13. _Mercurius celer Denso--sustulit aëre;_] Poets were 'Mercuriales

viri' (C. ii. 17. 29). Horace refers his preservation directly to the

Muses in C. iii. 4. 26. He had in mind, no doubt, Paris's rescue by

Venus (Il. iii. 381), and Æneas's by Phœbus in a thick cloud (Il. v.

344. Aen. x. 81).

14. _Denso aëre_] 'a cloud.'

15. _resorbens Unda_] Like the wave that, just as the shipwrecked man is

struggling to shore, lifts him off his feet and throws him back again.

See Introd.

17. _obligatam_] The sacrifice (and feast that followed) which he had

vowed, or ought to have vowed if he had not, to Jove.

18. _Longaque--militia_] Pompeius had probably had no rest for more than

thirteen years, beginning with the wars of Brutus, A.U.C. 710, and

ending with the battle of Actium.

22. _Ciboria_] A drinking cup like the pod of an Egyptian bean, of which

this was the name. 'Funde' means 'pour upon your head.' 'Udo' is like

the Greek ὑγρῷ, 'supple.' Theocritus (vi. 68) calls it πολύγναμπτον

σέλινον.

23. _Unguenta de conchis._] The Romans used fragrant oils and ointments

for the hair and body in great quantities, especially at meals, when

slaves poured scents on their heads (see C. ii. 11. 15, n. S. ii. 7. 55.

Epp. i. 14. 32). 'Concha' was the name of a small liquid measure, but

it was also used for different shell-shaped vessels.

24. _Deproperare_] 'to prepare quickly.' 'De,' as in many other

instances, is intensive.

25. _Curatve myrto?_] Dillenbr. has given a variety of instances in

which the enclitics 'que,' 've,' 'ne' are added to a word other than

that which is to be coupled with the preceding word. There are two

examples close to each other in C. ii. 19. 28, 32. Dillenbr. says this

construction is adopted advisedly, to give force to the particular word

to which the enclitic is added, and to strengthen the connection. The

truth of this is more apparent in some other cases than in this; but it

is true, and worth observing.

_Venus_] This was the highest cast of the dice, as 'canis' was the

lowest. See Tacit. Ann. xiii. 15. As to 'arbitrum bibendi,' see above,

C. i. 4. 18. 'Dicet' is used in the same sense as by Virgil (Georg. iii.

125): "Quem legere ducem et pecori dixere maritum"; where Servius

explains 'dixere' by 'designavere.'

28. _furere_] See C. iii. 19. 18, "Insanire juvat"; Epp. i. 5. 15; both

being imitated from Pseudo-Anacreon, θέλω θέλω μανῆναι. The Edoni were a

people of Thrace (see C. i. 27. 2).

ODE VIII.

This Ode is probably an imitation from the Greek, or a fancy of the

poet's. It professes to be addressed to a faithless woman under the

barbarian name Barine, and complains that, in spite of all her perjury,

she continues more beautiful and captivating than ever.

Argument.--Barine, if I could see thee punished for thy false vows, I

might believe thee again. But the moment after thou hast forsworn

thyself, thou art lovelier and more bright than ever. Perjury, then, is

profitable; Venus and her train laugh at it. Fresh slaves follow thee,

and the old ones cannot leave thy roof; mothers, and stingy fathers, and

new-married brides, are afraid of thee.

1. _juris--pejerati_] Equivalent to 'perjurii.' This expression is not

found elsewhere. It is formed by analogy from 'jus jurandum.'

2. _nocuisset_] 'impaired your beauty.'

4. _Turpior_] 'plainer,' or 'less attractive.'

9. _opertos_] This word is not used elsewhere for 'sepultos.' There was

no more common oath than by the ashes of the dead, and the moon and

stars. The poet says it is worth while to swear falsely, if such is the

reward.

15. _Semper ardentes_] This seems to be taken from a picture. Moschus

(Id. i.) says of the weapons of love, πυρὶ πάντα βέβαπται. 'Semper'

belongs to 'ardentes.'

20. _Saepe minati_] 'Though they have often threatened it.'

21. _juvencis,_] This is used as the Greeks would say πώλοις.

22. _Senes parei_] The frugal fathers fear that Barine will lead their

sons into extravagance.

23. _Virgines_] Like 'puellae' (C. iii. 14. 10), this word does not

belong exclusively to maids.

_tua--Aura_] 'the breeze that sets them towards thee.' 'Popularis aura'

(C. iii. 2. 20) is used for the shifting breeze of popular opinion or

favor.

ODE IX.

C. Valgius Rufus was a poet of much merit, and appears to have been sad

for the loss of a young slave. At a time of public rejoicing (probably

at the closing of the temple of Janus, B.C. 24, after the Cantabri had

been put down by Augustus, C. ii. 6. 2, n.), Valgius is called upon (as

Tibullus was in C. i. 33) to cease from writing mournful verses on his

loss, and to turn his thoughts to the praises of Augustus.

Argument.--The rain does not always fall, nor the storms rage, nor the

frost continue for ever, Valgius. But _thou_ mournest for Mystes from

morning till night. Nestor did not always weep for Antilochus, nor his

parents and sisters for Troilus. Cease thy wailings, and let us sing of

the triumphs of Augustus.

3. _inaequales_] This epithet is equivalent to 'informes,' 'shapeless,'

which is a way of expressing anything that is rough (C. ii. 10. 15). See

C. i. 7. 15.

The table-lands of Armenia are intensely cold in winter, and covered

with snow and ice. The summers are hot and dry.

7. _Querceta_] The Apulian range Garganus (Monte Gargano) terminated in

the bold promontory of the same name, now called Punta di Viesti. It is

still clothed with woods, but the forests of Italy are not what they

were. See Epp. ii. 1. 202.

9, 10. _Tu--ademptum_] 'But _thou_ art ever dwelling in doleful strains

upon the loss of Mystes.'

12. _rapidum_] Any one who has watched the rising of the sun in a

cloudless horizon will understand this epithet.

13. _ter aevo functus_] 'who had thrice completed the (usual) age of

man.' Cic. (de Senectut. c. 10) says, "Nestor tertiam jam aetatem

hominum vivebat." The foundation for the story is found in Homer (Il. i.

250):--

ἤδη δύο μὲν γενεαὶ μερόπων ἀνθρώπων

ἐφθίατο--μετὰ δὲ τριτάτοισιν ἄνασσεν.

The duration of an age cannot now be determined.

14. _Antilochum_] Antilochus, the son of Nestor and friend of Achilles,

was killed by Memnon (Odyss. iv. 188). He was famed for his beauty and

manliness, as well as for his filial piety.

16. _Troïlon_] The death of Troilus, son of Priam and Hecuba, who was

killed by Achilles, is related by Virgil (Aen. i. 474), following, not

Homer, but some of the Cyclic poets (see A. P. 136, n.), the event

having taken place before the time at which the Iliad opens. His sisters

were Creusa, Polyxena, Laodice, and Cassandra.

17. _Desine mollium_] A Greek construction, as 'abstineto irarum' (C.

iii. 27. 69), 'abstinens pecuniae' (iv. 9. 37). Virgil too (Aen. x. 441)

takes the same license, 'tempus desistere pugnae.' 'Damnatus laboris'

(C. ii. 14. 19), 'decipitur laborum' (C. ii. 13. 38), 'Ciceris invidit'

(S. ii. 6. 84), are other constructions with the genitive borrowed from

the Greek.

20. _rigidum Niphaten,_] Niphates was a mountain range east of the

Tigris. The name means the snow-mountain. Perhaps a part of it may have

been covered with perpetual snow. The arms of Augustus were first

carried into Armenia in B.C. 20 (Epp. i. 3, Int.); we must therefore

suppose Horace to be speaking of conquests to come, as he does in C. i.

12. 53, sqq.

21. _Medumque flumen_] The Euphrates. 'Flumen' is the subject of

'volvere,' which verb depends on 'Cantemus' (v. 19).

22. _vertices,_] 'Vertex' is perhaps the right word, not 'vortex,' as it

is generally spelt when applied to water. Quintilian explains how

'vertex' passed into its applied meanings thus: "Vertex est contorta in

se aqua, vel quicquid aliud similiter vertitur. Inde propter flexum

capillorum pars est summa capitis, et ex hoc quod est in montibus

eminentissimum. Recte inquam dixeris haec omnia vertices; proprie tamen,

unde initium est" (viii. 2).

23. _Gelonos_] This was one of the tribes on the north bank of the

Danube. 'Intra praescriptum' means within limits that Cæsar should

prescribe them.

ODE X.

Licinius Murena, or A. Terentius Varro Murena, as he was called after

his adoption by A. Terentius Varro, was apparently a man of restless and

ambitious character, and, as we have seen, paid the penalty of his

rashness with his life (C. ii. 2. 5). It is very probable that Horace

wrote this Ode to his friend to warn him of the tendencies of his

disposition, and to recommend to him the virtue of moderation. All else

that we learn from Horace's poems respecting Murena is, that he was of

the college of augurs (C. iii. 19), and that he had a house at Formiæ,

where he received Mæcenas and his party on their way to Brundisium (S.

i. 5. 37, sq.).

Argument.--The way to live, Licinius, is neither rashly to tempt nor

cowardly to fear the storm. The golden mean secures a man at once from

the pinching of poverty and the envy of wealth. The loftiest objects

fall soonest and most heavily. In adversity or prosperity the wise man

looks for change. Storms come and go. Bad times will not continue for

ever. Apollo handles the lyre, as well as the bow. In adversity show

thyself brave, in prosperity take in sail.

5. _Auream quisquis_] 'Whoso loves the golden mean (between poverty and

immense riches), is safe and free from the squalor of a crazy roof, is

sober and free from the envy of a palace.'

6. _obsoleti_] That which has gone out of use, therefore, old and

decayed. This word has various applications.

9-12. _ingens--celsae--summos_] These words are emphatic. 'It is the

_lofty_ pine that is oftenest shaken by the winds,' and so forth.

Translate 'summos montes' 'the _tops_ of mountains.'

14. _Alteram sortem_] The object of 'metuit' and 'sperat.'

15. _Informes hiemes_] This epithet is like 'inaequales' in the last

Ode, 'rough,' 'uncouth.' Compare C. iii. 29. 43:--

"Cras vel atra

Nube polum Pater occupato

Vel sole puro."

17. _olim Sic erit: quondam cithara_] 'Olim,' being derived from the

demonstrative pronoun 'illo,' of which the older form is 'ōlo,' or

'ollo,' and which only indicates the remoter object, signifies some time

more or less distant, either in the past or future. So likewise

'quondam,' which is akin to 'quum,' an adverb relating to all parts of

time, signifies any time not present. Translate here, 'at times.'

Apollo is almost always represented with a bow and arrows, or a lyre, or

both. Homer has many epithets describing him with his bow. The ancients

believed him to be the punisher of the wicked and the author of all

sudden deaths among men, as Diana (Artemis) was among women. He was the

god of music, but got his lyre from Mercury (C. i. 21. 12, n).

22. _idem_] 'and yet you.'

23, 24. _Contrahes--vela._] The order is 'Contrahes vela nimium Turgida

secundo vento.'

ODE XI.

This Ode is addressed to one Hirpinus, who, if a real person, is quite

unknown. The poet bids him cease to trouble himself about distant

nations, and put away care, since old age is approaching.

Argument.--Never mind what distant nations are about, nor trouble

thyself for the wants of life, which needs but little: youth is going,

and age approaching: the flowers and the moon are not always bright: why

worry thyself for ever? Let us drink under the shade of yonder tree. Mix

wine, boy, and bring Lyde to sing to us.

1. _Quid bellicosus_] As to the Cantabri, see above, 6. 2, and for the

Scythians, i. 19. 10. The description of the Scythian, separated from

Italy by the Hadriatic, is not geographically accurate, but Horace does

not mean to be very definite (see Introduction).

2. _Hirpine Quinti,_] The names are inverted, as in C. ii. 2. 3, "Crispe

Sallusti."

3. _remittas_] 'Remitto' has the sense of deferring, here and in other

places (as, C. iv. 4. 21, "quaerere distuli").

4. _trepides_] This word, the root or stem of which is 'trep' (τρέπω),

signifies to hurry hither and thither. Hence to be eager or anxious, as

here and elsewhere. 'Usum aevi' means the wants of life. 'Be not anxious

for the wants of a life that asks but little': as Goldsmith says,

"Man wants but little here below,

Nor wants that little long."

6. _Levis_] 'smooth,' 'beardless.'

10. _rubens_] This word is not commonly used to express the brilliancy

of the moon. It has many different applications, as to the moon (here),

to the ripe yellow corn, to the golden waters of Pactolus, to the green

fields in spring (Virg. Georg. iv. 306).

11. _minorem_] This, like ἥσσων, signifies 'the victim of' or 'a slave

to,' as we should say.

14. _sic temere_] 'Sic' has a force of its own, signifying 'carelessly,'

'just as we please.' The Greek οὕτως, has the same force.

15. _Canos_] Horace, or his friend, or both, had gray hair. He describes

himself as prematurely gray, in Epp. i. 20. 24. As to 'odorati,' see

above, 7. 22, n.

16. _Assyriaque nardo_] It was not only the poets that confounded Syria

and Assyria. Cicero (in Verr. ii. 3. 33) speaks of "reges Persarum ac

Syrorum," for the kings of Persia and Assyria. See also Pliny (N. H. v.

12). Horace uses 'Syrio' for an Indian commodity (above, C. 7. 8),

"Malobathro Syrio"; and 'Assyrii' for the coast of Syria (C. iii. 4.

32), and 'Assyrius' for any Eastern person (A. P. 118), "Colchus an

Assyrius." This confusion is easily accounted for by the title of that

great division of Alexander's empire, which embraced the whole of Asia

under the dominion of a Syrian monarch.

18. _Quis puer_] He imagines himself at the banquet, and calling to the

slaves to bring wine, which the Romans usually drank mixed with water.

See C. iii. 19. 11, n.

19. _Restinguet_] 'will temper,' or 'dilute.'

21. _devium_] One who lives out of the way, as (Ov., Heroid. ii. 118)

"Et cecinit maestum devia carmen avis." 'Fidicinae' and 'tibicinae,'

women who played upon the lyre or the flute, were employed at dinners to

entertain the company.

23. _in comptum_] 'In comptum nodum' signifies 'into a plain knot,'

without ornament, such as the Lacedæmonian women wore.

ODE XII.

This Ode is addressed to Mæcenas, and, from the language of it, we might

suppose he had asked Horace to write something on a higher subject than

he was accustomed to. Horace tells him that his lyre is not suited to

wars and triumphs, but he loves to sing of the beauty of Licymnia, under

which name it is supposed he means Terentia, the wife of Mæcenas. They

may at this time have been lately married, but they did not long

continue to live happily.

Argument.--Do not ask me with my soft lyre to sing of bloody wars, of

centaurs, and of giants: as for the triumphs of Cæsar, Mæcenas, thou

couldst tell them better in prose than I can in verse. My task is to

sing of the beauty and faithfulness of Licymnia, who graces the dance

and sports with the damsels on Diana's holiday. Wouldst thou, for all

the wealth of Persia, Phrygia, and Arabia, give a lock of Licymnia's

hair, or one of her kisses?

1. _Numantiae,_] The siege of Numantia, in Spain, by the Romans, lasted,

like that of Troy, for ten years, when it was finished by Scipio

Africanus Minor, who took the city B.C. 133. The bravery with which the

Numantines behaved earned them from their enemies the title 'feri,'

'savage.'

2. _dirum Hannibalem,_] This epithet is found three times in this

connection. See C. iii. 6. 36; iv. 4. 42.

_Siculum mare_] Alluding to the naval victories of Duilius, Metellus,

and Lutatius Catulus, in the first Punic war (see C. iii. 6. 34).

5. _nimium mero_] This use of 'nimium' is common in Tacitus, who also

uses it with a genitive, as (Hist. iii. 75), "nimius sermonis erat."

Hylæus was a centaur. As to the Lapithæ, see C. i. 18. 8.

7. _Telluris juvenes,_] The Gigantes, who were called γηγενεῖς,

'earth-born,' made war upon Zeus, and were destroyed by him with the

help of Hercules, and the bow and arrows given him by Apollo. Horace

gives Bacchus the credit of their defeat in C. ii. 19. 21, sqq., and

Pallas in C. iii. 4. 57, where Hercules is not mentioned.

_unde_] See C. i. 12. 17.

9. _tuque pedestribus_] 'But you, rather, in prose,' and so forth. The

conjunction couples this part of the Ode with the preceding, not with

what follows. 'Que,' after negative sentences, has a qualified

adversative sense, as, among other instances (C. ii. 20. 3):--

"Neque in terris morabor

Longius, invidiaque major

Urbes relinquam."

So τε often follows οὔτε, the fact being that every negative proposition

may be resolved into an affirmative with a negation. Here the connection

is between 'nobis' and 'dices.' Mæcenas was an author, though probably

an indifferent one; and Horace may have put off his request that he

should write a poetical account of Augustus's achievements, by

suggesting that he should write one in prose. It does not follow that

Mæcenas ever wrote, or that Horace ever seriously intended to advise his

writing. 'Pedestribus' is an adaptation of the Greek πεζὸς λόγος for

'prose,' or 'soluta oratio,' which latter was the usual expression for

prose in Horace's time. He uses the word 'pedester' again twice to

express a plain style of speech but not for prose as opposed to poetry

(S. ii. 6. 17, and A. P. 95). Quintilian uses the word, but expressly as

a Grecism. The word 'prosa' or 'prorsa,' as its correct form appears to

be, is of later use than the age of Augustus.

11. _ductaque per vias_] This appears to refer to the the triumphs of

Augustus noticed in C. i. 2. 49. See also C. iv. 2. 35, n. Epod. vii. 7.

12. _Regum colla minacium._] The same as 'reges minaces.' Their necks

are mentioned in allusion to their humbled pride.

13. _dominae_] If by Licymnia is meant Terentia (see Introduction),

'dominae' may stand for wife, as in Virg. (Aen. vi. 397): "Hi Ditis

dominam thalamo deducere adorti."

14. _lucidum Fulgentes_] The neuter adjective performs in this and like

cases the office of an adverb, which is very common in all languages.

15. _bene mutuis_] 'her faithful heart full of love happy and mutual'

(see Introduction).

18. _certare joco_] 'to engage in a contest of wit.'

19. _nitidis_] 'in festive garb.'

20. _Dianae celebris die._] Her festival was held on the ides of August.

The dances at her festival were led by ladies of rank (see C. iv. 6. 31.

A. P. 232). 'Choris' appear to be private, as opposed to the sacred

dances. Dancing was not unusual in private society at this time, even

among ladies. Therefore it was not degrading to Terentia, who was

probably fond of this amusement. Other words used with 'brachia,' to

express dancing, are 'jactare,' 'deducere,' 'ducere,' 'mittere,'

'movere.' The graceful motion of the arms seems to have been one of the

chief attractions in dancing, as it is still, wherever it is practised

as an art.

The expression 'ferre pedem' is used by Virgil (Georg. i. 11), and

'ludere' (Ec. vi. 27). 'Dianae celebris die' is the day on which the

temple of Diana was crowded with worshippers. 'Celebris' and 'creber'

are the same word under different forms.

21. _dives Achaemenes,_] Achæmenes was the great-grandfather of Cyrus,

the founder of the Persian monarchy, and the Achæmenid dynasty of

Persian kings, of which were Darius and Xerxes, took its name from him.

His name is used here loosely for those kings, but he was not a king

himself, though of a noble family. See C. iii. 1. 44. Epod. xiii. 8.

22. _Phrygiae Mygdonias opes_] See C. iii. 16. 41, n.

23. _Permutare_] See C. i. 17. 2, n. 'Crine' here means a lock of hair.

26. _facili saevitia_] 'with complying cruelty'; that is, a cruelty that

is only pretended and is easily overcome.

27. _poscente magis_] 'more than thou who askest them.' 'Occupare' has

the force of φθάνειν, 'to be beforehand,' 'to anticipate,'--'sometimes

she is the first to snatch.'

ODE XIII.

It is impossible to say with certainty when the accident happened which

is referred to in this Ode, but there are reasons for supposing it was

when Horace was about forty years old, B.C. 25 or 26. It appears that a

tree on his farm fell and nearly struck him. In this Ode he describes

the danger he had escaped, and abuses the tree and the man who planted

it. A year afterwards, we find him celebrating the anniversary of his

escape with a sacrifice to Liber (C. iii. 8. 6), and in the 17th Ode of

this book (v. 32) he speaks of offering a lamb to Faunus for his

preservation.

The latter part of the Ode is a remarkable instance of Horace's way of

digressing into subjects only remotely connected with his principal

theme. In speaking of his escape, he is led into a description of the

company he should have been brought into if he had been sent so suddenly

to Hades, dwelling particularly on Alcæus and Sappho, and the power of

their music over the spirits of the dead.

Argument.--Whoever planted thee, thou tree, did so on an evil day, and

with impious hand he reared thee. Parricide, guest-murder,--there is no

crime he would not commit. No one can provide against all dangers. The

sailor fears the sea, and nothing else; the soldier fears his enemy

alone; but death comes often from an unexpected source. How nearly was I

sent to the regions below, where all the shades wonder, Cerberus

listens, the Furies are charmed, and the damned suspend their labors,

while Sappho and Alcæus sing.

1. _nefasto_] A 'dies nefastus' was properly one on which, the day being

dedicated to religion, it was not lawful for the prætor to hold his

court. Ovid thus defines 'dies fasti' and 'nefasti' (Fast. i. 47):--

"Ille nefastus erit per quem tria verba silentur;

Fastus erit per quem lege licebit agi";

where the three words alluded to are said to be 'do,' 'dico,' 'addico,'

all of them familiar and of common occurrence in Roman civil procedure.

Hence the name, which is compounded of 'ne' and 'fari.' And because no

secular work but what was necessary could prosper on the days called

'nefasti,' all unlucky days came to bear that name as here, and the word

was thence applied to express all that was bad, as C. i. 35. 35. The

words may be rendered, "he not only planted thee on an evil day (whoever

it was that first planted thee), but with impious hand reared thee." The

'pagus' was Mandela, in a valley of the Sabine hills, where Horace had

his farm.

6. _Fregisse cervicem_] This is the ordinary phrase for strangulation.

It occurs again Epod. iii. 2. The force of 'penetralia' is, that in the

inner part of the house the images of the Penates and the hearth of

Vesta were placed, where, if anywhere, the person of a guest should be

sacred.

10. _Tractavit,_] This word is sufficient for both substantives. There

is no necessity for supplying 'patravit' for 'nefas,' as Orelli says.

The word 'tractare' is widely applied.

11. _caducum_] This word signifies 'falling' (iii. 4. 44), 'fallen,' or

'ready to fall.' More generally the last, as here. Virgil has (Aen. vi.

481): "Hic multum fleti ad superos belloque caduci Dardanidae"; where it

means 'fallen.'

14. _in horus_] 'from hour to hour.'

_Bosporum_] The form of the Greek βοῦς πόρος requires that the name

should be written thus, and not Bosphorum, as it is often spelt. The

Phœnicians were proverbial as sailors, and the name is so used here.

17. _celerem fugam_] C. i. 19. 11, n. The defeat of Crassus by the

Parthians, B.C. 55, and of M. Antonius, B.C. 36, left a deep and long

impression on the Romans.

18, 19. _catenas--et Italum Robur;_] 'the bonds and the prowess of the

Roman.' Among the things which the Roman soldier carried to battle with

him (an axe, a saw, &c.) was a chain to secure any prisoner he might

take. To this Horace probably refers in 'catenas,' and below in C. iii.

8. 22.

21. _furvae regna Proserpinae_] 'Furvus' is an old word signifying

'dark,' and is not different from 'fulvus,' except in usage. It is much

used in connection with the infernal deities and their rites. From the

same root Festus derives 'furiae,' 'fuligo,' and other words of the same

kind. The first syllable in Proserpina is usually long in other writers.

23. _Sedesque discretas piorum_] According to the notions of the ancient

poets, the great divisions of Orcus were three: 1st, Erebus, the region

of darkness and mourning, but not of torment, which lay on the banks of

the Styx, and extended thence over a considerable tract towards the

other two; 2d, Tartarus, the place of punishment; and 3d, Elysium, the

place of happiness. In the first of these Minos presided, in the second

Rhadamanthus, and in the third, Æacus. In the Homeric times Elysium was

upon earth in the μακάρων νῆσοι. See Odyss. iv. 563, and the Schol.

thereon, and C. iv. 8. 25.

24. _querentem Sappho puellis de popularibus,_] Some of Sappho's poetry,

of which fragments remain, is addressed to her young female friends, and

complains with jealousy of their transferring their affections to

others. Horace alludes to this. The Æolians settled in Lesbos, Sappho's

native island (C. i. 1. 34), wherefore her lyre is called Æolian.

26. _plenius_] 'in grander strains.'

27. _Alcaee, plectro dura navis,_] See C. i. 32. 6, n. The 'plectrum'

(πλῆκτρον) was a small stick (gilt or ivory or plain wood) with which

the strings of the lyre were sometimes struck, instead of with the

fingers.

29. _sacro--silentio_] 'Strains worthy of profound (religious) silence.'

30. _Mirantur--dicere;_] 'Admire them both, as they sing'; a Grecism for

'mirantur dicentes.' 'Magis' modifies 'bibit.'

32. _Densum humeris_] This is rather an unusual expression for 'crowded

together.'

33. _carminibus_] This is the ablative case, as (S. i. 4. 28) "Stupet

Albius aere"; (S. ii. 7. 95) "Vel quum Pausiaca torpes, insane,

tabella."

34. _centiceps_] Elsewhere Horace represents Cerberus with three heads,

C. ii. 19. 31, and C. iii. 11. 20; in the latter of which places, which

greatly resembles this and should be compared with it, he describes him

with a hundred snakes guarding his head. Hesiod represents him with

fifty heads, but three is the more usual account.

35. _intorti_] 'Anguis' is more commonly feminine than masculine.

36. _Eumenidum_] This name was given to the Erinnyes, as one of better

omen than the other names which they bore. It signifies 'the

kind-hearted' (εὖ μένος, 'mens'). From Æschylus downwards they were

represented in horrid forms and with snakes in their hair, as here. The

Romans called them 'Furiae,' and, like the later Greeks, confined their

number to three, whose names were Alecto, Megæra, and Tisiphone. See C.

i. 28. 17, n.

37. _Quin et_] 'moreover,' or 'nay, even.' 'Quin' represents 'qui' with

a negative particle affixed, and is strictly an interrogative, 'why

not?' or 'how should it not be so?' but like οὐκοῦν it is used in direct

affirmations, as here and in many other places. As to the punishments of

Prometheus and Tantalus, see Epod. xvii. 65, sq. Orion the hunter is

mentioned below, C. iii. 4. 71.

38. _laborum decipitur_] See ii. 9. 17, n. 'Is beguiled of his

sufferings.'

40. _lyncas._] Elsewhere this word is only used in the feminine gender.

Homer represents the heroes as following in Elysium the favorite

pursuits of their lives on the earth. See Odyss. xi. 571, sqq. and

Virgil, Aen. vi. 651, sqq.

ODE XIV.

Who Postumus was, or whether it is a real name, is uncertain. The

subject of the Ode is the certainty of death, and it ends with a hint

upon the folly of hoarding.

Argument.--Time is slipping away, Postumus, and piety will not retard

the approach of age or death. No sacrifices will propitiate Pluto, who

keeps even the giants Geryon and Tityos beyond that stream which all

must cross, even though we expose not ourselves to the dangers of war,

the sea, and climate. Thou must leave home, wife, and all thou hast, and

thine heir will squander what thou hast hoarded.

1. _fugaces_] 'fleeting.'

4. _indomitae_] The Greek ἀδάμαστος.

5. _trecenis quotquot eunt dies_] 'three hundred every day.'

6. _illacrimabilem_] Here this word is used in an active sense. It is

used passively in C. iv. 9. 26: "Omnes illacrimabiles urgentur." See

note on C. i. 3. 32. Compare "Orcus--non exorabilis auro" (Epp. ii. 2.

178).

7. _ter amplum_] 'Ter' expresses the triple form of the monster, "forma

tricorporis umbrae" (Aen. vi. 289). He was a mythical king of the island

Erytheia (Gades), slain by Hercules (C. iii. 14. 1). Tityos was a giant

who, for attempting to violate the goddess Artemis, was killed by Apollo

and cast into Tartarus, where vultures devoured his liver (C. iii. 4.

77; iv. 6. 2).

8. _tristi Compescit unda,_] This is Virgil's description (Aen. vi.

438),--

"Tristique palus inamabilis unda

Alligat et novies Styx interfusa coercet,"--

which is repeated from Georg. iv. 479. Sophocles (Electra, 137) calls it

πάγκοινον λίμναν.

9. _scilicet_] This is in reality a verb, 'you may know,' 'you may be

sure.' It is used as an adverb, 'assuredly,' sometimes in a serious

sense (as here), sometimes in an ironical.

10. _Quicunque terrae munere vescimur,_] This expresses the words of

Homer, ὃς θνητός τ᾽ εἴη καὶ ἔδοι Δημήτερος ἀκτήν (Il. xiii. 322), οἳ

ἀρούρης καρπὸν ἔδουσι (Il. vi. 142).

11. _reges_] This is Horace's usual word for the rich, as observed on C.

i. 4. 14. 'Colonus' was the lessee of a farm, the owner of which was

called 'dominus' in respect to that property. 'Reges,' therefore, are

'domini.' A 'colonus' might be rich and the tenant of a large farm; but

Horace refers to the poorer sort here and in C. i. 35. 6. 'Inops' he

uses sometimes in an extreme, sometimes in a qualified sense of want,

but more generally the latter, as he does 'pauper,' C. i. 1. 18, n. The

opposition is between high and low, and the difference is one of

position, as in the third Ode of this book (v. 21, sqq.). "The small and

great are there, and the servant is free from his master." (Job iii.

19.) This seems to express Horace's meaning.

15. _Frustra per auctumnos nocentem_] See S. ii. 6. 18, n. With

'nocentem' connect 'Corporibus.'

18. _Cocytos_] This was the name of a tributary of the river Acheron in

Thesprotia, a part of Epirus. For some reason, these rivers came to be

placed in Tartarus, and the Styx was added to them as a third. The

language of the text expresses very well the character an infernal

stream might be expected to wear.

_Danai genus_] 'the family (or children) of Danaus.' The punishment of

the fifty daughters of Danaus is referred to in C. iii. 11.

19. _damnatusque longi_] 'condemned to an endless task.' This follows

the Greek construction, καταγνωσθεὶς πόνου, as observed C. ii. 9. 17, n.

20. _Sisyphus Aeolides_] Homer too calls him Σίσυφος Αἰολίδης, and says

he was κέρδιστος ἀνδρῶν, 'the most gain-seeking of men' (Il. vi. 153)

and Horace calls him 'vafer,' S. ii. 3. 21. His punishment ('longus

labor') was to roll a stone up a hill, down which it always rolled again

when it was near the top. (See Epod. xvii. 68.) The cause of this

punishment was variously stated in different legends.

23. _invisas cupressos_] He calls them 'funebres' in Epod. v. 18. The

cypress was commonly planted by tombs.

24. _brevem_] 'Brevis,' is nowhere else used in this sense of

'short-lived.' It corresponds to ὀλιγοχρόνιος and μινυνθάδιος. With this

passage compare C. ii. 3. 17, sqq.

25. _Caecuba_] See C. i. 20. 9, n.

_dignior_] This is ironical; the heir would at least know that wealth

was made to spend, and so would be a worthier possessor than the man who

had hoarded it.

27. _superbo_] The pride of the heir is transferred to the wine. Cicero

(Phil. ii. 41) says, "natabant pavimenta mero, madebant parietes." On

the pontifical feastings, see C. i. 37. 2, n. As to 'pavimenta,' see

notes on S. ii. 4. 83. Epp. i. 10. 19.

ODE XV.

When Augustus had brought the civil wars to an end B.C. 29, he applied

himself to the reformation of manners, and Horace probably wrote this

and other Odes (ii. 18, iii. 1-6) to promote the reforms of Augustus,

perhaps by his desire, or that of Mæcenas. They should be read together,

and with C. i. 2. From the reference to the temples in the last stanza,

it may be assumed perhaps that this Ode and the sixth of the third book

were written about the same time, that is, B.C. 28, when Augustus set

himself particularly to restore the public buildings, which had fallen

into neglect during the civil wars.

Augustus passed several sumptuary laws to keep down the expensive habits

of the rich citizens, regulating in particular the cost of festivals and

banquets. But they soon fell into disuse and contempt, as Tiberius,

writing to the Senate fifty years afterwards, declared: "Tot a majoribus

refertae leges, tot quas divus Augustus tulit, illae oblivione, hae,

quod flagitiosius est, contemptu abolitae securiorem luxum fecere."

(Tac. Ann. iii. 54). Horace in this Ode complains that the rich are

wasting their means on fine houses and luxurious living, contrary to the

example of their forefathers, who were content to live in huts while

they built handsome temples for the gods.

Argument.--The rich man's palaces and flower-gardens and ponds are

occupying all our once fertile land. This was not the way of our

ancestors, who had but little while the state was rich, who dwelt in no

spacious houses, whom the law bade content themselves with a turf-roofed

cottage, and beautify the towns and temples with marble.

1. _Jam pauca aratro_] Tiberius (see Introduction) complained to the

Senate that Rome was entirely dependent on the provinces for her corn,

and was at the mercy of the winds and waves, which might at any time cut

off the supply and reduce the citizens to live on their ornamental woods

and country-houses. (Compare Sall. Bell. Cat. 13.) 'Regiae' is used in

the same way as 'rex' elsewhere (see C. i. 4. 14). 'Regal piles' are

the enormous villas of the rich. 'Jam' means 'soon.'

2. _undique latius_] Cicero (ad Att. i. 18, 19, 20) complains that some

of his contemporaries ('piscinarii' he calls them) were so devoted to

their fish-ponds ('stagna'), that they cared more for them than for all

the interests of the state, as if this might fall and they still keep

their playthings: "Ita sunt stulti ut amissa republica piscinas suas

fore salvas sperare videantur" (18). Elsewhere he calls them 'piscinarum

Tritones' (ii. 9). As to the 'lacus Lucrinus,' see A. P. 63, n.

5. _tum violaria_] This is opposed to 'tum laurea' (v. 9).

6. _Myrtus_] This word is of two declensions. So likewise are 'quercus,'

'laurus,' 'pinus,' 'cornus,' 'ficus.'

_omnis copia narium_] 'Every abundance of sweet smells.' 'Narium' is put

for the perfumes of flowers. It is not so used elsewhere.

10. _ictus._] 'Ictus' is used by other poets besides Horace for the

fierce rays of the sun. See Ovid, Met. v. 389. Lucretius, ii. 808.

11. _intonsi_] This is equivalent to 'antiqui.' 'Catonis' is M. Porcius

Cato, called the Censor from the stern way in which he executed the

duties of that office, B.C. 184, doing all he could to put down

luxurious and expensive habits.

12. _Auspiciis_] 'Example.'

13. _census_] A man's property was called his 'census' because it was

rated by the censors once in five years, and the period was called a

'lustrum,' because, when this duty was finished, the censors performed a

lustration, or sacrifice of atonement for the city.

14. _nulla decempedis_] 'Privatis' agrees with 'decempedis.' Horace

complains that the private houses of his day had verandahs ('porticus')

so large as to be measured by a ten-foot rule. Here they dined in the

hot weather, and caught the cool breezes of the north. This practice was

called 'coenatio ad Boream.' 'Opacam excipiebat Arcton' is like Virgil's

'Frigus captabis opacum' (Ec. i. 53), where 'the shady coolness' means

'the coolness caused by the shade': and 'opacam Arcton' combines the

notions of the north wind and the coolness of the shady side of the

house, which was the north side. 'Metata' is again used passively in S.

ii. 2. 114, but no other writer so uses the word.

17. _Fortuitum caespitem_] 'The turf that lies at hand,' and so,

'cheap.' This means cottages roofed with turf, as Virgil says (Ec. i.

69), "tuguri congestum culmine caespes." 'Fortuitum' is equivalent to

τὸν τυχόντα. Horace alludes to the ruined state of the temples in C. ii.

18. 2.

ODE XVI.

The person to whom this Ode is addressed, Pompeius Grosphus, is said to

have been of the equestrian order. He was possessed of large property in

Sicily, of which island he was probably a native. On his return, Horace

gave him a letter of introduction to his friend Iccius (Epp. i. 12), in

which he speaks highly of his worth. He is not to be confounded with the

Pompeius of C. ii. 7 (Introduction). He appears, from the latter part of

the Ode, to have been in Sicily when it was written. Perhaps he had

written Horace a letter which called up the particular train of thought

that runs through the Ode, or had qualities which made it applicable to

him. The object of the Ode is to reprove the craving for happiness which

has been bestowed upon others.

Argument.--The sailor and the savage warrior alike pray for rest, but

wealth cannot buy it. Riches and power cannot remove care from the

dwelling. The humble alone are free. Why do we aim at so much happiness

in this short life, and run away from home? We cannot fly from ourselves

and care. We should be cheerful for the present, and not expect perfect

happiness. One man lives many days, another has few. I may have

opportunities of happiness which are denied to thee; and yet thou hast

ample possessions, and I but a humble farm, a breath of the Grecian

Muse, and a contempt for the vulgar.

2. _Prensus Aegaeo,_] 'Deprensus' ('overtaken,' 'caught') was a nautical

term for a ship overtaken by a storm. The storms of the Ægean are

mentioned C. iii. 29. 63. 'Simul' is the same as 'simul ac.'

3. _certa fulgent_] 'shine distinctly.'

5. _Thrace_] For 'Thracia.' See C. iii. 15. 2, n.

10. _Summovet_] This is the proper word to express the lictor's duty of

clearing the way. The lictor is called 'consularis,' because the consuls

were attended by these officers, as were other high magistrates. As to

'laqueata,' see S. ii. 3. 273, n.

14. _salinum,_] See note on S. i. 3. 13. 'Cupido,' when it refers to the

love of money, is always masculine in Horace.

17. _jaculamur_] See C. i. 2. 3, n.

18, 19. _Quid--mutamus_] 'Why do we seek in exchange' for our own?

_Patriae--exsul_] This is another Grecism, πατρίδος φυγάς. Ovid uses the

same construction (Met. ix. 409): "Exsul mentisque domusque."

21. _Scandit aeratas_] See C. iii. 1. 37, n. 'Vitiosa' may be rendered

'morbid,' arising from a diseased state of mind. 'Æratas' is

'brazen-beaked.' Like sentiments are found in S. ii. 7. 111-115. Epp. i.

11. 25, sqq.; 14. 12, sq.

25. _quod ultra est_] 'what lies beyond'; that is, 'the future.'

26. _Oderit_] This is a strong way of expressing 'nolit,' 'refuse,'

'avoid.'

29. _cita mors_] See C. iv. 6. 4, n. He was destined to an early death,

and therefore calls himself μινυνθάδιος (Il. i. 352).

30. _Tithonum_] Eos (Aurora) obtained for her husband Tithonus the gift

of immortality, of which, when old age became too great a burden, he

repented, and was taken by her to heaven (see C. i. 28. 8).

31. _Et mihi_] 'and perhaps to me Time shall give some blessing he

denies to thee.' He then goes on to compare their respective gifts and

means to say that he is as satisfied with his humble condition as

Grosphus should be with his riches.

33. _Siculae_] See Introduction.

35. _equa,_] Mares rather than horses were used for racing. Virg. Georg.

i. 59: "Eliadum palmas Epiros equarum." As to 'quadriga,' see Epp. i.

11. 29, n.

_bis Afro Murice tinctae_] These garments were called δίβαφα; compare

Epod. xii. 21: "Muricibus Tyriis iteratae vellera lanae." The purple

dyes most prized were the Tyrian, the Sidonian (Epp. i. 10. 26), the

Laconian (C. ii. 18. 8), and African (Epp. ii. 2. 181). The garment dyed

with this color was the lacerna, an outer cloak worn over the toga. It

was very costly. What these garments gained in appearance by their dye,

they lost in savor; for Martial reckons among the worst smelling objects

"bis murice vellus inquinatum."

38. _Spiritum Graiae tenuem Camenae_] 'A slight breath of the Grecian

Muse,' which is a modest way of describing his talents as a follower of

the lyric poets of Greece.

39. _Parca non mendax_] Elsewhere he addresses the Parcae as 'veraces'

(C. S. 25). The Parcae, who correspond to the Greek Μοῖραι, were

goddesses, whose office it was to execute the decrees of Jove ('fata'),

which therefore they knew, and were said sometimes to reveal. They

attended men at their birth, and foretold their character and fortunes,

and so Horace says Parca gave him the gifts he mentions. The original

conception, which Homer adopts, supposed but one Μοῖρα, and Horace uses

the singular number. But according to the later notions there were

three. See next Ode, v. 16.

_malignum_] 'spiteful,' which Horace says feelingly, for he had suffered

from their malice.

ODE XVII.

The last two lines of this Ode, showing that Horace had not yet paid the

sacrifice he had vowed to Faunus for his preservation from death, makes

it most probable that it was written not long after C. 13 of this book,

B.C. 25 or 26. In the same year Mæcenas appears to have recovered from a

fever, and to have been received with applause in the theatre on his

first appearance after his illness (C. i. 20. 3). But his recovery seems

to have been only partial, and it would appear that Horace had to listen

to his complaints and apprehensions of death, his fear of which is said

to have been great. Horace remonstrates with his friend in an

affectionate way about his complaints and apprehensions.

Argument.--Why kill me with thy complaints? I cannot survive thee,

Mæcenas; one half of my life being gone, how should the other stay

behind? I have sworn to die with thee, and the monsters of hell shall

not separate us. Our star is one and the same. The power of Jove rescued

thee from the adverse influence of Saturn on that day when thou wert

received with acclamations in the theatre, and Faunus at the same time

rescued me from death. Offer thy sacrifice and dedicate thy temple, and

I will offer my unpretending lamb.

2. _amicum est_] A translation of the Greek φίλον ἐστί, and equivalent

to 'placet.'

6. _altera,_] 'I, the other part.' Two definitions of friendship by

Pythagoras are worth preserving. One is, σώματα μὲν δύο ψυχή δὲ μία, and

the other ἐστὶ γὰρ ὣς φαμεν ὁ φίλος δεύτερος ἐγώ. Erasmus (Adag. Neaera

et Charmion) speaks of a custom of the Egyptians, among whom it was

usual for persons to bind themselves by an oath each not to survive the

other, such persons being called οἱ συναποθνήσκοντες. This, if true,

corresponds with Cæsar's account of the Soldurii (B. G. iii. 22).

7. _Nec carus aeque_] 'Carus' requires 'ipsi' to be supplied, as (Epp.

i. 3. 29), "Si patriae volumus, si nobis vivere cari." 'Neither so dear'

(to myself as you were to me), nor surviving with an entire life. Horace

and Mæcenas died the same year, and it has been unreasonably surmised,

from this coincidence and the language here used, that Horace hastened

his own death in order to accompany his friend. (Compare Epod. i. 5.)

11. _Utcunque_] For 'quandocunque,' 'whenever.'

13. _Chimaerae_] See C. i. 27. 24.

14. _Gyas_] This name is sometimes written Gyges. It belongs to one of

the giants who made war upon Zeus.

16. _Justitiae_] Δίκη and the Μοῖραι were daughters of Zeus and Themis,

and the former is here introduced as associated with her sisters. See C.

16. 39, n.

17. _Seu Libra_] What Horace thought of astrology may be collected from

C. i. 11. He introduces a little of it here to entertain his friend,

showing, at the same time, but little care or knowledge of the subject,

and rather a contempt for it. He says whatever the constellation may

have been under which he was born, whether Libra, Scorpio, or

Capricornus, his star no doubt coincided with that of Mæcenas, for that

their fortunes were one.

20. _Capricornus_] The sun enters this constellation in the winter. It

is therefore charged with the storms that then occur, and is called the

tyrant of the western wave, as Notus is called the lord of the Hadriatic

(C. i. 3. 15).

23. _refulgens_] Shining in opposition, so as to counteract his

influences. Those who were born when Saturn was visible were supposed to

be liable to all manner of ills. But the star of Jupiter, if it shone at

the same time, would destroy the power of Saturn.

26. _Laetum theatris_] See Introd.

28. _Sustulerat,_] The use of the indicative in hypothetical cases of

this kind is not easily reduced to rule; but it seems to correspond to

the Greek construction of ἄν with the indicative. When the condition is

not fulfilled, or is a negative condition, or implies a negation, then

the consequent clause may be expressed by the indicative mood, in the

pluperfect tense if the action be a complete action and past, in the

perfect if it be present. "Sustulerat si non levasset: sed levavit."

Horace's meaning might be thus expressed: "The trunk had killed me, had

not Faunus lightened the blow." It should be observed, that in sentences

of this character the 'nisi' or 'si' always follows.

Horace was under the particular care of Mercury, the Muses, and Faunus,

to each of whom, as well as to Liber (iii. 8. 7), he attributes his

preservation on this occasion (C. iii. 4. 27). Faunus or Pan was the son

of Hermes or Mercury.

29. _levasset_] 'had averted.'

30. _Reddere victimas_] Mæcenas had vowed an offering, a shrine probably

to Apollo, the healer, for his recovery; Horace had vowed a lamb to

Faunus (see Introduction).

ODE XVIII.

This Ode, which deals with Horace's favorite subjects, the levelling

power of death, and the vanity of wealth, and the schemes of the

wealthy, is dedicated to no particular friend. It is like C. iii. 24.

Argument.--No gold in my roof, no marble in my hall, no palace have I,

nor female clients to serve me, but I have honesty and understanding

and, though I be poor, I am courted by the rich: what more should I ask

of the gods or my friend, content with my single Sabine estate? Days are

passing on, and, though ready to drop into thy grave, thou art building

and stretching thy borders, and tearing up the landmarks of thy client,

and driving him from his home. But to what purpose is this? To Hades

thou must go in the end: the earth opens to rich and poor; Prometheus

the crafty, and Tantalus the proud, they cannot escape; and the poor man

finds in death a release from his toils, whether he seek it or not.

2. _lacunar,_] See S. ii. 3. 273, n.

3. _trabes_] 'blocks.' The architrave or base of the entablature

resting upon a column is probably meant. The marble from Mount Hymettus

in Attica was white. The Numidian, referred to in the next verse, was

yellowish.

5. _Attali_] See C. i. 1. 12, n. 'I have not, a stranger heir, taken

possession of the palace of Attalus.' The meaning is, 'I have not had

the luck to come to an unexpected estate, as the Romans came in for the

property of Attalus.'

7. _Laconicas_] See C. 16. 35, n.

8. _honestae--clientae:_] 'respectable dependants,' which may mean the

rustic women on a man's farms, the wives of the 'coloni.' This is not

the technical sense of 'cliens' or 'clienta,' for which see Smith's

Dict. Ant.

10. _Benigna vena_] 'a productive vein.' This metaphor is from a mine.

11. _Me petit_] 'seeks my company.'

14. _unicis Sabinis_] 'my single Sabine estate.' Supply 'praediis.' The

farm which Mæcenas gave him in the valley of the Digentia, among the

Sabine hills.

16. _interire_] This word seems to be an adaptation of φθίνειν, by which

the Greek expressed the latter days of the month.

17. _Tu secanda marmora Locas_] You--i.e. any luxurious old man--'You

enter into contracts for the hewing of marble,' to ornament your houses,

in the way of pillars, wall-coating, and floors. 'Locare' may be said

either of one who receives or of one who pays money: 'locare rem

faciendam' or 'utendam,' to let out work to be done, or to let a thing

(as a house, &c.) to be used. In the former case the 'locator' pays, in

the latter he receives payment. Here the former is meant. The

correlative terms are 'redemptor' and 'conductor.' See C. iii. 1. 35, n.

20. _urges Summovere littora,_] Compare with this C. iii. 1. 33, sqq.

"Contracta pisces aequora sentiunt." 'Summovere' is to push up or push

out farther into the sea by artificial means, and so increase your

grounds on which to build. As to 'Baiae,' see Epp. i. 1. 83, n.

22. _ripa._] 'Ripa' is not used for 'littus,' 'the shore of the sea' (as

here), so often as 'littus' is used for 'ripa,' 'the bank of a river.'

23. _Quid, quod usque_] 'Quid' and 'quid enim' are commonly used to

introduce a fresh instance or illustration of what has been said before,

or else they carry on the flow of an argument, or something of that

sort. It has been usual to insert a note of interrogation after it in

these cases, which only makes an intelligible formula unintelligible.

24. _Revellis agri terminos_] A law of the twelve tables provided

against this wrong. "Patronus si clienti fraudem fecerit, sacer esto."

Solomon thus exhorts the rich (Prov. xxiii. 10, 11): "Remove not the old

landmark, and enter not into the fields of the fatherless; for their

Redeemer is mighty, he shall plead with thee."

29. _Nulla certior tamen_] 'There is no dwelling marked out (or defined)

which more certainly awaits the wealthy landlord than the bounds of

greedy Orcus.' Horace means to say, 'Though you think you may push the

boundary of your estate farther and farther, you must go to a home

marked out for you, and which you can neither expand nor escape from.'

In 'destinata' (agreeing with 'aula') and in 'finis' is contained the

notion of prescribed and fixed limits, in which the force of the passage

lies.

34. _Regumque pueris,_] C. i. 4. 14, n.

35. _Callidum Promethea_] This story of Prometheus trying to bribe

Charon is not found elsewhere.

36. _Hic_] i.e. Orcus, "non exorabilis auro" (Epp. ii. 2. 179).

37. _Tantali Genus_] See C. i. 6. 8, n.

38. _coërcet_] 'confines.'

40. _Vocatus atque non vocatus audit._] Horace's language is bold,

coupling 'audit' with 'non vocatus.' 'Functum laboribus,' 'when he has

finished his labors,' is derived from the Greek κεκμηκότα.

ODE XIX.

This Ode was perhaps composed at the time of the Liberalia, like the

third elegy of the fifth book of Ovid's Tristia. The scene is laid in

the woods, and the poet is supposed to come suddenly upon the party,

consisting of Bacchus, with his attendant nymphs and the wild creatures

of the woods, all attending with admiration to the god as he sings his

own achievements. The poet is smitten with terror, which gives place (v.

9) to the inspiration of the divinity, in virtue of which he breaks out

into echoes of all he had heard.

Argument.--Among the far hills I saw Bacchus--O wonderful!--reciting,

and the Nymphs learning, and the Satyrs all attention. Awe is fresh in

my heart; the god is within me, and I am troubled with joy. O spare me,

dread Liber! It is past, and I am free to sing of the Bacchanals; of

fountains of wine and milk and honey; of Ariadne; of Pentheus, and

Lycurgus; how thou tamedst the waters of the East, and dost sport with

the Thracian nymphs; how thou hurledst the giant from heaven, and how

Cerberus did crouch to thee, and lick thy feet.

1. _Bacchum_] The legends and attributes of Bacchus contained in this

Ode are entirely of Greek origin. The Romans had no independent notions

of this divinity, whose name Βάκχος, 'the shouter,' is properly no more

than an adjunct of Διόνυσος.

2. _docentem--discentes_] These correspond to the terms διδάσκειν and

μανθάνειν, as applied to the choragus who trained, and the chorus who

learnt their parts in the Greek plays.

3. _Nymphasque_] The Naiades and Dryades (see C. iii. 25. 14). These

nymphs were the nurses of Bacchus in his infancy, and are always

represented as his companions.

4. _Capripedum Satyrorum_] The Satyrs are usually confounded with the

Fauns, Faunus again being confounded with Pan, who was represented with

goat's feet like the Satyrs. Lucian describes the Satyrs as being ὀξεῖς

τὰ ὦτα, but only describes Pan as having the lower extremities like a

goat, τὰ κάτω αἰγὶ ἐοικώς. It is vain, therefore, trying to trace any

consistency in the poet's conceptions of these uncouth divinities.

6, 7. _turbidum Laetatur_] 'beats wildly.'

9. _Fas est_] 'the god permits me.' Here the poet is supposed to recover

from the terror inspired by the god, and to feel that he is at liberty

to repeat what he has heard. 'Fas est' is equivalent to δυνατόν ἐστι.

The power as well as the permission of the god is given. C. i. 11. 1, n.

_Thyiadas_] The attendants of Bacchus were so called, from the Greek

word θύειν, 'to rave.'

10. _lactis--mella;_] The same attribute that made Dionysus the god of

wine also gave him milk and honey as his types. He represented the

exuberance of nature, and was therein closely connected with Demeter.

Any traveller in the East can tell of honeycombs on the trees as

curiously wrought as any in garden-hives. Virgil says (Ec. iv. 30): "Et

durae quercus sudabunt roscida mella."

12. _iterare_] This means 'to repeat' what the poet had heard from the

god, as he taught the nymphs to praise him.

13. _Fas et_] 'Et' is used by the poets as an enclitic, and put after

the word it belongs to, which is not done by the prose-writers.

_beatae conjugis_] i.e. Ariadne, whose crown is one of the

constellations, 'corona,' placed in heaven by Bacchus, according to the

story recorded in his happy manner by Ovid (Fast. iii. 459-516).

14. _tectaque Penthei_] Pentheus, king of Thebes (Epp. i. 16. 74),

having gone out to see the secret orgies of Bacchus, was torn to pieces

by the Bacchanals, with his mother Agave at the head of them.

16. _Lycurgi._] See C. i. 18. 8, n.

17. _Tu flectis amnes,_] The Hydaspes and Orontes, which Bacchus is said

to have walked over dry-shod.

19. _Nodo coërces_] This is a variation of 'nodo cohibere crinem' (C.

iii. 14. 22). 'Bistonidum' means the women of the Bistones, a Thracian

tribe. 'Fraus,' in this sense of 'harm,' occurs again, C. S. 41.

21. _Tu, cum parentis_] Horace followed some legend not found by us

elsewhere in this description of Bacchus changed into a lion and

fighting with the giant Rhœtus. As to the wars of the Giants, see notes

on C. ii. 12. 6, and iii. 4. 43, 50.

28. _Pacis eras mediusque belli._] 'You were the same, whether engaged

in (in the midst of) peace or war'; _the same_, i.e. as vigorous in war

as in the dance or jest.

30. _Cornu decorum,_] Dionysus was called by the Greeks χρυσόκερως,

because he was the son of Jupiter Ammon, called the Horned. This symbol

of power, common to the Greeks as well as to all the nations of the East

(see the Hebrew Scriptures _passim_), was adopted from this divinity by

Alexander the Great (who professed to be the brother of Bacchus and son

of Ammon) and his successors, who have it represented on their coins.

Compare C. iii. 21. 18: "Vires et addis cornua pauperi."

_leniter atterens Caudam,_] There is a notion of tameness and pleasure

in this action. 'As you came he gently wagged his tail, as you departed

he licked your feet.' 'Ter-' is to turn or wag, and 'adter-' is to wag

at or towards.

31. _trilingui Ore_] 'three mouths,' as ἑκατομπόδων Νηρηΐδων signifies

the hundred Nereids (Soph. Oed. Col. v. 717). See note on ii. 13. 34.

ODE XX.

This Ode appears to have been written impromptu, in a mock-heroic or but

half serious style, in reply to an invitation of Mæcenas (v. 6). The

poet says that he whom Mæcenas delights to honor cannot fail to live for

ever, and that he already feels his immortality, and that wings have

been given him with which he shall soar to heaven, and fly to the

farthest corners of the earth.

Argument.--On a fresh, strong wing shall I soar to heaven, far above

envy and the world. Whom thou, dear Mæcenas, delightest to honor, Styx

hath no power to detain. Even now my plumage is springing, and I am

ready to fly away and sing in distant places, and to teach barbarous

nations. No wailings for me; away with the empty honors of a tomb.

1, 2. _Non usitata nec tenui--Penna_] 'On no common or mean wing.'

_biformis_] As swan and poet.

4. _invidia major_] Horace was not too good to be maligned, but he could

rise above it, which is the meaning of 'major,' κρείσσων. His birth drew

contempt upon him while he held a command in Brutus's army, and

afterwards when he became intimate with Mæcenas (see Sat. i. 6. 46,

sqq.); but those who envied tried as usual to make use of him (see Sat.

ii. 6. 47, sqq.). He appears in some measure to have outlived

detraction, according to his own words (C. iv. 3. 16):

"Jam dente minus mordeor invido."

6. _quem vocas,_] 'whom thou honored by an invitation.' See

Introduction. It was on the strength of such invitations that he

affirmed,

"Pauperemque dives

Me petit." (C. ii. 18. 10.)

9, 10. _asperae Pelles_] Like the skin on a swan's legs.

11. _Superne,_] As this is formed from 'supernus,' the last syllable

would naturally be long; but it is short in Lucretius twice, and the

same with 'inferne.'

13. _Daedaleo ocior_] Orelli has collected many examples of hiatus like

this from Horace, Virgil, and Ovid. See C. i. 28. 24.

15. _canorus Ales_] The swan. See C. iv. 2. 25, 3. 20. Virgil (Ec. ix.

27) has,

"Vare tuum nomen--

Cantantes sublime ferent ad sidera cycni."

16. _Hyperboreosque campos._] There was a mystery attached to the

distant regions of the north, to which Pindar (Pyth. x.) says no man

ever found the way by land or sea. They did not however neglect the

Muses. They were a happy race, ἀνδρῶν μακάρων ὅμιλος; a sacred family,

ἱερὰ γενεά, free from old age, disease, and war. These considerations

will explain Horace's meaning.

18. _Marsae cohortis_] The Marsi were one of the hardiest of the Italian

tribes, and supplied the best foot-soldiers for the Roman army, which is

hence called 'Marsa cohors' (see C. iii. 5. 9).

_Dacus--Geloni,_] See C. i. 19. 10, n. The Daci were not finally subdued

till the reign of Trajan.

19. _peritus_] Here the meaning is 'instructed,' as 'juris peritus' is

one instructed and skilled in the law. Horace means that barbarous

nations will become versed in his writings: 'mei peritus me discet' is

perhaps the full sentence. But why he should class those who drank of

the waters of the Rhone (of which many Romans drank) with the barbarians

mentioned, is not easy to understand.

20. _Hiber_] By Hiber is probably meant the Caucasian people of that

name.

_Rhodanique potor._] This mode of expression for the inhabitants of a

country, as those who drink of their national river, is repeated twice,

C. iii. 10. 1, and C. iv. 15. 21.

21. _inani funere_] That is, a funeral without a corpse. The poet says

he shall have taken flight and shall not die. The idea is like that of

Ennius in those verses (quoted by Cicero de Senect. c. 20),--

"Nemo me lacrimis decoret nec funera fletu

Faxit. Cur? Volito vivu' per ora virum."

22. _Luctusque turpes_] 'disfiguring grief.'

24. _supervacuos_] The prose-writers before Pliny used the form

'supervacaneus.'

ODES.--BOOK III.

ODE I.

This and the five following Odes are generally admitted to be among the

finest specimens of Horace's manner. It has been already said (C. ii.

15, Introduction) that they appear all to have been written about the

same time with one another and with other Odes, namely, that time when

Augustus set himself the task of social reformation, after the close of

the civil wars.

The general purport of this Ode is an exhortation to moderate living and

desires.

The first stanza is generally understood to have been added as an

introduction to the six Odes, viewed as a whole.

Argument.--The worldly I despise, but have new precepts for the young.

Kings rule over their people, but are themselves the subjects of Jove.

One may be richer, another nobler than his fellows, but all alike must

die. No indulgence can get sleep for him who has a sword ever hanging

over him, while it disdains not the dwellings of the poor. He who is

content with a little, fears not storm or drought. The rich man builds

him houses on the very waters, but anxiety follows him, go where he

will. If, then, the luxuries of the wealthy cure not grief, why should I

build me great houses, or seek to change my lot?

1. _Odi profanum vulgus_] The first stanza is an imitation of the

language used by the priests at the mysteries, requiring "the multitude

profane," that is, all but the initiated, or those who were to be

initiated, to stand aloof. 'Favere linguis,' like εὐφημεῖν, in its first

meaning signifies the speaking words of good omen. But it came as

commonly to signify total silence, as here. Horace speaks as if he

despaired of impressing his precepts on any but the young, and bids the

rest stand aside, as incapable of being initiated in the true wisdom of

life.

3. _Musarum sacerdos_] Ovid calls himself the same (Amor. iii. 8. 23):--

"Ille ego Musarum purus Phoebique sacerdos."

5. _Regum timendorum_] He begins by saying that even kings, though they

are above their people, are themselves inferior to Jove, and goes on to

say that, though one man may be richer or nobler than another, all must

die; that the rich have no exemption from care, but much more of it than

the humble.

7. _triumpho, Cuncta_] There is some abruptness in this, from the

absence of 'et.' But it is not wanted. As to the Giants' wars, see C.

ii. 12. 6, n., 19. 21; iii. 4. 43, 50.

9. _Est ut_] This is equivalent to ἐστὶν ὡς, 'it may be.' 'Esto' without

'ut' occurs in Sat. i. 6. 19. The meaning of the sentence is, that one

man possesses more lands than another.

10. _hic generosior_] 'Generosior' is more noble by birth, as another is

more distinguished for his character and deeds, and a third for the

number of his clients, of whom it was the pride of the wealthy Romans to

have a large body depending on them.

11. _Descendat in Campum_] The Campus Martius was an open space, which

afterwards came to be encroached upon by buildings, outside the city

walls on the northeast quarter, and on the left bank of the Tiber. The

comitia centuriata, at which the election of magistrates took place,

were held in the Campus Martius. 'Descendere' is the word used for

gladiators going into the arena to fight, and is also applied to the

contests for office.

12. _meliorque fama_] For 'famaque melior.'

13. _Contendat,_] 'runs against him.' This verb is used sometimes as a

transitive verb for 'petere,' as in Cic. in Verr. (ii. 2. 53), "Hic

magistratus a populo summa ambitione contenditur."

16. _Omne capax_] Compare C. ii. 3. 26, and likewise i. 4. 13; ii. 18.

32.

18. _Siculae dapes_] The Sicilians were at one time proverbial for good

living. The story alluded to is that of Damocles, told by Cicero (Tusc.

Disp. v. 21), who was invited by Dionysius of Syracuse to a feast, and

was set in the midst of luxuries, but with a sword hanging by a single

hair over his head; by which the king meant him to understand the

character of his own happiness, which had excited the admiration of

Damocles. Horace says generally, that the rich cannot enjoy their

riches, since they have ever a sword, in the shape of danger, hanging

over them.

19. _Dulcem elaborabunt saporem,_] 'shall force sweet appetite.'

20. _Non avium_] It is said that Mæcenas sought sleep by the help of

distant music. Aviaries were not uncommon in the houses of the rich.

21. _Somnus agrestium_] 'Virorum' depends on 'domos.'

24. _Tempe_] The word is plural,--in Greek τὰ Τέμπη.

27. _Arcturi cadentis--orientis Haedi,_] Arcturus sets early in

November. The constellation Auriga, of which the kids (two stars) form a

part, rises about the first of October.

29. _verberatae grandine vineae_] See Epp. i. 8. 4: "Grando contuderit

vites." 'Mendax fundus' is like "spem mentita seges" (Epp. i. 7. 87),

and opposed to "segetis certa fides" (C. iii. 16. 30).

30. _arbore nunc aquas_] Horace says he who is content with a little has

never to complain, like the rich, of storms by sea or land, or of the

failing of his fruits through rain, heat, or frost, which last he

expresses thus: "or his farm disappointing him, when his trees complain

one while of the rains, another of the constellation (Sirius) that

parches the fields, and again of the cruel frosts."

33. _Contracta pisces aequora sentiunt_] Compare C. ii. 18. 20, and Epp.

i. 1. 84.

35. _Caementa demittit redemptor_] Compare C. iii. 24. 3, sq. The walls

were faced on either side with stone, and loose stones ('caementa') were

thrown in between. 'Frequens--redemptor' means 'many a contractor.'

'Dominus' is the proprietor of the estate. 'Redimere' or 'conducere' was

said of one who undertook to perform certain work for a stipulated

price, and the person who gave him the work was said 'locare.' See C.

ii. 18. 17, n.

36, 37. _terrae Fastidiosus_] 'disdaining the land.'

39. _triremi, et_] The 'aerata triremis' was the rich man's private

yacht. The epithet is commonly applied to ships of war, because their

rostra were ornamented and strengthened with bronze ('aes'). See C. ii.

16. 21.

41. _Phrygius lapis_] See C. ii. 18. 3, n.

43. _Delenit_] The expression 'purpurarum usus sidere clarior' is

uncommon. The first two words, which belong properly to 'purpurarum,'

are transferred to 'usus,'--'the enjoyment or possession of purple

brighter than a star': which, though 'sidus' should be taken for the

sun, as it may be, or a constellation, as it usually is, is rather a

singular comparison for purple.

44. _Achaemeniumque costum,_] 'Persian oil.' See C. ii. 12. 21.

'Costum' was an Eastern aromatic shrub. The Greeks called it κόστος,

but the name is probably Eastern. It is not the spikenard, as it is

generally called.

45. _Cur invidendis_] 'Why should I build a high palace, with a splendid

entrance and in the modern style? Why change my Sabine vale for

troublesome wealth?' On the construction with 'permutem,' see C. i. 17.

2, n.

ODE II.

The purpose of this Ode is to commend public and social virtue, and the

opening shows that it is a continuation of the preceding Ode. It is

addressed chiefly to young men, and tells them that military virtue is

the parent of contentment.

Argument.--Contentment is to be learned in arms and danger. To die for

our country is glorious, and death pursues the coward. Virtue is

superior to popular favor or rejection, and opens the way to the skies,

and rises above the dull atmosphere of this world. Good faith, too, has

its reward, and I would not be the companion of the man who neglects it,

lest I share his sure reward.

1. _amice_] 'Amice ferre' is the reverse of the common phrase 'moleste

ferre.' 'Let the youth, made strong by active warfare, learn to endure

contentedly privations.'

5, 6. _trepidis In rebus._] 'in danger.'

_Ilium ex moenibus_] This picture represents the fears of the Parthian

mother and maiden, the danger of their son and lover, and the prowess of

the Roman soldier, likened to a fierce lion. Helen, looking out with her

damsels from the walls of Troy (Il. iii. 139, sqq.), or Antigone looking

from the walls of Thebes (Eurip. Phoen. 88), was perhaps before Horace's

mind.

13. _Dulce et decorum est_] In Horace's mind there was a close

connection between the virtue of frugal contentment and devotion to

one's country. They are associated below (C. iv. 9. 49, sqq.).

14. _persequitur_] This line is a translation from Simonides,--

ὁ δ᾽ αὖ θάνατος κίχε καὶ τὸν φυγόμαχον.

'Persequi' signifies 'to pursue and overtake.' 'Timido' applies to both

'poplitibus' and 'tergo' (see note on C. i. 2. 1).

17. _Virtus repulsae nescia sordidae_] 'Nescia' seems to mean

'unconscious of,' because 'indifferent to' the disgrace of rejection,

which, if disgraceful to any, is not so to the virtuous, but to those

who reject them.

18. _Intaminatis_] This word is not found elsewhere. Like

'contaminatus,' 'attaminatus,' it is derived from the obsolete word

'tamino,' and contains the root 'tag' of 'tango,' as 'integer' does.

20. _popularis aurae._] 'the (fickle) favor of the people.' This word,

which means that the popular judgment is like a shifting breeze, setting

now this way, now that, appears in Virgil (Aen. vi. 817):--

"Nimium gaudens popularibus auris."

Compare, for the sentiments, C. iv. 9. 39, sqq.

25. _Est et fideli tuta silentio_]

ἐστὶ καὶ σιγᾶς ἀκίνδυνον γέρας,

which words of Simonides it appears Augustus was acquainted with, and

approved. Plutarch tells this story. When Athenodorus was about to leave

Augustus's camp, he embraced the emperor, and said, "O Cæsar, whenever

thou art wroth, say nothing, do nothing, till thou hast gone over in thy

mind the twenty-four letters of the alphabet." Whereupon the emperor

took him by the hand, and said, "I have need of thee still"; and he

detained him a whole year, saying, "Silence, too, hath its safe reward."

Horace's indignation is levelled against the breaking of faith

generally, and the divulging of the secrets of Ceres (whose rites,

however, it appears, were only attended by women) is only mentioned by

way of illustration. Secrecy is a sign of good faith, and not an easy

one to practise. There are few moral qualities that can be said to take

precedence of it. It is the basis of friendship, as Cicero says, and

without it society cannot exist. (Compare S. i. 4. 84, n.) It is

probable, if Plutarch's story be true, that Horace had heard Augustus

repeat his favorite axiom.

26, etc.] 'I will not suffer the person who has divulged the sacred

mysteries of Ceres to be under the same roof, or to sail in the same

vessel, with me.'

29. _Solvat phaselon;_] That is, 'de littore,' 'to unmoor.' The precise

character of the worship of Ceres at Rome is not easily made out. There

were no mysteries among the Romans corresponding to the Eleusinian or

any of the other Greek Μυστήρια.

_Diespiter_] See C. i. 34. 5, n. 'Oft doth Jove neglected join the pure

with the unclean,' that is, punishes the innocent with the guilty who

have offended him. For another example of 'incesto,' see next Ode (v.

19). 'Addidit' and 'deseruit' have the force of the aorist.

32. _Deseruit pede Poena claudo._] The avengers of guilt are called by

the Greek tragedians ὑστερόποινοι, ὑστεροφθόροι. 'Pede claudo,' 'of

limping foot,' and so, 'slow.'

ODE III.

This Ode commends the virtue of perseverance by the example of heroes

who had secured divine honors by it. Juno is introduced as making a long

speech to the assembled gods, when it was proposed to admit Romulus

among them. This speech is contrived in order to introduce the glory and

extent of the Roman empire and the praises of Augustus. It also contains

indirect exhortations to abstinence and contentment, and so bears on the

general scope of these Odes. It is said that Julius Cæsar meant to

transfer the seat of empire to Alexandria in Troas, or to Ilium; and

perhaps in Horace's time, among the remedies proposed for the evils of

the state, some may have freely spoken of transferring the seat of

government to another spot. It is equally probable that the site of

Troy, the city of their ancestors and the fountain of their race, may

have been fixed upon for that purpose. To meet the spirit of avarice in

some, and restlessness in all that would be mixed up with such a notion,

seems to have been another purpose of this Ode. The Romans attached much

importance to the legend which derived their origin from the Trojans.

See S. ii. 5. 63.

Argument.--The upright man and firm no terrors can drive from his

purpose. Through this virtue Pollux, Hercules, Augustus, Bacchus, have

been translated to the skies. Romulus likewise, at the instance of Juno,

who thus addressed the assembled gods: "Ilium hath paid the penalty of

its founder's crime. That impious umpire and his foreign strumpet have

overthrown it. But his beauty is gone. Priam's perjured house hath

fallen; the war our quarrels protracted is at an end. My wrath then I

remit. Let Mars have his hated grandson; let him come among us: only let

seas roll between Ilium and Rome, and let the exiles reign where they

will; let their capitol stand, and the Mede own their sway; but let the

tomb of Priam and of Paris be the lair of beasts. From Gades to the

Nile let her be feared, but let her learn to despise the gold that lies

buried in the ground. Let her stretch her arms to the limits of the

earth, to the stormy North and the fiery East, but let her not dare to

rebuild the walls of Troy. On an evil day would she rise again: thrice

let her rise, thrice should she fall by the power of Jove's sister and

spouse." But hold, my Muse, nor bring down such themes, to the sportive

lyre.

1. _Justum_] i.e. "qui jus servat."

2. _jubentium,_] This is the technical word for the passing of a law by

the people. "Jubetisne Quirites?" was the way of putting the question.

Other instances of 'jubere' with the accusative are S. ii. 3. 141, 5.

70. Epp. ii. 2. 63.

3. _instantis_] 'menacing.'

5. _Dux inquieti turbidus Hadriae,_] Compare C. ii. 17. 19, and i. 3.

15. This assemblage of terrible objects is heterogeneous enough, but the

seventh and eighth verses present a fine picture. 'Though the arch (of

heaven) break and fall on (him), the wreck will strike a fearless man.'

'Orbis' is used for the sky, as the Greek poets used κύκλος with or

without οὐρανοῦ.

6. _fulminantis_] This is a word not used by prose-writers of Horace's

day. The same may be said of 'triumphatis' (v. 43).

7. _illabatur_] The regular construction would be with the future, as

the future follows in 'ferient.' 'Illabatur' should have 'feriant' in

prose. See below, C. 9. 12, n.

9. _arte_] 'quality' or 'virtue.'

10. _Enisus_] This means struggling forward with earnestness, which is

the force of 'e.' Compare C. iv. 8. 29. Epp. ii. 1. 5, sq.

12. _Purpureo bibit ore nectar._] See note on Epp. ii. 1. 15. The

epithet 'purpureo' is applied to 'ore' in its sense of 'lips.'

16. _Martis equis_] This appears to have been the genuine old legend of

the disappearance of Romulus. See Ovid, Met. xiv. 820, sqq. Fast. ii.

495, sq. See note on Epod. xvi. 13.

17. _Gratum elocuta_] See Introd.

19. _incestusque_] See C. 2. 30.

21. _ex quo_] 'ever since.' This signifies that the fall of Troy was

determined from the time of Laomedon's crime, and that the crime of

Paris and Helen caused its accomplishment. 'Destituo' with an ablative

is unusual. In the Iliad (xxi. 441, sqq.) Poseidon relates how he built

the walls of Troy, while Apollo kept sheep for Laomedon, father of

Priam, and how they were cheated of their pay and dismissed with

threats, when their work was done. The same king cheated Hercules out of

some horses he had promised him, and he lost his life for his pains.

Juno and Minerva had their own quarrel with Troy for the judgment of

Paris, which gave Venus the prize of beauty; but Juno here makes out a

different case against the city.

23. _damnatum_] Agreeing with 'Ilion' (v.18). The feminine form 'Ilios'

occurs elsewhere (Epod. xiv. 14).

25. _adulterae_] It is doubtful whether Horace meant that for the dative

or genitive case, that is, whether it goes with 'splendet' or 'hospes.'

28. _refringit,_] Equivalent to 'repellit.'

29. _ductum_] 'Ducere' and 'trahere' are sometimes used for 'producere'

and 'protrahere.'

32. _Troica_] There is much scorn in Juno's language, as in the words

'mulier peregrina,' 'Troica sacerdos,' 'fatalis incestusque judex,'

'exsules.' 'Invisum nepotem' was Romulus, her grandson through Mars.

'Troica sacerdos' was Rea Silvia, or Ilia, the Vestal virgin, daughter

of Numitor, and descended from Æneas.

33. _redonabo;_] This word occurs only here and above (ii. 7. 3).

34. _ducere nectaris_] 'Ducere' is common in this sense of 'quaffing.'

So the Greeks used ἕλκειν and σπᾷν. They both occur in one verse of

Euripides (Cycl. 417),

Ἔσπασέν τ᾽ ἄμυστιν ἑλκύσας.

35. _quietus Ordinibus--deorum._] This savors of the Epicureanism Horace

had learned in early life: "Deos didici securum agere aevum" (S. i. 5.

101).

"Scilicet is superis labor est, ea cura quietos

Sollicitat." (Aen. iv. 379.)

37. _Dum longus inter_] See Introd.

38. _exsules_] The Romans.

40. _Priami--busto_] Priam had no tomb, according to Virgil's account

(Aen. ii. 557), but Horace assumes that he had one. No greater affront

could be supposed than is here desired. Electra represents Ægisthus as

leaping on her father's grave intoxicated with wine (Eurip. Elect. 326,

sq.). Compare Epod. xvi. 10, sqq., and Il. iv. 177.

42. _inultae_] 'unmolested.' 'Capitolium'; see C. i. 2. 3, n.

48. _rigat arva Nilus,_] The connection between the two stanzas is this

'Let Rome extend her arms as she will,--to the ends of the earth, to the

pillars of Hercules, to the Nile,--only let her not, as her possessions

increase, learn to prize gold above virtue'; which is thus expressed,

'Only be she stronger by despising the gold that yet lies hid, and is

better placed when concealed in the earth, than by gathering it for

man's use with hand that plunders all that is sacred.' 'Humanos in usus'

is opposed to 'divinos' implied in 'sacrum.'

53. _Quicunque mundo terminus obstitit,_] 'Whatever boundary presents

itself to the world.'

54. _tangat_] 'reach.'

58. _ne nimium pii_] She supposes the Romans to make it a reason for

rebuilding Troy, that it was a pious duty they owed to their ancestors.

See Introduction.

61. _alite lugubri_] The auspices were usually taken before the building

of a town.

64. _Conjuge me Jovis et sorore._] Both Horace and Virgil (Aen. i. 46)

get this combination from Homer (Il. xvi. 432):

Ἥρην δὲ προσέειπε κασιγνήτην ἄλοχόν τε.

65. _Ter si resurgat_] Three is often used for an indefinite number, as

here. See Georg. i. 281; iv. 384. Ovid, Met. x. 452; also below, C. 4.

79, "trecentae catenae."

_murus aëneus_] Horace is partial to this epithet. See Epp. i. 1. 60. C.

9. 18. C. 16. 1. It means no more, in this derived use, than strength

and stability. 'Aëneus' is never used as a word of three syllables.

66. _Auctore Phoebo,_] Virgil has "Troiae Cynthius auctor" (G. iii. 36).

See note on v. 21.

70. _pervicax_] 'bold.'

72. _Magna modis tenuare parvis_] 'To degrade lofty themes by your

humble strains.'

ODE IV.

Pursuing his purpose, Horace here commends the power of wisdom and

learning in subduing brute force and violent passions, which he

illustrates by a fabulous story about himself when he was an infant, and

by the protection he has always received from the Muses, by the love

Augustus bore them, and by the destruction of the giants when they

attacked the skies, which the poet attributes to Minerva, the goddess,

of wisdom.

Argument.--Come down, Calliope, and sing a lofty strain. Is it a dream,

or am I wandering in the Muses' grove? I was a child, and, tired with

play, I lay down to sleep on the Apulian hills. There doves made me a

covering of leaves, and I slept safe, and men might well wonder how the

gods were present with me. Yours am I, ye Muses, on the Sabine hills, at

Tibur, at Præneste, or at Baiæ. Because I love your fountains and your

choir, I perished not when the battle was turned, nor by the accursed

tree, nor in the Sicilian waters. Be ye with me, and I will visit the

mad Bosporus, the sands of the East, the savage Briton, the Concan, the

Geloni, and the Tanais, unharmed. Ye refresh Augustus when he brings

back his weary troops from the war. Mild are your counsels, and in peace

is your delight. We know how that bold giant band struck terror into the

heart of Jove; but what was their strength against the ægis of Pallas?

'T was that which drove them back, though Vulcan too, and Juno, and

Apollo with his bow, were there. Brute force falls, self-destroyed: the

gods detest violence, but tempered strength they promote: let Gyas be my

witness, Orion the seducer, Earth mourning for her sons, Ætna with its

ever-burning and unconsuming flame, the vulture of Tityus, and the

chains of Peirithous.

2. _longum_] This seems to mean a sustained and stately song. Calliope

was generally called the Muse of Epic poetry.

3. _acuta_] 'clear,' 'musical.'

4. _fidibus citharaque_] By hendiadys for 'citharae fidibus.'

6. _pios Errare per lucos_] The woods are called 'pios,' as sacred to

the Muses.

9. _fabulosae_] This word belongs to 'palumbes,' the 'storied doves,' as

"fabulosus Hydaspes" (C. i. 22. 8). The range of the Apennines that bore

the name 'Vultur' was partly in Apulia and partly in Lucania. It is

still called Monte Vulture. Venusia, Horace's birthplace, was near the

boundary of those provinces, whence he calls Apulia his nurse, though

elsewhere (S. ii. 1. 34) he says it is doubtful whether he was an

Apulian or a Lucanian. Doves, which were sacred to Venus, have their

part in sundry tales. Here Horace intimates they were sent to cover him

with laurel and myrtle, in token of his future fame, and that he owed

his safety to the Muses (see Introduction).

9, 10. _Apulo--Apuliae_] The quantity of the first two syllables in

these words differs, thus: 'Āpūlo'--'Ăpūliae.' Such variations in proper

names are not unusual in the Latin poets. The word 'Sicanus' is used as

three different feet. 'Italus' has the first syllable long or short, and

so with other names.

11. _Ludo fatigatumque somno_] It is clear that some other word, like

'oppressum,' must be understood for 'somno.' It is a translation of

καμάτῳ ἀδδηκότες ἠδὲ καὶ ὕπνῳ (Il. x. 98). Acherontia, Bantia, and

Forentum were neighboring towns, and still retain their names under the

forms Acerenza, Vanci, Forenza. Stories, such as Horace has here

invented for himself, are told of Stesichorus, Pindar, Æschylus, Plato.

17. _Ut--Dormirem_] This is connected with 'mirum'; 'how I slept.'

22. _Tollor_] Ovid uses the word in this sense (Met. vii. 779). The

Sabine hills were part of the Apennines, which Horace had to climb when

he went to his farm. 'Seu' is understood after 'vester.' The epithet

'liquidae,' applied to Baiæ, has reference to the clearness and purity

of the atmosphere.

23. _Praeneste seu Tibur_] See Epp. i. 2. 2, n., as to 'Praeneste,' and

C. ii. 6. 5, n., as to 'Tibur,' which rose from the plain on the right

bank of the Anio, on the side of a hill, from which it is called

'supinum.'

25. _Vestris--fontibus_] All retired streams and shady groves were held

sacred to the Muses (v. 6). Parnassus had its fountain, Castalia; and

Helicon two, Hippocrene and Aganippe.

26. _Philippis_] See C. ii. 7. 9.

28. _Nec Sicula Palinurus unda._] Horace's escape from shipwreck off

Cape Palinurus is nowhere else related; and it is doubtful when it

happened. 'Sicula unda' for the Tuscan Sea is an unusual limitation. It

must not be confounded with Mare Siculum, which was on the other side of

Sicily. Palinurus was on the western coast of Lucania. It retains its

name as Capo di Palinuro.

32. _Littoris Assyrii_] The Syrian coast. See note on C. ii. 11. 16.

33. _Visam Britannos_] The stories of the human sacrifices of the

ancient Britons are too authentic to be doubted. See Tacitus (Ann. xiv.

30). Virgil (Georg. iii. 463) relates of the Geloni (C. i. 19. 10), that

they used to eat cheese dipped in horse's blood. Whether the Concani,

who were a Cantabrian tribe, did the same, is doubtful. Horace, perhaps,

got his idea from Virgil.

36. _Scythicum--amnem._] The Tanais.

38. _addidit_] In the year B.C. 25, after the conquest of the Salassi, a

people of the Gaulish Alps, Augustus assigned their territory to some of

the prætorian troops, and there they built Augusta Prætoria (Aosta), and

about the same time there were assigned to others lands in Lusitania on

which they built Augusta Emerita (Merida). 'Additis' is used in a like

case by Tacitus (Ann. xiii. 31): "Coloniae Capua atque Nuceria additis

veteranis firmatae sunt."

40. _Pierio recreatis antro_] Suetonius, in his Life of Augustus (84,

85), relates that he followed literary pursuits with great zeal, and

dabbled in poetry. He could not have had much time for such pursuits

when this Ode was written, but he may have said enough to let it be seen

that he desired leisure to follow them. As to 'Pierio,' see A. P. 405.

41. _Vos lene consilium_] The penultimate vowel coalesces with the next,

as in 'principium' (iii. 6. 6), 'Alfenius' (S. i. 3. 130), 'Nasidieni'

(S. ii. 8. 1). So Virgil says (Aen. i. 73): "Connūbio jungam stabili."

'Ye give peaceful counsel, and rejoice in giving it, because ye are

gentle ('almae'),' is the meaning of the words, which are to be taken

generally.

43. _Titanus immanemque turmam_] The wars of the Titanes (with Uranus),

the Gigantes, the Aloïdæ, Typhon, or Typhoëus (with Zeus), are all mixed

up together in the description which follows. Virgil has given a

description (Georg. i. 279, sqq.) where the Titans (Cœus and Iapetus),

Typhon, and the Aloïdæ are brought together with little distinction. But

neither Horace nor Virgil was writing a mythological history, and in

this description of Horace there is great power.

44. _caduco_] 'swift-descending,' as καταιβάτης in Æschylus.

45. _terram inertem,_] Elsewhere we have 'bruta tellus' in the same

sense, 'the dull, motionless earth' (C. i. 34. 9).

46. _regna tristia_] 'the gloomy realms' (of Pluto).

50. _Fidens juventus horrida_] This appears to be an imitation of

Homer's χείρεσσι πεποιθότες (Il. xii. 135). 'Horrida juventus' means the

Gigantes, a family different from the Titanes, and younger.

51. _Fratresque tendentes_] The brothers Horace speaks of were Otus and

Ephialtes, the sons of Aloëus, whose exploit of piling Pelion on Ossa in

their attack upon Olympus (Olympus, Ossa, and Pelion formed a continuous

range, running down the coast of Thessaly), is first mentioned by Homer

(Odyss. xi. 314). See Virg. (Georg. i. 280),--

"Et conjuratos caelum rescindere fratres,

Ter sunt conati imponere Pelio Ossam

Scilicet, atque Ossae frondosum imponere Olympum,"

where 'frondosum' explains Horace's 'opaco.' Ovid inverts the order, and

puts Pelion uppermost, as Horace does:--

"Ignibus Ossa novis et Pelion altior Ossa

Arsit." (Fast. iii. 441.)

In the fifth book of the Fasti (v. 35, sqq.), he attributes to the

hundred-handed giants (v. 69) the exploit which the oldest legend

assigns to the Aloidæ. These variations are only worth noticing as they

help to show that the Romans set little value by these stories, and only

used them as ornaments of poetry; and to prevent students from wasting

their time in attempting to reconcile statements which are not

reconcilable--Typhoëus (Τυφωεύς) warred with Zeus on his own account. He

belonged neither to the Titanes nor the Gigantes. Mimas and Rhœtus were

of the Gigantes. Porphyrion and Enceladus were of the same family.

57. _sonantem Palladis aegida_] The 'aegis' was the skin of the goat

Amalthea, the nurse of Zeus, and is said to have been worn by him first

in these wars with the Gigantes. It is occasionally found in ancient

representations of Jupiter, but more commonly of Minerva. To account for

the epithet 'sohantem,' we must understand that the 'aegis' was taken to

represent, not only the goat-skin folded over the breast, but also a

shield (Il. xv. 229, sqq.), and a metal breastplate, either of which it

may signify here. Homer represents both Apollo and Pallas as wearing

their father's 'aegis.'

58. _avidus_] This means 'avidus pugnae,' as in Virg. (Aen. xii. 430),

"Ille avidus pugnae suras incluserat auro." Tacitus puts the word

absolutely (Ann. i. 57), "Caesar avidas legiones quatuor in cuneos

dispertit." In enumerating the principal gods who assisted Zeus in the

battle, Horace means to say that, although they were present, it was

Pallas to whom the victory was mainly owing. See Introduction.

'Hinc--hinc'; 'in one place--in another.'

59. _matrona Juno_] The Greek Here was commonly represented naked, or

partly so. The Roman Juno was always clad as a matron from head to foot.

Her favorite character was Juno Matrona or Romana, which meant the same

thing. Her introduction, therefore, under this title, is meant as a

compliment to Rome.

61. _Qui rore puro_] The description of Apollo combines his various

places of abode. Castalia was a fountain on Parnassus. 'Lyciae dumeta'

are woods about Patara, a town in Lycia, where Apollo passed six months

of the year, as he passed the other six at Delos, which place Horace

means by 'natalem silvam,' i.e. the woods on Mount Cynthus. See Herod.

i. 182.

66. _temperatam_] 'governed and regulated' (by reason).

67. _idem_] 'and yet they.' 'Vires' signifies 'brute force.'

69. _Gyas_] See note on C. ii. 17. 14. He belonged to another family

consisting of three brothers, Gyas, Cottus, and Briareus or Ægæon,

distinguished from the rest by having each of them a hundred arms. Most

accounts represent these brothers as helping Zeus. Horace follows a

different legend, and so does Virgil (Aen. x. 565, sqq.).

70. _integrae_] 'Integer' is equivalent to 'intactus,' and involves the

same root (see above, C. iii. 2. 18, n).

71. _Tentator Orion_] 'Tentator' is not elsewhere used for a seducer. It

is taken from the Greek πειράν. The story of Orion is told in a variety

of ways. Here it is that he tried to seduce Artemis, and that she shot

him with an arrow. He is referred to above (C. ii. 13. 39) as pursuing

his favorite sport in Hades.

73. _Terra_] All the monsters above mentioned, except the Aloïdæ, were

said to be the children of Γαῖα, the Earth, and Uranus, whence they were

called γηγενεῖς (C. ii. 12. 6).

74. _luridum_] This word is perhaps a contraction of 'livoridus,' and

akin to 'lividus,' and so to the Greek πελιδνός (see C. iv. 9. 33). It

signifies dismal, dark, and so forth.

75. _nec peredit_] 'Nor does the fire ever consume' the mountain, and so

liberate the giant placed under it. The offender on whom Ætna was laid

is variously said to have been Typhon or Typhoëus, Enceladus, and

Briareus. Which version Horace adopted does not appear.

78. _nequitiae additus_] 'Nequitiae' may mean 'propter nequitiam' by a

Greek construction, or it may be put for 'nequam,' the crime for the

criminal. As to Tityos and Pirithous, see C. ii. 14. 8, and C. iv. 7.

28.

79. _amatorem_] Supply 'Proserpinae.' Understand 'trecentae' as

representing any large number, as we would say 'a thousand.'

ODE V.

In the year B.C. 53, M. Licinius Crassus, as consul, with the province

of Syria, marched an army into Mesopotamia against the Parthians. He

sustained a disastrous defeat at the hands of Surenas, the Parthian

general, and lost his own life, with 20,000 men killed and 10,000

prisoners, besides several eagles. Again, in the year B.C. 36, M.

Antonius attacked the Parthians, and was obliged to retreat with great

loss.

There would seem to have been generally prevalent at Rome a feeling of

soreness and impatience under the disgrace, so long unredeemed, of these

reverses; and this feeling it appears to be Horace's purpose in this Ode

to allay, and to discourage any hope or desire for the return of the

Parthian prisoners. This desire Horace seems to impute to a degenerate

spirit, and the story of Regulus is introduced apparently to call back

men's minds to the feeling of a former generation.

The standards and many of the prisoners were restored by Phraates, B.C.

20, as an act of conciliation towards Augustus, and their recovery was

proclaimed as a triumph, and recorded upon coins with the inscription

"Signis receptis." This fiction is repeated in C. iv. 15. 6. Epp. i. 12.

27; 18. 56.

Argument.--Jove is in heaven; Augustus shall be a god upon earth when he

hath subdued the Briton and the Persian. What! can a Roman forget his

glorious home and live a slave with the Mede? 'T was not thus Regulus

acted, when he saw the ruin a coward's example would hang on those who

should come after him; and he cried, "I have seen our standards hung on

Punic walls; our freemen bound; their gates unbarred; their fields all

tilled. Ye do but add ruin to shame: but virtue, like the former fair

color of dyed wool, can never be restored. When the freed hind fights

its captor, the prisoner released shall cope again with his foe, he who

has cried for mercy and made peace for himself on the battle-field."

Then, though he knew the cruel fate which was in store for him, he

parted from his wife, his children, and his friends, and went away as

calmly as a man would go to Venafrum or Tarentum, to enjoy repose after

concluding his labors in the city.

1. _Caelo Tonantem_] 'Regnare' goes with 'caelo,' and 'Tonantem' is

absolute. Jupiter Tonans had a temple on Mons Capitolinus. 'Credidimus'

has the force of the aorist. 'Praesens' means 'praesens in terris,' as

opposed to 'caelo.'

3. _adjectis_] This means 'when he shall have added.' Horace's object

seems to be to divert men's attention from the Parthian prisoners and

past defeat to new objects of hope and ambition, under the guidance of

Augustus. (See Introduction.)

4. _gravibus_] This epithet is applied to the Parthians before (C. i. 2.

22).

5. _Milesne Crassi_] It was about twenty-eight years since the

disastrous campaign of Crassus. Orelli says Horace does not allude to M.

Antonius's losses in the same quarter eighteen years afterwards, partly

because it would have been indelicate towards Augustus, and partly

because of his affection for his son, L. Antonius.

_conjuge barbara--maritus_] 'married to a barbarian wife.' 'Vixit' is

emphatic, since they married to save their lives. (Aen. viii. 688.) The

disgrace lay in their intermarrying with those who not only had not

'connubium' with Rome, but were her enemies.

7. _Pro curia inversique mores!_] 'Pro' expresses vehemence varying in

kind according to circumstances. It is followed by the nominative or

accusative. In the common exclamation, "Pro deum hominumque fidem!" the

accusative is always used. The Curia (called Hostilia, because it was

said to have been built by Tullus Hostilius) was the senate-house, and

the exclamation in the text is, "Alas for our senate and our altered

manners!"

8. _in armis_] The Roman prisoners may have served in the Parthian

armies.

9. _Marsus et Apulus,_] See C. ii. 20. 18, n. It does not appear that

the Apulians were particularly good soldiers, but the states of Italy

all furnished troops ('socii'), and the Roman army is here referred to.

Perhaps Horace added the Apulians to the Marsi through affection for his

native state.

10. _Anciliorum_] This genitive, from 'ancile,' is anomalous. Forcellini

points out a similar irregularity in 'Saturnaliorum,' and Orelli adds

'sponsaliorum.' The 'ancilia' were twelve shields, of which, according

to tradition, eleven were made by order of Numa after the pattern of one

that was found in his house, and was supposed to have come down from

heaven. It was prophesied, that while the 'ancile' was preserved, Rome

should survive. The 'ancilia' were kept by the priests of Mars (Salii)

in his temple. By 'togae' is meant his citizenship, since none but Roman

citizens wore the toga. Horace collects the most distinguished objects

of a Roman's reverence, his name, his citizenship ('togae'), the shield

of Mars, only to be lost, and the fire of Vesta, only to be

extinguished, when Rome should perish.

12. _Incolumi Jove_] That is, 'while the Capitol is safe,' which was

Jove's temple.

15. _exemplo trahentis_] Horace means to say, that Regulus had foreseen

the danger to posterity of a precedent which should sanction the

purchase of life upon dishonorable terms. 'This the far-seeing mind of

Regulus guarded against, when he refused to agree to dishonorable

conditions, and drew from such a precedent a presage of ruin upon

generations to come.'

17. _Si non periret_, etc.] 'If the prisoners were not left to die

unpitied.'

18. _Captiva pubes._] In the year B.C. 256, during the first Punic war,

M. Atilius Regulus, being consul, invaded Africa, and after many

successes, taking many towns and laying waste the country, he was

terribly defeated and taken prisoner with 500 others. After he had been

five years a prisoner, the Carthaginians sent him to Rome to negotiate

peace, which, at his own instigation, was refused. He returned, and

according to the general account was put to death, it is said with

torture, but that may be an invention.

22. _tergo_] Dative, for 'in tergum.'

23. _Portasque non clausas_] 'the gates (of Carthage) wide open.' The

same image of security appears in A. P. 199: "Et apertis otia portis."

No attempt was made to carry the war into Africa after Regulus's defeat,

though it lasted fourteen years longer.

24. _Marte_] Equivalent to 'a militibus nostris.' This belongs to

'populata.' See C. i. 6. 2, n.

25. _repensus_] This word is not used in this sense of 'redeemed'

elsewhere. On 'scilicet,' see C. ii. 14. 9.

26. _Flagitio additis Damnum:_] Horace says, 'Ye are adding mischief to

disgrace'; and from what follows it would seem that the mischief would

arise from having among them again those who had sunk so low. The

disgrace had already been incurred, in the surrender of the Roman

troops.

27. _neque amissos_] See C. i. 6. 5, n., as to this way of speaking.

28. _fuco,_] See Epp. i. 10. 27, n.

30. _reponi deterioribus._] This has sometimes been translated as if

Horace meant that true virtue would not suffer itself to be replaced by

false, or virtue of a lower sort. I rather think he means that true

virtue, when it has once been lost, does not care to be restored to the

degenerate. Horace does not seem to consider that he is making Regulus

speak bitter things against himself. The argument of Regulus is not

worth much, and is an invention of Horace's. There is an opposite

statement in Virgil (Aen. ii. 367):--

"Quondam etiam victis redit in praecordia virtus."

37. _Hic unde vitam_] 'He (i.e. the coward) not considering to what he

ought to owe his life (i.e. to his own sword, "una salus victis," Aen.

ii. 354), confounded peace with war'; that is to say, made peace for

himself on the field of battle.

40. _Altior Italiae ruinis!_] On v. 52 of the last Ode was quoted from

Ovid (Fast. iii. 441), "Pelion altior Ossa," 'Pelion raised upon the

head of Ossa.' So here is meant 'Carthage raised above the ruins of

Italy,' and looking down upon them.

42. _capitis minor_] A Roman citizen taken prisoner by the enemy lost

his status or civil rights, and he who had done so was said to be

'capite minutus' or 'deminutus,' or 'capitis minor.' Livy says the

Romans always wanted compassion for their own soldiers taken in war

(xxii. 61).

45. _labantes_] 'wavering,' 'irresolute.' 'Consilio' is the ablative of

means with 'Firmaret'; 'by advice such as was never before given.'

46. _auctor_] One who proposed a measure was called its 'auctor,' as he

who supported it was said 'suadere.'

49. _sciebat_] Notice the force of the imperfect,--'he knew all the

while.'

50. _non aliter_] 'as calmly.'

52. _reditus_] The plural is adopted to avoid the recurrence of a final

'm.'

53. _Quam si_, etc.] As if he had been settling a dispute, as 'patroni'

were wont to do for their 'clientes,' and was going to his country-seat

at Venafrum or Tarentum; respecting which places, see C. ii. 6. 11, 15.

'Clientes' were free persons under the protection of rich and noble

citizens, who in their relation to their 'clientes' were called

'patroni.' See C. iii. 1. 10, n.

ODE VI.

As the former Odes are addressed more to qualities of young men, this

refers more especially to the vices of young women, and so Horace

discharges the promise with which this series of Odes begins. The state

of female morals at the time Horace wrote was probably not so bad as it

became shortly afterwards, though his picture is dark enough.

Argument.--On you will be visited your fathers' guilt, O Romans, unless

ye shall restore the worship and acknowledge the sovereign power of the

gods. Already have they afflicted on land; twice the Parthian hath

checked our arms; the barbarian hath well-nigh destroyed us in the

midst of our strife, the age is so full of shameless adultery and

lasciviousness. Not from such parents were born the conquerors of

Pyrrhus, Antiochus, and Hannibal, the manly offspring of soldiers who

had handled the plough and carried the fagot. So doth time spoil all

things. Our fathers were not as their fathers, nor we as they, and our

children shall be worse than ourselves.

1. _immeritus_] The Ode is addressed, like the others, 'virginibus

puerisque,' and they could not be said to be responsible for the guilt

of the civil wars ('delicta') just brought to a close, but if they

failed to do their duty in restoring the temples, and so repairing the

consequences of the wars, they must be prepared to reap the fruits of

them in the displeasure of the gods. As before mentioned (C. ii. 15,

Introduction), Augustus applied himself to the restoration of the sacred

buildings, and Virgil amplifies his piety, saying he erected three

hundred shrines to the gods after his triumph in B.C. 29 (Aen. viii.

714, sqq.). 'Aedes,' in this place corresponds with Virgil's 'delubra,'

which were mere way-side shrines, each containing an image or an altar,

or both. Tiberius followed up the work that Augustus began (Tac. Ann.

ii. 49): "Iisdem temporibus deum aedes vetustate aut igni abolitas,

coeptasque ab Augusto dedicavit." The temples he built or completed were

three in number, dedicated to Liber, Libera, and Ceres, to Flora, and to

Juno. See C. ii. 15. 20. S. ii. 2. 104.

2. _Romane,_] Horace uses the same form again (S. i. 4. 85); and Virgil

likewise, "Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento" (Aen. vi. 852).

Livy often expresses himself so.

6. _Hinc omne_, etc.] 'Hinc' means 'from the power of the gods'; 'huc,'

'to it.'

_principium,_] See note above on C. 4. 41. See Livy (45. 39): "Majores

vestri omnium magnarum rerum et principia exorsi ab Dis sunt et finem

statuerunt."

9. _Monaeses et Pacori manus_] Pacorus was son of the Parthian king,

Orodes (Arsaces XIV.), and appointed by his father to command the army

against the Romans in the place of Surenas, who defeated Crassus B.C.

53, and whom Pacorus put to death. He was associated with the renegade

Labienus, and overran Syria and a great part of Asia Minor, while M.

Antonius was amusing himself with Cleopatra. Monaeses is supposed to be

the same as Surenas, the latter being not a name but a title. Horace

alludes, perhaps without strict accuracy, to the defeat, first of

Crassus, and then of M. Antonius, who was twice defeated, first through

his legate, Decidius Saxa, in B.C. 40, by Pacorus, and four years later,

when he commanded in person, at which time, however, Pacorus was dead.

See Introduction to last Ode.

10. _Non auspicatos_] 'forbidden by the auspices.' This is the usual way

of accounting for defeat, by laying it to the neglect of the auspices,

which were always taken before a war.

12. _renidet._] Forcellini explains this word by 'gaudere,' 'laetari.'

The word is not uncommonly used for smiling, and, as it seems to be only

another form of 'niteo,' the lighting up of the face through pleasure is

perhaps the origin of this derived sense.

14. _Dacus et Aethiops,_] These were auxiliaries in Antonius's army at

Actium, 'Aethiops' standing for Egyptian. Cleopatra supplied the fleet.

20. _In patriam populumque_] These words are those of a common formula.

21. _Motus doceri gaudet Ionicos_] The Ionian was a voluptuous sort of

dance, with which the Sicilians in particular were familiar, using it at

the festivals of Diana. Dancing-masters were a class of slaves called

Pantomimi.

22. _artibus_] 'seductive accomplishments.'

23. _Jam nunc_] The meaning of 'jam nunc' is sufficiently marked in A.

P. 43. 'Nunc' is 'now,' and 'jam' gives intensive force to 'nunc.' 'Jam

jamque' expresses what is expected every moment. Horace says, directly a

girl has grown up, she is trained by lascivious teaching, and turns her

thoughts to unchaste pleasures. The expression 'de tenero ungui' is

taken from the Greek ἐξ ἁπαλῶν ὀνύχων, which signifies 'from tender

years,' when the nails are delicate, and such is the meaning here, but

it does not contradict 'matura,' as some suppose: the expression will

apply to a girl in the earliest stage of womanhood.

26. _Inter--vina,_] The same form occurs in Epp. i. 7. 28, 'ad vina,' in

C. iv. 5. 31.

27. _impermissa_] This word occurs nowhere else. 'Inconcessus' is used

by Virgil and Ovid, and Horace uses 'interdicta.'

31. _Hispanae_] Metals appear to have been the chief articles imported

from Spain, with red-lead and those stones which were polished into

mirrors, whatever stones those may have been.

32. _Dedecorum_] There is no other instance of 'pretiosus' in an active

sense, 'one who gives a large price.' 'Magister' was one who had sole

charge of a ship. 'Institor' was a shopman. The latter was only an

agent, and was usually a slave. The 'magister' might be a degree higher,

but he was usually a person who received wages; nevertheless he had

means of becoming rich, which the 'institor' could not, except by

robbing his employer.

34. _Infecit aequor_] See C. ii. 12. 3, n.; and on 'dirum' see the verse

before that. 'Cecidit' is used with some latitude. Their projects were

cut short, but not their lives. Pyrrhus was driven from Italy through a

defeat he sustained from Curius, the consul, near Beneventum, in B.C.

274, and lost his life two years afterwards, at Argos. Antiochus the

Great was defeated by Acilius Glabrio, at Thermopylæ, B.C. 191, and by

L. Scipio in Asia the next year. He lost his life in an attempt to

plunder a temple in one of his own towns, three years later. Hannibal

was defeated by P. Scipio, at Zama, B.C. 202, but lived twenty years

after that battle.

38. _Sabellis_] 'Sabelli' was the name given by the Romans to all the

tribes which issued from the Sabine stock. The Sabine mountaineers were

particularly noted for the simplicity of their habits and the honesty of

their characters. Here Horace contrasts them with the Romans of his own

day. See Epod. ii. 41; Epp. ii. 1. 25; and compare the description

Horace gives of his own neighbors, S. ii. 6. 77; Epp. i. 14. 3.

39, sqq. _severae--fustes,_] 'to cut and carry home fagots, at the

bidding of an exacting mother.'

41. _sol ubi_] There are not many poets who could incidentally have

expressed in so few words, and so graphically, the hour of evening.

42. _Mutaret_] That is, by lengthening them.

44. _agens_] 'bringing on.' The last stanza is a solemn and

comprehensive conclusion to these six stirring and instructive Odes.

ODE VII.

The idea of this graceful Ode is that of a young girl lamenting the

absence of her lover, who is gone on a trading voyage to the Euxine. The

names, as usual in these compositions, are foreign. Gyges is Lydian. The

time is winter. The lover is supposed to be on his voyage home, and

detained on the coast of Epirus, whither he had been driven by the

southerly winds which prevailed at that season. He is waiting for the

spring to return home, and is represented, for Chloe's comfort, as

resisting the temptations of his hostess, though she tries to frighten

him with stories of women's revenge. There is great simplicity and

beauty in this Ode. Whether it is original, or a free copy from the

Greek, cannot be determined.

Argument.--Weep not, Asterie; Gyges is faithful, and will return with

the spring, a rich man. He has been driven to Oricum, and is weeping

with impatience for thee. Chloë, his hostess, is trying to seduce him,

and frightens him with stories of rejected women's revenge. But he is

deaf to her seductions. Beware in thy turn of Enipeus, thy gallant

neighbor. Shut thy doors and listen not to his songs.

2. _Favonii_] See C. i. 4. 1. Favonius, according to Pliny (ii. 47),

blew 'ab occasu aequinoctiali,' that is, due west. It would therefore be

a favorable wind for a vessel coming down the Adriatic, and not very

unfavorable for sailing up the west coast of Italy. It would be in her

teeth as she tried to make the Straits of Messina. But Horace's winds

are not more studied than his places and persons. The lover is waiting

till the weather changes and the winds are mild and favorable. The

Favonii are called 'candidi,' as Notus and Iapyx are each called 'albus'

(C. i. 7. 15; iii. 27. 19).

3. _Thyna merce_] The Thyni and Bithyni were originally two different

peoples of Thrace, who migrated into Asia Minor and displaced the

natives. For some time they continued separate, but when Horace wrote,

the distinction was not observed, and 'Thyna merx' was Bithynian

merchandise (Epp. i. 6. 33). Bithynia, after it became a Roman province,

included a great part of Pontus, and so comprised nearly the whole sea

coast of Asia Minor, and all the trade along that coast would come under

the title of 'Thyna merx.'

4. _fide,_] The genitive. The older forms of genitives of this

declension were four, 'es,' 'ei,' 'i,' and 'e.'

5. _Oricum_] This was a town in Epirus, situated at the top of the bay

formed by the Acroceraunian promontory. See Aen. x. 136. "Oricia

terebintho." The constellation of the goat Amalthea (Capra) rises at the

beginning of October.

11. _Dicens ignibus uri,_] 'Ignibus' is used as Ovid uses it (Am. iii.

9. 56), "vixisti dum tuus ignis eram." We may understand C. i. 27. 16,

"Non erubescendis adurit Ignibus," in the same way, i.e. the flame put

for the person who causes it.

12. _Tentat mille vafer modis._] On 'tentat,' see note on C. iii. 4. 71.

13. _mulier perfida_] Antea or Sthenobæa, wife of Prœtus, king of Argos,

fell in love with Bellerophontes, and when he rejected her proposals,

she accused him to her husband, as Potiphar's wife accused Joseph.

14. _Falsis impulerit_] 'Impello' is used with the infinitive mood by

Tacitus (Ann. xiii. 54; xiv. 60). The common construction is with 'ut,'

as (Epp. ii. 2. 51) "impulit audax Ut versus facerem."

17. _Pelea_] Astydamia or Hippolyte, the wife of Acastus, king of

Iolcos, out of revenge for his rejection of her, induced her husband to

expose Peleus to destruction by wild beasts on Mount Pelion, where he

took him to hunt, and left him asleep without his sword. Hippolyte is

called 'Magnessam' because Iolcos was in Magnesia. Joseph's virtue has

its parallels in Grecian fable.

19. _peccare docentes_] 'inciting to sin.'

20. _Fallax historias movet._] 'Mentionem movere' occurs in Livy;

'cantus movere' in Virgil; 'carmen movere' in Ovid. 'Historias movere'

is therefore a legitimate expression, 'brings up,' 'calls to his mind.'

21. _Frustra:_] A complete and very comprehensive sentence. It occurs

below (C. 13. 6). Some persons join the word on with the last line,

which weakens its force. Icari is the Icarium Mare, that part of the

Ægean which washes the coast of Caria. With these words compare

Euripides (Med. 28), ὡς δὲ πέτρος ἣ θαλάσσιος κλύδων ἀδούει. (See also

Androm. 537, and Epod. xvii. 54, sq.).

25. _flectere equum_] This was to wheel the horse round in a small

circle:

"Sive ferocis equi luctantia colla recurvas

Exiguo flexos miror in orbe pedes,"

says Phaedra to Hippolytus (Heroid. iv. 79, sq.). Tacitus (Germ. vi.)

says the German horses were not taught like the Roman 'variare gyros.'

28. _denatat_] This word in used nowhere else. Compare C. i. 8. 3, sqq.;

iii. 12. 7. 'Tusco alveo' is the stream of the Tiber which rises in

Etruria.

29. _neque in vias_] This use of 'neque' for 'neve,' in connection with

the imperative mood, is confined to the poets.

ODE VIII.

This Ode was composed on the anniversary of Horace's accident with the

tree (C. ii. 13). It is addressed to Mæcenas, whom he invites to join

him in celebrating the day, which was the 1st of March, B.C. 25, or

thereabouts.

Argument.--Wonderest thou, learned friend, what this sacrifice means on

the Kalends of March, and I a bachelor? On this day I was delivered from

death, and it shall be a holiday. Come, Mæcenas, a hundred cups of my

oldest wine to the health of thy friend. Away with anxiety. The Dacian

has fallen, the Mede is divided against himself, the Cantabrian is in

chains, and the Scythian has unstrung his bow. Be here the private

gentleman: never mind the people; enjoy thyself and unbend.

1. _Martiis caelebs_] The Matronalia, or feast of married persons in

honor of Juno Lucina, when husbands made presents to their wives, and

offered prayers for the continuance of happiness in their married life,

was celebrated on the first of March.

2. _acerra thuris_] This is the proper word for a box of frankincense

(λιβανωτίς). The derivation is uncertain.

4. _Caespite vivo,_] 'on an altar of green turf.' See C. i. 19. 13.

5. _Docte sermones utriusque linguae?_] These words express a man well

read in the literature of Greece and Rome. Elsewhere he addresses his

patron as 'Maecenas docte' (Epp. i. 19. 1).

6. _dulces epulas_] A solemn sacrifice was commonly followed by a

banquet, at which libations were poured to the god to whom the sacrifice

had been offered.

7. _Libero caprum prope funeratus_] This last word is not found in any

other writer earlier than Pliny. He and others after him use 'funero'

for 'to bury.' Horace here attributes to Liber the deliverance he had

before attributed to Mercury, Faunus, and the Muses, successively (see

C. ii. 17. 28, n.).

10. _dimovebit_] See C. i. 1. 13, n.

11. _Amphorae fumum_] The amphoræ were kept in the apotheca in the upper

part of the house, to which the smoke from the bath had access, as this

was thought to hasten the ripening of the wine and to improve its

flavor, just as Madeira wine is improved by being kept in a warm

temperature. The amphora being lined with pitch or plaster, and the cork

being also covered with pitch, the smoke could not penetrate if these

were properly attended to. 'Amphorae' is the dative.

12. _Consule Tullo._] L. Volcatius Tullus was consul B.C. 66, the year

before Horace was born. This wine, therefore, had probably been in the

amphora upwards of forty years. Sulla once treated the Romans with some

wine upwards of forty years old (Plut. Sull. c. 35), and this is not an

extreme age for some modern wines. Juvenal (S. v. 34) speaks of wine:--

"cujus patriam titulumque senectus

Delevit multa veteris fuligine testae."

13. _amici Sospitis_] This is a Greek construction, which occurs again

in C. iii. 19. 9, 10. Horace's request may amount to this: 'Pray that my

life may be prolonged a hundred years.'

14. _vigiles lucernas Perfer_] In C. iii. 21. 23 we have "vivaeque

producent lucernae," where 'vivae' corresponds to 'vigiles' here. Virgil

uses 'ferre' uncompounded in Aen. ix. 338: "Aequasset nocti ludum in

lucemque tulisset."

17. _Mitte civiles super urbe curas:_] See iii. 29. 25, n.

18. _Daci Cotisonis_] Cotiso was king of the Daci, one of the tribes of

the Danube (C. i. 19. 10, n.). About B.C. 25 Augustus sent Lentulus

against these tribes. Whether that is alluded to here or not is

uncertain.

19. _sibi_] This word is so placed that it may depend on 'infestus,'

'luctuosis,' or 'dissidet.' I prefer the first. The quarrels of the

Parthians among themselves are referred to in the Introduction to C. i.

26.

22. _Cantaber_] See C. ii. 6. 2, n.; and as to 'catena,' see C. ii. 13.

18, n.

23. _Scythae_] Some take these to be the Scythians who helped Phraates;

others imagine them to be the Geloni and other trans-Danubian tribes.

Horace meant no more than generally to say that the enemies of Rome were

no longer disturbing her.

26. _Parce privatus_] This may mean, 'Since you have no cause to be

anxious about public affairs, do not be too anxious about your own.'

'Not anxious lest in aught the people suffer, spare for thyself excess

of carefulness.'

ODE IX.

This is an elegant trifle in the form of a dialogue, showing the process

of reconciliation between two lovers, in which the desire for peace

appears in the midst of pretended indifference, and mutual jealousy is

made the means of reunion. The subject could hardly have been more

delicately handled. Whether the treatment of it is original or not, it

is impossible to say. It is just such a subject as one might expect to

find among the erotic poetry of the Greeks.

Argument.--While thou didst love me better than all the world, no prince

was happy as I.

While Lydia was dearest to thee of women, the name of Ilia was not so

noble as mine.

Chloe, the sweet singer, is my queen: for her I would gladly die.

Calaïs loves me, and I love him: for him I would gladly die. What if the

old love were to unite us again, if Chloe were cast off and turned from

my door, and I opened it to Lydia again?

Though Calaïs is handsome, and thou art fickle and passionate as the

stormy sea, I would live and die with thee.

1. _Donec_] Equivalent to 'dum.'

2. _potior_] 'more favored.'

4. _Persarum--rege beatior._] A proverbial expression for 'the happiest

of men.'

5. _alia_] Some MSS. have 'aliam.' Either construction is correct (see

C. ii. 4. 7, n.). On 'multi nominis,' see C. i. 36. 13.

12. _Si parcent animae_] Cic. ad Fam. (xiv. 14): "Vos meae carissimae

animae quam saepissime ad me scribite." Since 'metuam' here and 'patiar'

below (v. 15) are the present subjunctive, 'parcent,' following those

words, should, in strict Latinity, be 'parcant.' But the same

construction occurs above (C. iii. 3. 7). Why Chloë should be a

Thracian, and Ornytus of Thurii (see S. ii. 8. 20, n.), is not worth

questioning.

17. _prisca_] Forcellini gives other instances of this use of 'priscus,'

where 'pristinus' is more usual.

18. _jugo cogit_] 'Jugo' is governed by 'cogit,' and 'diductos' stands

alone, 'parted though we be.'

19. _excutitur_] The English "cast off" expresses the meaning best.

22. _improbo_] On the meaning of 'improbus' as a word expressing

'excess,' see below (C. iii. 24. 62). Here it means 'violent,'

'furious.'

ODE X.

This is supposed to be sung by a lover under the window of his mistress,

who on a cold night refuses him admission. It is what the Greeks called

a παρακλαυσίθυρον, such as that supposed one, of which a fragment is

given in C. i. 25. This species of serenade was so common among the

Greeks, that we may suppose Horace had some poem of the sort in his mind

when he wrote this. The thirteenth Ode of the fourth book is nominally

connected with this; but as there is no necessity for supposing, nor any

likelihood, that Horace wrote this from his own experience, so neither

is it likely that he wrote that to taunt in her decline the girl who is

supposed to reject his addresses here.

Argument.--Were Scythia thy dwelling-place, Lyce, this inclement night

should move thee to pity me. Hear how the wind howls; see how the snow

lies freezing. Venus loves not pride: the rope may break and the wheel

run back; though nothing bends thee, neither presents, nor prayers, nor

these sallow cheeks of mine, nor thy husband's faithlessness, though

thou be hard as the oak and cruel as the serpent, yet as a goddess have

pity! Flesh and blood will not stand this for ever.

1. _Tanain si biberes,_] This is the way of speaking adopted in C. ii.

20. 20, and iv. 15. 21.

2. _Saevo nupta viro,_] 'wedded to a barbarian husband.'

3. _objicere incolis_] 'thou wouldst grieve to expose me to the

north-winds that there have their home.'

5. _nemus_] Shrubs and flowers were sometimes planted round the

impluvium of a Roman house, but more largely in the peristylium, which

was an open space at the back part of the house, surrounded by

colonnades, and, like the impluvium, usually having a cistern or

fountain in the middle. 'Remugiat ventis,' 'echoes back to the winds

their howling.'

7. _ut glaciet_] It is easy to supply 'vides,' or 'sentis,' or any other

word more appropriate than 'audis' to the freezing of the snow. One verb

of sense is often made to serve for two or three. 'How Jove with his

bright power freezeth the snow as it lies.' 'Jove' is the atmosphere

(see C. i. 1. 25, n.). 'Puro' is a good epithet to express a clear

frosty night.

10. _Ne currente retro funis eat rota_] 'Lest the wheel turn back and

the rope with it,' 'retro' applying to both 'currente' and 'eat.' The

metaphor is taken from a rope wound round a cylinder, which being

allowed to run back, the rope runs down and the weight or thing attached

goes with it. The proverb is applied to a coquette who continues her

pride till she loses her power.

12. _Tyrrhenus genuit parens._] Lyce is represented as an Etruscan

woman, and being such, her lover says she need not think to imitate the

chaste Penelope, to whom it appears the women of Etruria did not in

general bear any resemblance.

14. _tinctus viola_] See Argument.

15. _Nec vir_] He says she is not bent from her stubbornness even by her

husband's faithlessness, he being engaged with another woman, who is

represented as a Pierian, just as Chloe, in the last Ode, was a

Thracian, and on the same principle. Nearly all Horace's women of this

character are represented as Greeks. 'Curvat' is nowhere else used in

this sense.

19. _aquae Caelestis_] He repeats the phrase Epp. ii. 1. 135. 'Hoc

latus' is equivalent to 'ego'; the part suffering from the threshold put

for the whole person.

ODE XI.

This is an address to the lyre, calling upon it for a song to win the

heart of Lyde. The principal subject is the story of the Danaides, who

murdered their husbands, but more particularly of the one who spared

hers. The punishment of the sisters for their cruelty, and the

tenderness of Hypermnestra, are the warning and example by which Lyde is

to be won.

The common inscription Ad Mercurium is wrong, and calculated to mislead.

The inscription should be Ad Testudinem, if anything; for Mercury

disappears after the first two verses. The miracles alluded to, except

Amphion's, were those of Orpheus, and of the lyre in his hands, not

Mercury's, who is only introduced because he invented the lyre and

taught Amphion. The Ode is of the same class as the two last. We have no

means of tracing the original, if it is a copy.

Argument.--Mercury, who didst teach Amphion to move stones, and thou,

lyre, once dumb, now welcome at feast and festival, tune me a strain to

which even Lyde, though she be free as the young colt, must attend. Thou

charmest tigers, woods, streams, and hell's bloody sentinel, and Ixion,

and Tityos, and the daughters of Danaus. Let Lyde hear of their crime

and punishment, and how one was merciful and spared her young husband's

life, saying, "Rise up; begone, lest the sleep of death overtake thee.

They have sprung upon their prey. My heart is not as their heart. I will

do thee no harm. Let my father do with me as he will, yet go thou, while

night and love protect thee. Farewell, and when I am gone, engrave a

word of sorrow on my tomb."

2. _Amphion_] See Epp. i. 18. 41. A. P. 394, n.

3. _Tuque testudo_] See C. i. 10. 6, n. The 'testudo' or 'cithara' had

originally but four strings. Terpander added to it three more, about

B.C. 676. The tetrachord was not however banished, though the heptachord

was better adapted to more elaborate music (see S. i. 3. 8, n.).

4. _Callida_] 'skilled.'

5. _Nec loquax olim neque grata_] 'Formerly dumb, and powerless to give

pleasure.'

10. _exsultim_] This word is not found elsewhere. Other words found in

Horace and not elsewhere are 'allaborare,' 'tentator,' 'inaudax,'

'immetata,' 'faustitas,' 'belluosus,' 'applorans,' 'inemori,' 'emetere,'

'laeve,' 'insolabiliter,' 'defingere,' 'vepallidus,' 'emiror,'

'irruptus,' 'aesculetum,' 'ambitiosus,' 'depugis,' 'uvescere,'

'disconvenire,' 'diludium,' 'impariter,' 'delitigo,' 'juvenari,'

'socialiter,' 'iambeus,' 'abstare.' It does not follow, because we have

no other examples of these words, that Horace had none.

13. _Tu potes_] See C. i. 12. 7, sqq.

17. _Cerberus, quamvis_] This passage may be compared with C. ii. 13.

33, sqq. 'Furiale,' 'fury-like,' having snakes for hair.

21. _Quin et Ixion_] He was king of the Lapithæ. Having treacherously

murdered his father-in-law, Deioneus, he returned the goodness of Zeus,

who purified him, by trying to seduce Here, for which Horace calls him

rightly 'perfidus Ixion' (A. P. 124), and he was punished by being bound

to a wheel perpetually revolving, in Hades. As to Tityos, see C. ii. 14.

8, n. For 'quin et,' see C. ii. 13. 37, n. 'Vultu risit invito' is a

happy description. (S. ii. 3. 72, n.)

23. _Danai puellas_] The daughters of Danaus (see C. ii. 14. 18) were

punished by having to fill a vessel with a hole in the bottom. They were

fifty in number, and married the fifty sons of Ægyptus, their uncle. At

the bidding of their father, who was afraid of his nephews, they all

murdered their husbands but Hypermnestra, who spared Lynceus. Horace

puts a touching speech into her mouth, bidding her young husband rise

and fly for his life.

27. _fundo pereuntis imo_] 'escaping by (through) the bottom.'

28. _Seraque fata_] ὑστεροφθόρον δίκην. See note on C. iii. 2. 32.

31. _potuere_] 'they had the heart.' This would be expressed by ἕτλησαν

in Greek. In a more familiar passage 'possum' occurs with the same kind

of meaning (Epp. i. 5. 1): "Si potes Archiacis conviva recumbere

lectis," 'if you can make up your mind.'

37. _Surge, quae dixit_] Ovid has borrowed all but the words of Horace

in Hypermnestra's letter to Lynceus, one of the most touching of his

poems,--

"Surge age, Belida, de tot modo fratribus unus:

Nox tibi ni properas ista perennis erit." (Her. xiv. 73, sq.)

ODE XII.

This Ode represents a girl lamenting to herself over a love she must not

indulge. Her name is Neobule, and that of the man she loves is Hebrus,

whom she represents as the perfection of beauty and manliness. The Ode

appears to have been imitated, if not translated, from one of Alcæus, of

which one verse in the same metre is extant.

Argument.--Poor women! we must not love, we must not drown care in wine,

or a cruel guardian scolds us to death. Alas, Neobule! thou canst not

spin nor work, for love of Hebrus, so beautiful as he bathes in the

waters of Tiber, a horseman like Belerophon, unsurpassed in the combat

and the race, in piercing the flying deer or catching the lurking boar.

1. _Miserarum est_] 'It is the fate of unhappy women.'

2. _aut_] 'or, if we do.'

3. _Patruae_] Compare (Sat. ii. 3. 88) "ne sis patruus mihi." On the

form 'lavere,' see C. ii. 3. 18, n.

4. _qualum_] 'my wool-basket.' The name Neobule is found in a fragment

of Archilochus. Hebrus's birthplace is mentioned to give more reality to

the person. Lipara, it must be admitted, was an odd place to choose. It

was one of the Vulcaniae Insulae, and is still called Lipari.

7. _Simul_] 'Soon as' is an early English equivalent for 'whenever,' and

'simul' bears that sense here. The last syllable of 'Bellerophonte' is

long, as from the Greek. Bellerophon was usually represented as leading

or riding the winged horse Pegasus, on whose back he conquered Chimæra.

See C. i. 27. 24, n.

9. _Neque segni_] The epithet belongs to both substantives: 'never

beaten for slothfulness of hand (in boxing) or foot (in running).'

11. _jaculari_] C. i. 2. 3, n.

12. _excipere_] This seems to be a hunting word. See Epp. i. 1. 79.

ODE XIII.

The Ode is an address to a fountain about six miles from Venusia, which

has been identified with one still existing, but in a very different

state, bare of trees and choked up with dirt. We need only suppose that

the name was suggested to Horace by the recollections of his childhood,

without imagining him really on the point of offering sacrifice, or

being in the neighborhood of his birthplace when he wrote. It has

something of the nature of an epigramma or inscription, and is among the

choicest of Horace's small pieces.

Argument.--Fair fountain of Bandusia, thou art worthy of my libation and

of the kid that shall fall for thee to-morrow, and dye thy cold stream

with his blood. Thee the summer's heat pierceth not; cool is thy water

to flocks and herds. Thou, too, shalt be placed among the fountains of

fame, when I sing of the oak that hangs from the rock whence thy

babbling waters spring.

1. _splendidior vitro,_] The use of glass by the ancients was long a

matter of dispute, but it is now generally allowed to have been brought

by them to great perfection.

6. _Frustra:_] See above (C. iii. 7. 21, n.).

9. _atrox hora Caniculae_] 'the burning season of the dog star.'

Canicula is another name for the well-known star of the first magnitude

in the head of Canis Major, called by the Greeks Σείριος. It rises in

July.

13. _Fies nobilium_] This is a Greek construction, 'unus' having to be

supplied. 'Tu quoque,' 'thou too,' as well as the fountains celebrated

by the Greek poets.

ODE XIV.

This Ode was composed at the close of the Cantabrian war, B.C. 25, when

Augustus's return was expected, or on his return the following year. He

was detained by illness at Tarracona. The poet calls upon the citizens

to rejoice, and bids the conqueror's wife and sister go forth to offer

sacrifice, declaring that he too will keep holiday.

Argument.--Cæsar is returning a conqueror from Spain, O ye people, he

who but just went forth like Hercules to the field. Let his chaste wife

and sister go forth to offer sacrifice with the matrons, while the young

soldiers and their brides stand reverently by. I too will keep holiday;

for I am safe while Augustus is lord of the world. Bring flowers, boy,

and ointment, and my best old wine, and go bid Neæra come: if the

churlish porter refuse thee, come away; I have no mind for strife,

though I might not have borne as much in the heyday of my youth.

1. _Herculis ritu_] As Hercules braved death, so did Augustus, and like

Hercules he is returning from Spain victorious. Hercules went to Spain

to get the oxen of Geryones for Eurystheus, his tenth labor. See C. ii.

14. 7, n.

_o plebs,_] 'Plebs' and 'populus' are used synonymously (C. ii. 2. 18,

sq.), and either word stands for the common formula 'populus plebsque

Romana.'

2. _Morte venalem_] 'whose price is death.'

5. _Unico gaudens--marito_] A poetical periphrasis for 'chaste.'

6. _justis operata sacris,_] There are other examples of 'operor' in

this sense of sacrificing. Ladies of birth appear to have been

distinguished on these occasions from freedwomen by a wreath. The

persons forming the procession are supposed to be the wife (Livia) and

sister (Octavia) of Augustus, and the mothers of the soldiers who had

returned and of their young wives, who are represented as looking on

reverentially at the thanksgiving sacrifice.

9. _juvenum_] This and 'pueri' both mean the soldiers, as 'virginum' and

'puellae' both mean their wives.

11. _virum expertae,_] This is equivalent to 'nuper virgines nuptae' (C.

ii. 8. 22). 'Male ominatis' may be pronounced as one word, as

'maleolens,' 'suaveolens,' &c. The phrase is expressed by εὐφημεῖτε in

Greek.

14. _tumultum Nec mori per vim_] 'Tumultus' and 'vis' are

well-distinguished terms. 'Tumultus' was a public affair, a sudden

outbreak. 'Vis,' 'violence,' was either 'publica' or 'privata,' and the

distinction between the two will be found on referring to the article

'Vis' in Smith's Dict. Ant. Horace says he is not afraid of losing his

life by any popular insurrection, and so forth, or by the hand of an

assassin or private malice.

18. _Marsi memorem duelli,_] The Marsic or Social War continued from

B.C. 91 to 89. It was a rising of the Socii, the states of Italy, for

the purpose of getting the Roman franchise. The Marsi took a prominent

part in the war, which was sometimes called by their name. The Servile

War lasted from B.C. 73 to 71. It was an outbreak of the slaves of

Italy, who, under Spartacus, himself a slave and gladiator, were formed

into a vast army, and traversed the whole country from Rhegium to the

Po. Horace speaks contemptuously of Spartacus, but the Romans never had

a more able or more successful enemy. The wine Horace wanted would have

been at least sixty-five years old. There seems to have been something

remarkable in the vintage of that period so as to make it proverbial;

for Juvenal, one hundred years afterwards, speaking of the selfish

gentleman who keeps his best wine for his own drinking, says,--

"Ipse capillato diffusum consule potat

Calcatamque tenet bellis socialibus uvam." (S. v. 30, sq.).

The 'cadus,' 'testa,' and 'amphora,' were all names for the same vessel.

19. _si qua_] 'if in any way.' Supply 'ratione.'

21. _argutae_] 'the sweet singer.'

22. _Myrrheum_] 'perfumed.'

27. _ferrem_] For 'tulissem.'

28. _Consule Planco._] L. Munatius Plancus was consul with M. Aemilius

Lepidus, B.C. 42, at which time Horace was in his twenty-third year. He

was now forty.

ODE XV.

This Ode combines with the lyric something of the spirit of the Epodes.

It professes to address an old woman, Chloris, telling her it is time to

put an end to her intrigues, for she is poor and ready to drop into her

grave.

Argument.--Put a stop to thy intrigues, for thou art old and poor. What

becometh thy daughter becometh not thee, Chloris. She may go and besiege

the young men's doors: she is in love, and cannot help it. But do thou

go spin; music and flowers and wine are not for thee.

1. _pauperis_] He means to say that a poor man's wife should be thrifty

and mind her work, especially if she be old.

6. _Et stellis nebulam_] 'To spread a cloud over those fair stars.' An

old woman in a company of girls would be like a cloud in a starry sky.

10. _tympano._] The 'tympanum' was a tambourine, played in all respects

as now, and usually by women, who danced as they beat it. As to Thyias,

see C. ii. 19. 9.

13. _Te lanae_] See Argument.

14. _Luceriam,_] This was a town of Apulia, now called Lucera, in the

neighborhood of which was one of the largest tracts of public

pasture-land.

ODE XVI.

Horace here dwells on his favorite theme,--contentment and

moderation,--which he is able to illustrate by the example of Mæcenas

(v. 20), as well as his own. The mischievous influence of gold is

illustrated by the stories of Danae and others, and Horace describes his

own contentment with his humble but independent condition.

Argument.--A stout prison and savage watch-dogs might have kept Danae

from harm; but Jove and Venus smiled, for they knew that the god need

but change himself to gold, and the way would be clear before him. Gold

penetrates through guards; gold shall burst rocks; thereby fell the

house of Amphiaraus; thereby the Macedonian won cities; thereby stern

admirals are ensnared. And as it grows, the desire for more grows too. A

high estate I dread. Mæcenas, thou good knight, the more a man denies

himself, the more the gods will give him. I fly from the rich to the

contented, and am more independent than any poor rich man in the world.

My stream, and my little wood, and my trusty field, are a happier

portion than all Africa. I have no honey of Calabria, nor wine of

Formiæ, nor Gaulish fleece, yet poverty doth not pinch me; and if I

wanted more, thou art ready to give it.

My small income will go further by the restricting of my wants, than if

I had all Lydia and Phrygia for my own. Who ask much, lack much. It is

well with him who has enough.

1. _Inclusam Danaën_] Acrisius, king of Argos, being informed by an

oracle that his daughter Danae would bear a son who would kill him, shut

her up. But Jupiter found his way to her in a shower of gold, and she

became the mother of Perseus who, as predicted, killed his grandfather.

The fable of the shower of gold has here its simplest explanation.

'Tristes excubiae' is like Ovid's "tristis custodia servi" (A. A. iii.

601). On the construction with 'munierant' see C. ii. 17. 28, n.

4. _adulteris_] 'lovers.'

7. _fore enim_] This is an elliptical form of the oratio obliqua, in

translating which, 'they said,' or 'they knew,' must be supplied.

'Pretium' has reference to the corruption of the guards, the price at

which they were bought.

10. _amat_] Used as φιλεῖ, like "consociare amant" (C. ii. 3. 10), and

"amet quavis adspergere" (S. i. 4. 87).

11. _concidit auguris Argivi domus_] The story is that of Amphiaraus,

who

ὄλετ᾽ ἐν Θήβαισι γυναίων εἵνεκα δώρων (Odyss. xv. 247),

and of his wife Eriphyle,

ἣ χρυσὸν φίλου ἀνδρὸς ἐδέξατο τιμήεντα (Odyss. xi. 327).

Eriphyle, bribed by her brother Polyneices, induced her husband to join

the expedition against Thebes, where he fell, leaving an injunction with

his sons to put their mother to death, which Alcmæon did, and, like

Orestes, was pursued by the Erinnyes of his mother, and was finally put

to death in attempting to get possession of the gold necklace with which

she had been bribed.

14. _Portas vir Macedo_] Plutarch, in his life of Paulus Æmilius (c.

xiii.), says it was Philip's gold, not Philip, that won the cities of

Greece. And Cicero (Ad Att. i. 16) repeats a saying attributed to

Philip, that he could take any town into which an ass could climb laden

with gold. Juvenal, following the general report, calls Philip "callidus

emptor Olynthi" (xii. 47).

15. _munera navium Saevos illaqueant duces._] This is supposed to refer

to Menas, otherwise called Menodorus, the commander of Sex. Pompeius's

fleet, who deserted from him to Augustus, and back to Pompeius, and then

to Augustus again. He was rewarded beyond his merits. He was a freedman

of Cn. Pompeius, and Suetonius (Octav. 74) states that Augustus made him

'ingenuus.' He is said to be alluded to by Virgil (Aen. vi. 612,

sqq.):--

"Quique arma secuti

Impia nec veriti dominorum fallere dextras,

Inclusi poenam expectant."

See Introduction to Epod. iv. Forcellini quotes only one other instance

of 'illaqueo' from Prudentius, and one of the passive participle from

Cicero. 'Irretio,' as Orelli says, is the more common word of the same

meaning.

18. _Majorumque fames_] 'Majorum' is of the neuter gender, dependent on

'fames,' as in Theocritus (xvi. 65), αἰεὶ δὲ πλεόνων ἔχει ἵμερος αὐτόν.

With 'tollere verticem' compare C. i. 18.15; and on 'equitum decus' see

C. i. 20. 5, n.

21. _Quanto quisque sibi_] This sentiment approaches as near as possible

to the fundamental rule of Christian morals. The accuracy of the picture

in the next verses must not be insisted on too closely. It would imply

that Horace, a wealthy Epicurean, had thrown up his riches in contempt,

and gone over to the ranks of the Stoics. But as Horace never was rich,

he could not have acted the deserter on these terms, though he changed

his opinions. Horace may sometimes be supposed to put general maxims in

the first person, without strict application to himself. 'Nudus'

signifies one who has left everything he had behind him. By 'contemptae'

he means that the rich man with fine houses had a contempt for his

little property.

26. _arat impiger_] Apulia, with the exception of a comparatively small

tract which was productive, was occupied with forests or pasture lands,

or tracts of barren hills. But Horace likes to speak of his own country

with respect (see above, C. 5. 9, n.). The license by which the first

syllable in 'arat' is lengthened may be admitted in the cæsural place.

'Occultare,' 'to hoard,' which was commonly done to raise the price.

'Meis' is emphatic, as 'proprio horreo' (i. 1. 9).

29. _Purae rivus aquae_] The small river Digentia is that which Horace

alludes to (see Epp. i. 16). On 'certa fides' see C. iii. 1. 30, n.

'Fallit beatior' is a Greek construction, λανθάνει ὀλβιώτερον ὄν. Horace

says, 'Mine is a happier lot than his who has all Africa for his

possession, though he knows not that it is so.' The construction is like

"sensit medios delapsus in hostes" (Aen. ii. 377), for 'se delapsum

esse.'

33. _Calabrae--apes_] See C. ii. 6. 14, n.

34. _Laestrygonia--amphora_] This is used like 'Sabina diota,' which was

the same sort of vessel (C. i. 9. 7), 'an amphora of Formian wine.' The

inhabitants of Formiæ in Latium supposed it to be the same as the

Læstrygonia mentioned by Homer (Odyss. x. 81),--

ἑβδομάτῃ δ᾽ ἱκόμεσθα Λάμου αἰπὺ πτολίεθρον,

τηλέπυλον Λαιστρυγονίην.

See Introduction to the next Ode, and Ovid (Met. xiv. 233):--

"Inde Lami veterem Laestrygonis, inquit, in urbem

Venimus."

'Languescere' means 'to lose its strength by keeping.' The Formian wine

is mentioned, C. i. 20. 11. The pasture lands in the basin of the Po

('Gallica pascua') were very extensive and rich.

38. _Nec si plura velim_] Compare Epod. i. 31: "Satis superque me

benignitas tua Ditavit." There was a Mygdonia in Mesopotamia, and

Bithynia is said to have been called by that name of old. The Mygdonia

of Asia Minor (part of Macedonia was also so called) was not very

clearly defined. That Horace identifies it with Phrygia appears from C.

ii. 12. 22. 'Alyattei' is the genitive of 'Alyatteus,' another form of

'Alyattes' (king of Lydia), as Achilleus -ei of Achilles, Ulixeus -ei of

Ulixes. 'Vectigalia' means properly the public revenue, but is here used

for a private fortune, not without reason, as he is comparing himself

with kings. See S. ii. 2. 100, n.

42. _Multa petentibus_] The same sentiment in different words appears

below (C. iii. 24. 63). 'Bene est' occurs again in S. ii. 6. 4, 8. 4.

Epp. i. 1. 89. It is familiarly known in the formulas S. V. B. E. V.

('si valeas bene est, valeo'), which the Romans prefixed to their

letters.

ODE XVII.

The short Ode, C. i. 26, and this Ode, were addressed to the same

person, L. Aelius Lamia (see Introduction to C. i. 26). He was a young

man of good birth, being of the Aelia gens, who were plebeians, but of

old standing. Like other families, the Lamiæ were, perhaps, glad to

trace their origin to a fabulous hero, and believed their founder to be

Lamus, mythical king of the Læstrygonians, and builder of Formiæ, whence

they must have migrated to Rome (see last Ode, v. 33, n.). Horace had an

affection for the young man, Lamia, whose father was a friend of

Cicero's, and died rich. It is not improbable that the Ode was written

at his house in the country, whether at Formiæ or elsewhere. It is an

exhortation to Lamia to make preparations for enjoying a holiday on the

next day. The verses have no particular merit, and could have cost

Horace little labor. He must have written many such that have never been

published, and these two Odes were probably included in the collection

out of compliment to Lamia. Lamia had a brother Quintus, who died early,

to the great grief of Lucius (see Epp. i. 14. 6). In two passages

Juvenal alludes to the Lamiæ as a family of distinction (S. iv. 154, and

vi. 385). Tacitus (Ann. vi. 27), mentioning the death of this Lamia,

says his 'genus' was 'decorum.'

Argument.--Ælius, ennobled with the blood of Lamus,--for like all the

Lamias thou derivest thy birth from him who founded Formiæ and ruled on

the banks of the Liris,--a storm is coming; get in the wood while it is

dry: to-morrow the servants shall have holiday, and thou wilt do

sacrifice to thy genius.

2. _Quando_] The same as 'quoniam,' 'since.'

4. _memores--fastos,_] These were the family records and genealogies,

not the Fasti Consulares, in which only this Lamia would appear, and

that after Horace wrote. He was consul A.D. 3. The words occur again in

C. iv. 14. 4: "Per titulos memoresque fastos." 'Fastos' and 'fastus' (2d

and 4th declension) are both found. See Epp. ii. 1. 48, n.

5. _ducis_] What Horace says is nearly as follows: 'Since it is reported

the first Lamiæ had their name from Lamus, and the same tradition has

come down through their successors in the annals of the family, no doubt

you draw your origin from that noble source';--in which there is nothing

more than a little jocular irony, which would amuse Lamia, whether it

pleased his family pride or not. The poets, both Latin and Greek, often

omit the personal pronoun, even when it is wanted for emphasis, as here

and in C. i. 1. 35, "Quod si me lyricis vatibus inseris," where Mæcenas

is emphatically addressed; and in C. iv. 2. 33.

6. _Formiarum_] See Introduction.

7. _Maricae Litoribus_] This means the coast of Minturnæ on the borders

of Latium and Campania, where the nymph Marica, the mother of Latinus,

first king of Latium, was worshipped.

8. _Lirim_] See C. i. 31. 7.

9. _Late tyrannus_] 'lord of a wide domain.'

12. _aquae--augur_] See below, C. iii. 27. 10, "Imbrium divina avis

imminentum"; and Ovid (Am. ii. 6. 34), "pluviae graculus auctor aquae."

14. _cras Genium mero Curabis_] 'Genium curare' is a phrase not found

elsewhere. 'Placare' and 'indulgere' are the usual words. Lamia was

going to keep holiday next day, on what occasion does not appear, but as

it was usual to offer sacrifice to the Genius on birthdays, it may have

been his birthday Lamia was going to keep. As to 'Genius,' see Epp. i.

7. 94.

16. _operum solutis._] This construction, like "desine querelarum" (C.

ii. 9. 17), and other expressions there quoted, is similar to the Greek,

πόνου λελυμένοις. On these constructions Prof. Key says (L. G. § 940,

and note): "Occasionally verbs of removal or separation have a genitive

of the 'whence' in old writers and in poetry." "The legal language here,

as in so many cases, retained traces of the old construction, as in

'liberare tutelae.'" "Me omnium jam laborum levas" is a like

construction quoted by Mr. Key from Plautus.

ODE XVIII.

It was usual to offer sacrifice to Faunus at the beginning of spring,

though the Faunalia did not take place till the Nones of December. (See

C. i. 4. 11, and i. 17.) This Ode is an invocation to that deity, and is

very elegant, especially the picture of rustic security and cheerfulness

in the last two stanzas. The confusion of the Greek Pan with the Latin

god Faunus has been noticed before.

Argument.--Faunus, come with mercy to my fields, and depart gentle to my

young lambs, for I sacrifice and pour libations to thee at the fall of

the year. When thy Nones come round, the old altar smokes with incense;

the flocks sport in safety, the oxen are at rest, and the village is

gay; the wood sheds its leaves, and the clown smites his enemy, the

earth, in the dance.

3. _incedas abeasque_] Faunus was not a stationary divinity. He was

supposed to come in the spring, and depart after the celebration of his

festival in December. From 'parvis alumnis' we may suppose this Ode was

written in spring. The word occurs below (C. iii. 23. 7).

5. _Si tener pleno cadit haedus anno,_] 'If a young kid is offered in

sacrifice at the end of the year'; when the Faunalia took place. Horace

claims the protection of Faunus for his lambs in the spring, on the

ground of his due observance of the rites of December, which he then

goes on to describe. Horace here makes the wine-cup the companion of

Venus, as he made 'Jocus' in C. i. 2. 34. See also C. i. 30. 5, sqq. He

uses both forms, 'crater' and 'cratera.' 'Vetus ara' may be an old altar

Horace found on his farm when he came into possession of it.

13. _audaces_] 'fearless,' on account of the presence of Faunus.

14. _Spargit--frondes;_] It does not quite appear why the wood should be

said to shed its leaves in honor of Faunus: it may be in sorrow for his

departure, or as a carpet for him to tread upon, or for his worshippers

to dance upon.

16. _Ter_] 'Ter' expresses the triple time of the dance, from which is

derived the verb 'tripudiare.' 'Fossor' is put generally, I imagine, for

a laboring husbandman, who may be supposed to have no love for the earth

that he digs for another.

ODE XIX.

The impetuosity and liveliness of this Ode are remarkable. The occasion

for which it was composed was a supper in honor of Murena's installation

in the college of augurs. In regard to this person see C. ii. 2 and 10.

Telephus is no doubt a fictitious name. It occurs in two other Odes (i.

13 and iv. 11. 21), and efforts have been made to prove the person to be

the same in each case. But there is no resemblance. All the names at the

end are fictitious.

Argument.--Talk not of Codrus, and Inachus, and Trojan wars: tell us

what we may get a cask of Chian for, who will give us bath and

house-room, and at what hour we may dine to-day. A cup, boy, to the new

moon, another to midnight, and a third to Murena the augur; three and

nine, or nine and three; the rapt poet loves the nine; pure, the Graces

forbid. Let us be mad: bring music, scatter roses, let old neighbor

Lycus and his young ill-sorted partner hear our noise and envy us. Rhode

runs after thee, Telephus, with thy beautiful hair and bright face: as

for me, I am wasting with love of Glycera.

1. _Quantum distet ab Inacho,_ &c.] The number of years between Inachus,

first king of Argos, and Codrus, the last king of Athens, is said to be

eight hundred.

3. _genus Aeaci_] The sons of Æacus, king of Ægina, were Telamon, the

father of Ajax and Teucer, and Peleus, the father of Achilles.

4. _sacro--sub Ilio:_] This is Homer's epithet, Τροίης ἱερὸν

πτολίεθρον.

5. _Chium--cadum_] This is the same form of expression as "Laestrygonia

amphora," "Sabina diota"; and the vessels were all the same. On the

Chian wine see Sat. ii. 8. 15. The best foreign wines were Thasian,

Lesbian, Chian, Sicyonian, Cyprian, and Clazomenian. Only the second and

third are mentioned by Horace, who puts them together in Epod. ix. 34.

They were mild wines. Lesbian he speaks of as 'innocens' (C. i. 17. 21).

6. _quis aquam temperet ignibus,_] This is equivalent to 'who can give

us a bath?' So Cicero, writing to Pætus, with whom he was going to dine

(ad Fam. ix. 16, sub fin.), says, "ego tibi unum sumptum afferam quod

balneum calfacias oportebit."

8. _Pelignis--frigoribus_] Cold as severe as the Peligni know, who

inhabited a high part of the Apennines in the Samnite territory. 'Quota'

means at what hour we may sup.

9. _Da lunae propere novae,_] The scene is suddenly shifted to the

supper table. On the construction with the genitive, see above (C. iii.

8. 13). 'Lunae novae' means the Kalends, which was a feast day. (Compare

iii. 23. 2, "nascente luna.") The months of Numa's calendar being lunar,

the association of the new moon with the first day of the month remained

after the calendar was altered. A cup for midnight does not appear to

have any other meaning than an excuse for another toast. "Dicetur merita

Nox quoque naenia," he says below (C. iii. 28. 16).

10. _auguris Murenae:_] See Introduction.

11. _tribus aut novem Miscentur cyathis_] The 'cyathus' was a ladle with

which the drink was passed from the mixing bowl to the drinking cup. The

ladle was of certain capacity, and twelve 'cyathi' went to the

sextarius. Horace therefore says in effect, "Let the wine be mixed in

the proportion of three cyathi of wine to nine of water, or of nine of

wine to three of water." He says, also, the poet under the inspiration

of the Muses likes the stronger proportion, but the Graces (in other

words, good breeding and good temper) forbid the wine to be drunk pure,

lest it lead to intoxication and strife. 'Tres supra' means the 'three

over' the largest proportion of nine, which if added, would make the

drink 'merum.' 'Commodis,' fit and proper 'cyathi,' that is, bumpers. 'A

proper man' is 'totus teres atque rotundus,' in whom nothing is wanting.

13. _Qui Musas amat_] The Muses are 'impares' as being nine in number.

'Attonitus' is equivalent to ἐμβρόντητος, 'struck from heaven,' that is,

inspired.

17. _Nudis_] See C. i. 30. 5.

18. _Insanire juvat:_] This is a repetition of C. ii. 7. 28. Berecyntus

was a mountain in Phrygia, where Semele was worshipped. Compare C. iv.

1. 22, sqq.

22. _sparge rosas;_] See Epp. i. 5. 14.

ODE XX.

There can be very little doubt that this Ode is imitated from the Greek.

It represents in heroic language a contest between Pyrrhus and a girl

not named, for the affections of the handsome Nearchus. The last two

stanzas furnish a striking group for a picture. The passion of the

jealous girl, as of a lioness robbed of her whelps, and the conscious

pride of the beautiful boy are happily painted.

Argument.--As well rob the lioness of her whelps, Pyrrhus. That girl

will rush to the rescue of her lover, and, like a coward and thief, thou

shalt quit the field after a hard fought battle, in which he shall

stand like Nireus or Ganymede, the umpire of the fight.

3. _inaudax_] This word, which is not found elsewhere, is a direct

translation of ἄτολμος, 'cowardly.'

5. _per obstantes_] i.e. 'when, like the lioness bursting through a host

of huntsmen, she shall rush to the rescue of Nearchus, more beautiful

than all (insignem).'

8. _Major an illi._] 'A mighty struggle, whether the prize shall rather

come to thee or to her.' If this were expressed in Greek it might run

πότερα ἡ λεῖα σοὶ μείζων ἥξει ἢ ἐκείνῃ, where μείζων would be

equivalent, not to λείας μεῖζον μέρος, but to μᾶλλον. Probably Horace

found μείζων, in the original he copied from, in some such combination

as I have supposed. 'Certamen' has no regular government. The

construction, however, is quite intelligible without supplying 'est' or

'erit,' as some propose.

11. _Arbiter pugnae_] Nearchus is represented as standing in doubt to

which of the combatants he shall yield himself, with bare shoulder, his

long perfumed hair floating in the wind, and his naked foot upon the

palm of victory, looking like Nireus,

ὃς κάλλιστος ἀνὴρ ὑπὸ Ἴλιον ἦλθεν

τῶν ἄλλων Δαναῶν μετ᾽ ἀμύμονα Πηλείωνα (Il. ii. 673),

or like Ganymede. The difference between the perfect 'posuisse' and the

present 'recreare,' the one as representing a complete, and the other a

continuing action, is here clearly marked. (See C. i. 1. 4, n.) Of

'fertur' it is difficult to fix the exact meaning. It looks like a

literal copy, and indicates a composition not flowing from the mind of

the writer, and therefore liable to some confusion, though to him it was

plain enough.

15. _aquosa Raptus ab Ida_] Ganymede was said to have been the son of

Tros, but the legends respecting him differ in every particular. Horace

adopts that which supposes Jupiter to have sent his eagle to carry him

away from Ida, which range was the source of most of the rivers of

Troas, and is therefore called 'aquosa.'

ODE XXI.

M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus was an acquaintance of Horace, probably as

early as his residence at Athens, and they were together during the

campaigns of Brutus and at the battle of Philippi, after which Messalla

took part with M. Antonius, till, in consequence of his proceedings with

Cleopatra, he left him and joined Augustus, for whom he fought at

Actium, and who always held him in high esteem. After the peace, he took

up literary pursuits and oratory, and having a large fortune, he

patronized literary men, and Horace, it would seem, in particular. By

Horace he is called indiscriminately Messalla (which means 'of Messana')

and Corvinus, which name was given to a distinguished member of the

Valeria gens three hundred years before Messalla was born.

This Ode is addressed to the 'testa' containing the wine intended to be

drunk at a supper to which Messalla had invited himself.

Argument.--Thou amphora, who was filled at my birth, whether thy mission

be one of sorrow or joy, of strife or love or sleep, come down for

Corvinus would have my better wine. Learned though he be, he will not

despise thee, for neither did old Cato. Thou dost soften the inflexible,

and open the heart, and bring back hope, and give strength and courage

to the humble. Liber, Venus, and the Graces shall keep thee company

till the dawn of day.

1. _O nata mecum_] Horace was born B.C. 65, when L. Manlius Torquatus

and L. Aurelius Cotta were consuls, in which year the amphora addressed

is here said to have been filled. (See above, C. iii. 8. 12, n.)

'Testa,' which signifies properly any earthen vessel, was used to

express the 'dolium' as well as the 'amphora.' Here it means the latter.

In Epod. xiii. 6, Horace had before referred to this wine. The force of

the epithet 'pia' is more easily felt than rendered. 'Gentle' is

Francis's translation, and I know no better, for the meaning is to be

derived from its connection with 'facilem somnum.'

5. _Quocunque--nomine_] 'on whatever account.' 'Nomen' signifies an

entry in an account (see Epp. ii. 1. 105, n.). The derived sense of the

word as used here is better illustrated by Cic. de Am. c. 25: "Multis

nominibus est hoc vitium notandum," i.e. on many accounts, or in many

particulars. 'Lectum' applies to the gathering of the grape from which

the wine was made. The word 'descende' is used because the apotheca was

in the upper part of the house. (See above, C. iii. 8. 11, n.) For the

same cause 'deripe' is used (C. iii. 28. 7). 'Dignus' is used sometimes

by the later prose-writers with an infinitive. In Horace's day and by

Cicero it was used only with the relative pronoun in construction with a

verb. 'Languidiora' corresponds to 'languescit mihi' above (C. iii. 16.

35).

9. _madet_] 'is steeped in.' This word would hardly have been used for

'imbuitur' in this sense on any other occasion.

11. _Narratur et prisci Catonis_] This is the Cato mentioned on C. ii.

15. 11. His being fond of wine is most likely an invention of Horace's.

13. _Tu lene tormentum ingenio_] 'Thou appliest a gentle spur to the

usually ungenial temper.' 'Duro ingenio' means the reserved temper whose

sympathies and purposes are not easily drawn out, as in Terence (Phorm.

iii. 2. 12), "Adeon' ingenio esse duro te atque inexorabili."

14. _sapientium_] This applies to the philosophical and thoughtful (as

'sapientia' is put for philosophy, C. i. 34. 2), who have little to do

with mirth till they are brought out of themselves by cheerful company.

It is said that in his Odes Horace always uses the termination 'ium' for

the genitive plural of nouns ending in 'ens,' and for participles the

termination 'tum.' But the instances of either are not numerous enough

to determine a rule, and the so-called nouns are usually participles, as

'sapiens' is.

18. _cornua_] That is, strength, and confidence, of which horns were the

symbol. See C. ii. 19. 30, n.

19. _Post te_] "Quis post vina gravem militiam aut pauperiem crepat?"

(C. i. 18. 5.) As to 'apices,' see C. i. 34. 14.

21. _Te Liber_] He says, 'Thee, Liber, and Venus (if she will be

cheerful and come), and the Graces slow to loose the bond that binds

them, and the burning lamps, shall protract even until Phœbus on his

return puts the stars to flight.' The meaning is, the wine shall go

round and the lamps shall burn, with jollity and love (women commonly

were of the company on these occasions) and good humor for our

companions, till sunrise.

22. _Segnesque nodum solvere_] 'unwilling to be separated.' As Horace

represents the Graces, naked, or with loose robes (C. i. 30. 5, n.),

'nodum' cannot signify the zone, as some commentators say. It seems to

mean the bond that unites them. They are usually grouped with their arms

intertwined. Here they represent good humor, as opposed to brawling.

23. _Vivaeque producent lucernae,_] See C. iii. 8. 14.

ODE XXII.

Horace on some occasion thought fit to dedicate a pine in his garden to

Diana, and wrote these two stanzas as an inscription perhaps. The

dedication of trees to particular divinities was not uncommon.

Argument.--Diana, who protectest the mountains and woods, and deliverest

women in childbirth, to thee I dedicate this pine, and will offer thee

the sacrifice of a boar.

1. _Montium--nemorumque,_] See C. i. 21. 5, and C. S. 1. Diana shared

with Juno the attributes of Lucina, the divinity that brings children to

the birth, as explained on C. S. 13. Diana was 'Diva triformis,' as

being Luna in Heaven, Diana on Earth, and Hecate in Hell; whence Virgil

speaks of "Tergeminamque Hecaten tria virginis ora Dianae" (Aen. iv.

511), alluding (as Horace does) to the statues of the goddess, with

three faces, set up where three roads met, so that she could look down

all three at once, from which she was called Trivia.

2. _laborantes utero_] For 'parturientes.'

5. _tua--esto_] 'be sacred to thee.'

6. _Quam per exactos ego laetus annos_] The antecedent to 'quam' is

implied in 'tua.' 'Per exactos annos' means 'every year,' as each year

is finished.

7. _obliquum meditantis ictum_] This expresses the way in which a boar

strikes at an object with one of its projecting tusks, with which a wild

hog has not rarely been known, when incautiously pursued, to rip open a

horse's belly. See Ovid, Met. viii. 344: "obliquo latrantes dissipat

ictu."

ODE XXIII.

Horace, wishing to embody the principle that any offering to heaven is

acceptable according to a man's means (see note on v. 20), put it into

the form of an address to the plain and pious Phidyle, a person of his

own creation, bringing a humble offering to her Lares with doubts as to

its acceptance, or lamenting that she could not, for her poverty, offer

a worthier sacrifice.

Argument.--My humble Phidyle, lift thy hands to heaven, and bring the

Lares but incense, fresh corn, and a sucking-pig, and they shall protect

thy vines and fields and lambs. Herds and flocks, fed on Algidus or

Alba, are for the pontifices: do thou but crown thy gods with rosemary

and myrtle, for it is the clean hand and not the costly sacrifice that

comes with acceptance to the altar.

1. _supinas_] The clasping of the hands in prayer does not seem to have

been usual with the ancients. 'Supinus' and ὕπτιος contain the same

element, and both signify 'upturned.' The 's' in the Latin word

corresponds to the aspirate of the Greek, as in 'silva' and ὕλη. As to

'nascente Luna,' see C. iii. 19. 9, n. Phidyle is derived from

φείδεσθαι, and means 'thrifty.' The prose form of 'hornus' is

'hornotinus.'

4. _Lares_] These were the Manes or spirits of deceased members of a

family, who were worshipped as Penates or household gods (see below, v.

19, and Epp. ii. 2. 209, n.). Their altar was usually in the atrium or

entrance-hall. They had libations and prayers offered to them daily at

the principal meal, and had especial sacrifices on the Kalends, Nones,

and Ides.

5. _Africum_] See C. i. 1. 15.

7. _dulces alumni_] 'Alumnus,' for a lamb, occurs above (C. iii. 18. 4).

8. _Pomifero grave tempus_] 'The deadly time when the year brings round

the fruit,' i.e. Autumn (S. ii. 6. 18).

10. _Devota_] In the oak woods of Mount Algidus (in Latium) and the

pastures of Alba were fed swine and cattle, especially for sacrifice.

15. _marino Rore_] 'Rosmarinus' is the name of a plant which grows wild

in warmer climates than ours. We call it rosemary, after the Latin name,

which the ancients supposed to be composed of 'ros' and 'marinum,'

'sea-dew.' It is rather sea-rose, 'rosa marina.'

17. _Immunis aram_] 'If the hand be innocent that touches the altar (not

more welcome with sumptuous victim), it appeaseth the angry Penates with

pious meal and crackling salt.' 'Immunis' signifies 'pure.' It does not

occur elsewhere in this sense without a genitive.

19. _Penates_] The Penates of a family included the Lares, to whom

Phidyle is supposed to be sacrificing. But other gods who were supposed

to protect households and to promote the peace of families were counted

Penates, and among them Jupiter, Juno, and Vesta.

20. _Farre pro et saliente mica_] This means the salted meal offered in

sacrifice. The Roman practice and the Greek were different. The οὐλαί

and οὐλοχύται were the entire grain of barley mixed with salt. The grain

was not pounded by the Greeks; by the Romans it was, and the salt mixed

with it. So "Dant fruges manibus salsas" (Aen. xii. 173). Socrates was

the first among the ancients, as far as is known, who took the view here

given of the gods and their offerings. His opinions are related by

Xenophon (Memor. i. 3. 3), and they are confirmed by the highest

authority, which tells us, that "if there be first a willing mind, it is

accepted according to that a man hath, not according to that he hath

not" (2 Cor. viii. 12).

ODE XXIV.

This Ode is of the same class, and was probably written about the same

time as the early ones of the third book, i.e. about A.U.C. 728. It

deals with the licentious abuses of the times, and points indirectly to

Augustus as the real reformer of them, as in the second Ode of the first

book. The variety of images and illustrations in this Ode is very

remarkable, and they are particularly well chosen and original. There is

none that exhibits Horace's peculiar style more completely than this

does.

Argument.--Let a man be as rich and extravagant as he may, yet, when

Fate overtakes him, fear and death will seize him. The wandering tribes

of the North--with their free plains and toils equally shared, where

step-mothers are kind and wives are obedient and chaste, and where crime

meets with its reward--are happier than we are. He who would gain a name

for future times (for merit is only recognized after death), let him put

a check upon the licentiousness of the age. Of what use is it to

complain, if crime goes unpunished? Of what use are laws without morals?

We are running everywhere in quest of money, urged on by the shame of

poverty. If we really repent, let us give our gold to the gods, or cast

it into the sea, eradicate the seeds of avarice, and strengthen our

minds with nobler pursuits. Our youth are idle: their fathers lay up

wealth by fraud: for, let riches increase as they will, they always fall

short of men's desires.

1. _Intactis_] Cn. Pompeius, Marcellus, and others, had entered Arabia

Petræa; but Arabia Felix, which is here referred to, had not yet been

invaded. The disastrous expedition under Ælius Gallus did not take place

till B.C. 25, which was probably after the composition of this Ode. See

C. i. 29, Int. India and Arabia are again coupled, Epp. i. 6. 6.

3. _Caementis licet occupes_] This is explained by C. ii. 18. 20; iii.

1. 35.

4. _mare Apulicum,_] This would apply to the bay on which Tarentum is

situated, and there the Romans had handsome villas. Horace, however, had

the other sea more in mind, perhaps with reference to Baiæ in

particular, that place being situated on the northern projection of the

Sinus Cumanus.

6. _Summis verticibus_] This has been variously explained. It probably

means, 'when stern Fate has driven her adamantine nails into thy head'

(that is, to kill thee).

8. _Non mortis laqueis_] Death entangling men in his net is not an

uncommon idea with the poets. The same occurs in the Psalms: "The snares

of death compassed me round about" (cxvi. 3).

9. _Campestres melius Scythae_] See C. i. 19. 10, n.; 35. 9, n. Herod.

iv. 46.

12. _Immetata_] This does not occur elsewhere. Virgil assigns to the

golden age this freedom from enclosures (Georg. i. 125, 126). 'Liberas'

means 'common property.'

14. _Nec cultura placet_] The habits of the Suevi, as described by Cæsar

(Bell. Gall. iv. 1), are here assigned to the Getæ, who are included

with the Scythians. "They had 100 districts ('pagi')," says he, "each of

which supplied annually 1,000 soldiers, who served a year and were then

relieved by others, who in their turn served a year and were relieved.

Those who stayed at home cultivated the fields. They had no enclosures,

and occupied the same ground only for one year."

15. _Defunctumque laboribus_] This phrase is applied to death above (C.

ii. 18. 38); here it is, 'and when one has finished his work, a

substitute relieves him with an equal share of the toil.'

18. _temperat_] 'holds her hands from,' 'parcit.'

19. _Nec dotata_] The wife who brought a large 'dos' with her might have

a tendency to rule her husband. 'Nec fidit' means she does not trust her

rich paramour ('nitido,' 'sleek') to shield her with his influence from

her husband's anger.

21. _Dos est magna parentium_] 'An ample portion for wives is their

virtue and that chastity which, living in unbroken bonds, shrinks from

any other man (than the husband).'

27. _Pater urbium_] This is not a title found elsewhere, but is

analogous to 'Pater patriae' (C. i. 2. 50, n.). With 'refrenare

licentiam' compare C. iv. 15. 9, sqq. 'Post-genitis' does not occur

elsewhere.

30. _quatenus_] Forcellini gives other instances of this sense,

'quandoquidem,' 'since.' See S. i. 1. 64, 3. 76. The sentiment is

repeated and illustrated in the first epistle of the second book, vv.

10, sqq.

33. _Quid tristes querimoniae_] 'What is the use of complaining so

sadly, if crime is to go unpunished?' There were many perhaps who

complained, as Horace did, of the state of society, but he says active

measures are wanted for the suppression of crime, and these Augustus

resorted to, by the enactment of laws regulating expense, marriage, etc.

See Epp. ii. 1. 3, n.

35. _Quid leges sine moribus_] 'But then,' he goes on, 'laws are of

little use, unless the character of the age supports them, for there are

vices which the law cannot reach, such as the spirit of avarice,' which

he goes on to speak of. Tacitus has echoed Horace's words: "Bonae leges

minus valent quam boni mores" (Germ. 19). See C. iv. 5. 22, n.

40. _Mercatorem_] On the 'mercatores,' see C. i. 31. 12, n. The

enterprise of these men, and the effects their visits had on uncivilized

people, are illustrated by the passing notice they get from Cæsar (B. G.

i. 1). Speaking of the Belgæ, he says, "Of all these the bravest are

the Belgæ, because they are farthest removed from the civilization and

refinement of the Provincia (Gallia), and to them the 'mercatores' make

less frequent visits than to others, importing those things which tend

to make the mind effeminate."

45. _Vel nos in Capitolium_] He recommends that the rich should take

their wealth and offer it to the gods in the Capitol, or throw it into

the sea.

46. _Quo clamor vocat_] Multitudes, he says, would applaud such a

sacrifice, and accompany those who made it to the temple.

54. _Formandae_] 'Formo' occurs in the same sense, C. i. 10. 2. S. i. 4.

121. Epp. ii. 1. 128. A. P. 307.

_Nescit equo rudis_] The young are brought up in idle, dissipated

habits, and instead of manly exercises they amuse themselves with the

childish Greek sports and gambling (see S. ii. 2. 11, n.), while their

fathers are employed in making money by fraud.

57. _Seu Graeco jubeas trocho_] The 'trochus' was a hoop of metal, and

it was guided by a rod with a hook at the end, such as boys use now.

58. _vetita legibus alea,_] There were laws at Rome, as there are with

us, against gaming, which practice was nevertheless very prevalent among

all classes, in the degenerate times of the republic and the empire.

Juvenal complains that young children learnt it from their fathers (xiv.

4).

60. _Consortem socium_] This means the partner whose capital ('sors')

was embarked with his own. The Romans held it to be a very serious

offence for a man to cheat his partner. Cicero (pro Rosc. Am. c. 40)

says "in rebus minoribus fallere socium turpissimum est." Horace couples

the crimes of cheating a partner and a ward in Epp. ii. 1. 123.

62. _improbae_] This is one of the most difficult words to which to

assign its proper meaning. Forcellini gives three or four separate heads

with quotations illustrative of each, under any one of which most of the

examples in the others might be classed. Orelli has quoted instances (on

C. iii. 9. 22) in which it is applied to labor, a jackdaw, a man, a

mountain, a tiger, winter, and the Hadriatic Sea. He might have added

others, as self-love (S. i. 3. 24), an old woman (S. ii. 5. 84), an

angry man (S. ii. 6. 29), etc. It implies 'excess,' and that excess must

be expressed according to the subject described. 'Of course, vile wealth

increases; still the store falls short, and something's lacking ever.'

ODE XXV.

This Ode reads at first like an introduction to one on a larger scale in

honor of Augustus; but we need not suppose that such a sequel ever was

composed. The occasion, to judge by the enthusiasm of the language, may

have been the announcement of the taking of Alexandria, B.C. 30.

Argument.--Bacchus, whither dost thou hurry me? In what woods or caves

shall I sing of Cæsar added to the gods, a new and noble strain unheard

before?

As the sleepless Euiad looks out from the heights upon the sacred hills

and rivers of Thrace, so do I love to wander by the river-side and in

the silent grove. O thou lord of the Nymphs, no vulgar strain will I

sing. I will follow thee, for the danger of thy company is sweet.

2. _quae nemora_] The preposition before 'specus' governs both nouns.

'Spec-us' seems to contain the same root as σπέ-ος, the original meaning

of which is unknown. The derivation of ἄντρον is equally uncertain. If,

therefore, there is any distinction between them, etymology does not

help us to determine it.

5. _meditans_] 'Inserere' may be governed by 'audiar,' or 'meditans,' or

both. 'Meditari,' which is akin to μελετᾶν, signifies 'to revolve in the

mind,' and often expresses the giving utterance to that which the mind

has conceived. Here it has the same meaning as Virgil's "musam meditaris

avena," "meditaris arundine musam."

7. _Dicam insigne_] 'Aliquid' or 'carmen' must be supplied.

9. _Exsomnis stupet Euias_] This name for the attendants on Bacchus,

like Euius, his own name (C. i. 18. 9; ii. 11. 17), is derived from εὐοῖ

(Euoe, C. ii. 19. 7), the bacchanal cry. The Euiad catches inspiration

by looking out from the hill-tops upon the haunts of the god, and so the

poet turns aside from his wonted path to the river-banks and groves

where Bacchus is found. The picture of the Euiad looking out with silent

awe, through a moonlight winter's night, upon the quiet plains of

Thrace, and drawing inspiration from contemplating the scenes that her

deity frequents, is very beautiful.

11. _pede barbaro_] This refers to the troops of Mænads (Μαινάδες from

μαίνομαι, as Θυιάδες from θύειν, C. i. 17. 23, n.) celebrating the

orgies of Bacchus.

12. _Rhodopen,_] This was a lofty chain which formed the western

boundary of Thrace proper, and in which the Hebrus took its rise.

_ut mihi_] The word that usually follows 'aeque' is 'ac.' But Horace has

'aeque ut' (C. i. 16. 7-9), and other writers have 'pariter ut,' 'non

minus ut' (Prop. i. 15. 7), 'perinde ut,' which are analogous to 'non

secus ut.' Of this there seems to be no other instance, but perhaps 'ut'

is used in preference to 'ac,' because that word occurs in the line

before.

14. _Naïadum potens Baccharumque_] These are the Nymphs mentioned, C.

ii. 19. 3. The Bacchæ, as distinguished from the Naïades, are the

wood-nymphs (Dryades).

19. _Lenaee,_] This is a name of Bacchus derived from ληνός, a

wine-press.

20. _tempora pampino._] Compare C. iv. 8. 33: "Ornatus viridi tempora

pampino Liber."

ODE XXVI.

This Ode represents a successful gallant's first refusal, and his

mortification and wrath at his defeat. It is a purely fanciful

composition.

Argument.--Till now I have fought and won. Now I hang up my arms to

Venus. Here, here hang my torches, my bars, and my bow. O thou queen of

Cyprus and of Memphis, do but once lay thy rod upon the proud Chloe.

1. _idoneus_] He means 'till now the women liked me, and my conquests

were great and glorious.' The words would be suitable to a youthful

lover under the chagrin of a first disappointment. Ovid says love is a

warfare, "Militiae species amor est, discedite segnes" (A. A. ii. 233);

"Militat omnis amans et habet sua castra Cupido" (Am. i. 9. 1). The arms

this lover proposes to hang up in the temple of Venus on the left wall,

as being most propitious (but see next Ode, v. 15, n.), are the torch

that lighted him to his mistress, the crowbar that broke open her door,

and the bow and arrows which he carried as emblems of his passion

perhaps. For what other purpose he could use them it is not easy to see.

5. _marinae_] See C. i. 3. 1, n.

9. _beatam--Cyprum_] See C. 29. 60.

10. _Memphin_] Herodotus (ii. 112) speaks of a temple at Memphis to

Ξείνη Ἀφροδίτη, built by Proteus on the occasion of Paris and Helen

being driven upon the coast of Egypt, according to a local legend, which

makes Herodotus think that Helen herself was the Ἀφροδίτη in question.

As to Sithonia, see C. i. 18. 9.

11. _sublimi_] 'lifted high,' that the blow might be the sharper.

ODE XXVII.

The subject of this Ode appears to be a journey to Greece (v. 19),

proposed by a lady of Horace's acquaintance, whom he pretends to deter

from her purpose, by reciting the dangers she will have to encounter,

and the fate that waits upon female obstinacy, as illustrated by the

story of Europa, which story occupies two thirds of the Ode, and puts

aside Galatea and her journey. The length of the digression is a way

with Horace (as in the story of Regulus, C. iii. 5, and of Hypermnestra,

iii. 11), and Pindar took the same liberty with greater freedom.

Argument.--Let the wicked go on their way with evil omens. I do but pray

for thee that the storm may be averted. Be happy, go where thou wilt,

and remember me, Galatea. Fear not those idle omens: but see the rising

storm: I know the dangers it portends. May they fall upon my enemy

rather than on thee. It was thus Europa left her girlish task, and

crossed the sea by night, but feared not, till she stood on the shore of

Crete. Then she cried out in anguish: "Alas! my father, a daughter's

name I have abandoned; love is swallowed up in madness. What an exchange

is here! Many deaths do I deserve to die. Am I awake, or is it a dream?

Was it better to cross the sea than to gather young flowers at home? O

that I might avenge myself on that monster, once too dearly loved! Shame

on me that I left my home; shame that I delay to die. Let me go naked

among lions and perish by tigers, rather than waste away in a lingering

death. 'Vile girl!' my father cries, 'why dost thou not die? Here thou

mayest hang by thy girdle, or dash thee on the rocks, or into the stormy

waves, unless thou wouldst yield thyself a barbarian's slave.'" Then

came Venus and her son, and laughed mischievously, and said: "Cease thy

wrath, when the monster shall come back to give thee thy revenge. What,

knowest thou not that thou art the spouse of Jove? Away with sighs. Bear

thy noble destiny, for one half the world shall take its name from

thee."

1. _parrae_] What this bird was is not determined.

3. _Rava decurrens_] The meaning of 'ravus' is not certain. Horace

applies it to a wolf or a lion (Epod. xvi. 33), in the latter case

imitating perhaps Homer's χαροποὶ λέοντες (Odyss. xi. 611), for 'ravus'

is said to be akin to χαροπός. The wolf is represented as running down

from the hills of Lanuvium, because that town was near the Appia Via

leading to Brundisium, where Galatea would embark.

6. _Si per obliquum_] The image of the snake shooting across the road

recalls Jacob's prophecy in respect to his son Dan: "Dan shall be a

serpent by the way; an adder in the path that biteth the horse's heels,

so that his rider shall fall backwards" (Gen. xlix. 17).

7. _ego cui timebo_] 'For my part, on behalf of her for whom I am

anxious, like a far-seeing augur, before that bird (the crow) which

tells of the coming storm shall go back to his stagnant pool, the

croaking raven with my prayers I will call up from the East,' which

would be an omen of good weather, and the crow flying to the marsh, of

bad. 'Oscines aves' were birds whose omens were taken from their note,

as 'praepetes' from their flight.

13. _Sis licet felix_] There is a tenderness apart from familiarity in

these two stanzas, which gives much reality to the Ode.

15. _laevus vetet ire picus_] The woodpecker was a bird of ill-omen.

There was some confusion among the Romans as to the right hand and left

in augury, as to which was the propitious side. The confusion may have

arisen from the different practice of the Greeks and Romans in taking

note of birds, the former facing the north and the latter the south, as

is commonly supposed. But what is confusion to us, was none to a Roman.

(C. 26. 5.)

18. _Pronus Orion._] Orion sets about the beginning of November. On

'albus Iapyx,' see C. 3. 4 and 7. 15 of the first book.

21. _Hostium uxores_] So in C. i. 21. 13, sqq., he prays Apollo to turn

away war, famine, and pestilence from his country to her enemies, the

Parthians and Britons. Such diversion is common with the poets, as

Virgil (Georg. iii. 513), "Di meliora piis erroremque hostibus illum."

The Romans used 'pueri' for children of either sex. 'Oriens' is not

usually applied to the rising of a wind, as Horace applies it here.

25. _Sic et Europe_] The story of Europa, the daughter of Agenor and

sister of Cadmus, carried off from Phœnicia to Crete by Zeus, under the

form of a bull, is told by Ovid, at the end of the second book of the

Metamorphoses.

28. _Palluit_] So 'expalluit' (Epp. i. 3. 10) and 'contremuit' (C. ii.

12. 8) are used transitively.

33. _centum--Oppidis_] See Epod. ix. 29. The description is taken from

Homer's Κρήτην ἑκατόμπολιν (Il. ii. 649). Europa's speech is that of one

just awake to her real position, after the terror of her voyage and the

departure of her companion; left alone in a strange land, with the

consciousness of her folly first coming upon her. She begins

distractedly, 'Father,--alas! I have forfeited a daughter's name, and

love hath given place to madness.'

37. _Unde quo veni?_] This implies, not that she was so distracted that

she had forgotten whence she had come, but 'What an exchange have I

made! So dear a home for this strange place!' It is all very natural and

beautiful. 'Una mors' is perhaps an imitation of Sophocles (Antig. 308):

οὐχ ὗμιν Ἅιδης μοῦνος ἀρκέσει.

38. _Vigilansne ploro_] 'Am I awake and weeping for my foul fault, or,

free from guilt, doth some vain image mock me, which, taking flight from

out the ivory gate, brings me a dream?'

41. _porta fugiens eburna_] Homer (Odyss. xix. 562) describes two gates

in the house of Sleep, one of them horn and the other ivory, for the

exit of dreams, of which those which came out of the ivory gate were

false, those out of the other, true. Virgil has imitated Homer's

description, Aen. vi. 894, sqq.

44. _Carpere flores?_] Ovid makes her put flowers about the animal's

neck: "flores ad candida porrigit ora," Met. ii. 861.

49. _Impudens liqui_] 'For lack of shame I left my father's house, for

lack of shame I hesitate to die,' either because she deserved to die, or

because her chastity was in danger. 'Orcum moror' is equivalent to

'dubito mori,' like Ovid (Heroid. ix. 146): "Impia quid dubitas Deïanira

mori", but it is an unusual form. Seeing nothing but death before her,

she prays to be killed at once, rather than die a lingering death by

hunger, and go down to Hades robbed of her beauty. This notion is Greek,

and from the Greek it is probably imitated. 'Ere ugly leanness seize my

lovely cheeks, and their young victim's blood runs dry, thus in my

beauty I would feed the tigers.'

60. _Laedere collum_] 'Laedere' corresponds to λωβᾶσθαι in Soph. Ant.

54, πλεκταῖσιν ἀρτάναισι λωβᾶται βίον. Several heroines ended their

lives in this unromantic way,--Antigone, Jocasta, Phædra, Amata; and the

tragedians have no stronger expression for suffering, than that it is

enough to make one hang one's self.

61. _Sive te rupes_] As to 'sive,' see i. 6. 19, n. 'Acuta leto,' 'sharp

to kill,' whose sharp edges are fatal.

66. _Aderat querenti_] Venus and Cupid come to laugh her out of her

fears, and to teach her the greatness of her destiny.

67. _remisso_] Cupid's bow is unstrung, as the Scholiast says, because

it has done its work with Europa.

69. _Abstineto,--irarum_] This is a Greek form, noticed before (C. ii.

9. 17).

71. _invisus_] They speak ironically.

73. _esse nescis:_] This may be 'you know not how to be' (that is, 'to

bear yourself as'), or 'you know not that you are.' 'Scire' in this last

sense does not usually govern the infinitive mood.

76. _Nomina_] The plural is thus used for the singular in C. iv. 2. 4,

and Ovid (Tr. i. 1. 90): "Icarus Icariis nomina fecit aquis." Horace

seems to give Europe half the world, and the other parts the rest. He is

not speaking with exactness.

ODE XXVIII.

This Ode professes to be written on the day of the Neptunalia. The time

is the afternoon, and the poet calls upon Lyde (an imaginary person) to

come and drink with him, and sing an amebean address to the divinity of

the day and the other gods usually honored on such occasions.

Argument.--Lyde, bring out the best Cæcuban, and take wisdom by storm,

for what can I do better on Neptune's holiday? The noon is past, make

haste. Let us sing; I of Neptune and the Nereids, you of Latona and

Diana; both of us together of Venus;--and we will not forget a song for

Night.

2. _reconditum_] This is explained by (C. ii. 3. 8) "Interiore nota

Falerni" (see note). 'Strenua' is put instead of the adverb.

4. _Munitaeque adhibe vim sapientiae._] This has something of the heroic

in it: 'lay siege to wisdom in her strong-hold.'

7. _horreo_] The 'apotheca' at the top of the house, where the

'amphorae' were kept (C. i. 37. 6; iii. 8. 11, n.).

8. _Bibuli consulis_] M. Calpurnius Bibulus was consul with Julius

Cæsar, B.C. 59. See C. iii. 8. 12, n.

9. _Nos cantabimus invicem_] See Argument.

12. _Cynthiae;_] Diana, the Latin form of Artemis, was born, like her

brother Apollo, on Mount Cynthus, in the island of Delos. Latona (the

Latin name of Λητώ) was their mother, by Zeus.

13. _Cnidon_] See C. i. 30. 1. 'Summo carmine' is the conclusion of

their duet, not their last song.

14. _Fulgentes_] See C. i. 14. 19. We do not hear elsewhere of Venus

frequenting the Cyclades. As to Paphon, see C. i. 30. 1.

15. _oloribus;_] Compare Ovid (Met. x. 717):

"Vecta levi curru medias Cytheraea per auras

Cypron olorinis nondum pervenerat alis."

16. _Dicetur merita Nox_] See C. iii. 19. 10. 'Nenia' is here a sort of

lullaby. See Epod. xvii. 29, n.

ODE XXIX.

This is an invitation from the poet to his patron, pressing him to pay

him a visit at his farm. He bids him throw off the cares of the state,

and live for the enjoyment of the hour. The time is the dog-days. The

year is uncertain.

Argument.--Come, Mæcenas, the wine and oil and the flowers are ready.

Stay not for ever gazing from a distance at the pleasant fields of

Tibur, buried in the magnificence and the uproar, the wealth and the

smoke, of the city. The rich man often likes to sup at the poor man's

table. The days of drought are come back; the shepherd seeks the shade,

the flock seeks the stream, not a breath is on the river-banks: but thou

art distracting thyself with imaginary dangers. Heaven has wisely hidden

the future from man, and does but smile at his fears. Live for the

present; all else is like the stream, that now flows in peace, now is

swollen to a flood, and sweeps all with it to the sea. He lives happy

who lives to-day, and leaves to-morrow to Heaven, seeing that Jove

himself cannot undo what is done.

As to Fortune, she is fickle, and changes from day to day. If she stays

with me, I am glad; if she flies, I am resigned. If the storm rages, I

have no merchandise to fear for, and can put out into any sea with

safety in my little bark.

1. _Tyrrhena regum progenies,_] Compare C. i. 1. 1. 'Verso' is

equivalent to 'moveri' in "moveri digna bono die" (C. iii. 21. 6). The

'balanus' was an oleaginous nut of some kind, and is here put for the

oil expressed from it.

5. _Eripe te morae;_] 'Morae' is the dative.

6. _Ne semper udum_] 'Udum' is an epithet commonly applied to Tibur,

which stood on the banks of the Anio. The town itself was built on the

side of a hill (C. iii. 4. 23), but the fields below seem to have been

damp (see C. i. 7. 14) from a number of small streams which watered

them. It appears that Mæcenas was sighing for the country all the time

he was detained at Rome. Telegonus, son of Ulysses and Circe, was the

reputed founder of Tusculum and Præneste. One of the legends of the

death of Ulysses attributes it to this son. Æsula was probably a town

between Præneste and Tibur, but no traces of its site remain, and Pliny

says that it no longer existed in his time (iii. 5).

10. _Molem_] This signifies Mæcenas's palace on the Esquiline Hill at

Rome. It is mentioned in Epod. ix. 3.

11. _Omitte_] This is the only instance in this book of an iambus at the

beginning of the third verse. It occurs four times in the first book,

and twice in the second. It does not occur in the fourth.

15. _aulaeis et ostro_] The meaning of 'aulaeis' is explained in Sat.

ii. 8. 54. It was usual to spread tapestry to catch any dust that might

fall from the ceiling. 'Aulaeis et ostro' may form one subject, or

'ostro' may mean the coverings of the couches. See S. ii. 3. 118, n.

16. _Sollicitam explicuere frontem._] This expression is repeated in

Sat. ii. 2. 125: "Explicuit vino contractae seriae frontis." The perfect

has the force of the Greek aorist.

17. _Andromedae pater_] Cepheus, a northern star below Ursa Minor, rises

at the beginning of July. Procyon, a star of the first magnitude, in the

constellation Canis Minor, and called 'Ante Canem' by a literal version

of the Greek name, rises about the same time, and the sun enters Leo:

see above, C. iii. 13. 8, n. 'Stella' is not commonly put for 'sidus,'

the constellation, as it is here.

25. _Tu civitatem_] See Introduction. As to 'regnata,' see C. ii. 6. 11.

The Seres represent indefinitely the farthest Eastern nations known to

the Romans (see C. i. 12. 56). The Bactrians were formerly part of the

Persian empire, and were at this time partly subject to the Parthians

and partly to a Scythian race, the Tochari. Bactra was their capital.

The meaning of Horace is, that Mæcenas should not trouble himself about

improbable dangers.

34. _aequore_] 'Aequore' is equivalent to 'alveo,' the channel of the

river. Virgil has "viridesque secant placido aequore silvas" (Aen. viii.

96). The next line describes well the quiet flow of a river.

43. _cras vel atra_] Compare C. ii. 10. 15. On 'diffinget,' see C. i.

35. 39. 'Vexit' is employed unusually for 'avexit.'

49. _Fortuna saevo_] The caprice of Fortune, represented as a coquette

transferring her favors from one favorite to another, and delighting to

trifle with the happiness of men, is the lowest Epicurean view of life

and the world's government. But Horace writes conventionally. He has

just assigned to the Father of all the ordering of men's lives.

51. _Transmutat incertos honores,_] Compare C. i. 34. 12, sqq.

53. _si celeres quatit_] Horace uses 'si' where other writers would use

'sin.'

54. _resigno_] This is equivalent to 'rescribo' in a money sense, 'to

pay back.' 'Mea virtute me involvo' is a picture of self-satisfaction.

The man wraps his cloak of virtue complacently around him, and sits down

in contented indifference to the proceedings of Fortune, as if she had

nothing to do with him, and unites himself to poverty, as to a bride

without a portion.

60. _Cypriae Tyriaeque merces_] Cyprus abounded in copper and other

metals, including gold and silver, together with precious stones. It

exported wines also and oil. The trade of Phœnicia, which at this time

formed part of the Roman province of Syria, was carried on through Sidon

more largely than Tyre, which, however, was a port of some consequence

under the emperors. Horace is speaking generally, and 'Tyriae merces'

answered his purpose as well as any other expression.

62. _biremis--scaphae_] A two-oared boat, ἐλάτης δικώπου. 'Biremis' is

not so used elsewhere, but for two banks of oars.

64. _feret_] See above, C. iii. 9. 12, n. 'Geminusque Pollux' is an

elliptical way of expressing 'Pollux cum gemino fratre.' See C. i. 3. 2.

ODE XXX.

This Ode appears to have been written as an epilogue to the first three

books, as C. i. 1 was the prologue. It expresses the conviction, which

time has justified, that, through his Odes, Horace had achieved an

immortal name. The same just pride had been shown by poets before him;

as by Sappho in a poem of which the first line only has been preserved,

μνάσασθαί τινά φαμι καὶ ὕστερον ἀμμέων (16 Bergk); and by Ennius, in the

lines (see C. ii. 20. 21, n.),--

"Nemo me lacrimis decoret nec funera fletu

Faxit. Cur? volito vivu' per ora virum,"

which words Virgil has made his own (Georg. iii. 9). Propertius (iii.

1), Ovid (Met. xv. 871, sqq.), and Martial (x. 2. 7, sqq.) have all

imitated Horace very closely.

Argument.--I have built myself a monument which storms shall not

destroy, nor Time himself. I shall not die, but live in freshness of

fame so long as the world endures.

It will be said, on the banks of my native river, that I, a humble man

made great, was the first to fit the Grecian strain to the lyre of

Italy.

Put on the bay that thou hast earned, my Muse.

2. _situ_] This word is nowhere else used in this sense. It here

signifies the building, and not the site.

3. _impotens_] This word is equivalent to 'impotens sui,' 'violent,'

'intemperate.' See Epod. xvi. 62.

7. _Libitinam:_] See S. ii. 6. 19, n.

_usque_] In this sense of 'continually,' 'usque' only occurs in poetry

and is always joined to a verb. What follows means 'while the Pontifex

Maximus shall, on the Ides of every month, go up to the Capitol to offer

sacrifice, the Vestal virgins walking silently in the procession,' as

they did, and the boys at the same time sang hymns. With a Roman this

was equivalent to saying 'for ever.'

10. _Dicar qua violens obstrepit Aufidus_] See Introduction and C. iv.

9. 2, n. 'Violens' is not a common form of 'violentus.' It occurs again

Epp. i. 10. 37, and in Persius (Sat. v. 171), "nunc ferus et violens."

'Obstrepere' is used absolutely again, Epod. ii. 27.

11. _Et qua pauper aquae_] 'Pauper' takes a genitive in S. i. 1. 79; ii.

3. 142. As to Daunus, see C. i. 22. 14, n. Apulia was badly watered.

Horace calls it elsewhere 'Siticulosa' (Epod. iii. 16, n.).

12. _Regnavit_] This word, though it is used in the passive voice (see

last Ode, v. 27), here only has a noun after it. Horace gives it the

genitive, in imitation of ἄρχειν. He wrote with his mind full of Greek

constructions and words, and took the liberty of using them very freely.

_ex humili potens,_] Horace uses the expression 'potentium vatum' in the

eighth Ode of the next book (v. 26). He considered Alcæus and Sappho as

his chief models in lyric poetry, which he sums up in the formula

'Aeolium carmen' here and in C. iv. 3. 12. 'Delphica lauro' is the same

as 'laurea Apollinari' in the next book (C. iv. 2. 9).

ODES.--BOOK IV.

ODE I.

It is said that Augustus wished Horace to publish another book of Odes,

in order that those he had written in honor of Drusus and Tiberius (4,

14) might appear in it. If so, he collected a few written since, and

some perhaps before, the publication of the three books, among which was

this. He tells us (v. 6) that he was about fifty, which age he attained

10th December, B.C. 15. He professes to deprecate the attacks of Love,

now that he is old. The Ode is not unlike one he wrote when he was much

younger (i. 19), and it is probable both are imitations from the Greek.

Argument.--Art thou at war with me again, Venus? Spare me, for I am old.

Go to the young. Go to Paullus, for he is noble, handsome, clever. Give

him the victory, and he will give thee in return a marble statue in a

shrine of citron, with incense, music, and dancing, in his home by the

Alban lake. I have no longer a heart for love and wine, and yet,

Ligurinus, why do I weep and dream of thee?

2. _Rursus bella moves?_] See Introduction.

3. _Non sum qualis eram_] Epp. i. 1. 4. He here calls Cinara good,

because she is dead, elsewhere he calls her 'rapax' (Epp. i. 14. 33). It

seems likely that this name represents a real person, whether she

appears under another name elsewhere or not, and that Horace had an

affection for her. In the thirteenth Ode of this book (v. 22) her death

is mentioned with feeling, and there is a reality in the references to

her in all the places where she is alluded to, which cannot be connected

with fiction. She was associated, in all probability, with Horace's

early days. Κυνάρα signifies, some say, a wild rose-thorn (κυνόσβατος);

κινάρα, an artichoke.

5. _Mater saeva Cupidinum_] Repeated from i. 19. 1. Horace here does not

copy himself, I believe, but some Greek original. 'Flectere' is a

metaphor taken from the breaking in of a horse.

6. _lustra_] C. ii. 15. 13, n. See Introduction.

9. _in domum_] 'More seasonably shalt thou keep thy revels in the house

of Paullus Maximus, drawn by thy beautiful swans.' So Livy (xl. 7),

"Quin comissatum ad fratrem imus." Here 'comissabere' is equivalent to

'comissatum ibis,' and therefore the reading 'in domum' is correct.

Κωμάσδω ποτὶ τὰν Ἀμαρύλλιδα is an expression of Theocritus just like

this (iii. 1). Κώμῳ χρέεσθαι ἐς ἀλλήλους occurs in Herodotus (i. 21).

'Purpureis,' (which signifies beauty without reference to color) savors

of the Greek. 'Torrere jecur' is like Theocritus's ὀπτεύμενος ἐξ

Ἀφροδίτης (vii. 55).

14. _sollicitis non tacitus reis_] Compare C. ii. 1. 13, where he calls

Pollio "Insigne moestis praesidium reis."

15. _centum_] This is a large definite number for an indefinite.

16. _Late signa feret_] The idea corresponds to "militavi non sine

gloria" (iii. 26. 2).

17. _Et quandoque_] i.e. 'whenever, with thine aid, his smiles shall

beat the rich presents of his rival, he shall set thee up in marble,

under a citron roof, by the shore of the Alban lakes,' of which there

were two close together, the Albanus (Albano) and Nemorensis (Nemi), and

on one of these it appears Fabius had a house. As to Berecyntiæ, compare

C. iii. 19. 18. 'Lyrae' and 'tibiae' are in the dative case after

'mixtis.'

22. _Duces thura,_] 'Ducere' is used for drinking, and here for

inhaling. It has a great variety of meanings, which the context will

generally explain.

28. _ter quatient humum._] See C. iii. 18. 16. On the first few days of

March, during the festival of Mars, the Salii, his priests, went in

procession through the city singing and dancing, whence they are said to

have derived their name. "Jam dederat Saliis (a saltu nomina ducunt)"

(Ovid, F. iii. 387). The practice, according to Livy, was instituted by

Numa (i. 20), "per urbem ire canentes carmina cum tripudiis sollennique

saltatione jussi sunt." See Epp. ii. 1. 86.

30. _spes animi_] 'the fond trust of mutual love.'

35. The last syllable in this line is cut off.

40. _per aquas,_] C. i. 8. 8. He dreams he sees him swimming in the

Tiber.

ODE II.

Iulus Antonius was son of M. Antonius the triumvir. He was a man of

letters and a poet. In B.C. 17 the Sigambri, with two other German

tribes, crossed the Rhine and laid waste part of the Roman territory in

Gaul. They defeated the legate Lollius, and this disaster was sufficient

to induce Augustus to go in person to Gaul, which he did, and at his

approach the Germans withdrew into their own territories, and, giving

hostages, obtained peace. The defeat of Lollius had caused great

consternation at Rome, and the news of the barbarians' subjection was

hailed with proportionate joy. Augustus did not return for two years to

Rome, having meanwhile restored order in Germany, Gaul, and Spain; but

it is probable this Ode was written in the expectation of his return,

and while the news respecting the Sigambri was still fresh, that is to

say, about the end of B.C. 16. Augustus's return to Rome was expected

long before it took place (see C. 5 of this book). The general

impression derived from the Ode is that Antonius had pressed Horace to

write a poem in honor of Augustus's victory in the style of Pindar's

ἐπινίκια, and that he very wisely declined. At the same time he pays

Antonius the compliment of saying that he could celebrate Augustus's

victory better than himself.

Argument.--Whoso would rival Pindar must expect the fate of Icarus. His

numbers roll like a swollen river. His is the bay, whether he tune the

dithyramb or sing of gods and heroes, of victors or of women bereaved.

The swan of Dirce soars to the clouds. I am but as a bee, sipping the

flowers of Tibur.

Thou, Antonius, shalt sing of the triumphs of Cæsar, greatest and best,

and of the holiday rejoicings that hail his return: and I will add my

small voice to thine: and we will all sing songs of triumph, and will

sacrifice, thou with bulls and cows, I with a young heifer.

2. _Iule,_] Virgil makes this name trisyllabic, after the Greek.

Antonius's grandmother on his father's side was Julia, one of the

Cæsars, though how related to the dictator is not known.

_ceratis ope Daedalea_] Dædalus, to escape from Crete, is said to have

made for himself and Icarus, his son, wings, fastened to their shoulders

with wax. Those of Icarus melted, and he fell into the Ægean, part of

which was called after him (see C. iii. 7. 21). As to the plural

'nomina,' see C. iii. 27. 76.

10. _nova--Verba_] The 'dithyrambus,' of which word the etymology is

uncertain, was a song in honor of Bacchus, and sung at his festivals. It

was wild and enthusiastic in its character. 'Nova verba' signifies words

coined for the occasion, as was common, and to be expected from the

nature of the poetry, of which the metre seemed to a Roman irregular and

arbitrary ('lege solutis'). A few fragments remain of dithyrambic poems

by Pindar. All his entire poems extant are ἐπινίκια, odes of triumph for

victors at the Olympic, Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian games.

13. _Seu deos regesve_] Among Pindar's works were ὕμνοι, παῖανες,

παρθένια, προσόδια, in honor of the gods, and ἐγκώμια, in honor of

illustrious men. He may have written on the subject of the victory of

Peirithous over the Centaurs (C. i. 18. 8, n.), and that of Bellerophon

over the Chimæra (C. i. 27. 24).

17. _Elea_] This applies to the ἐπινίκια above mentioned. The plain of

Olympia, on which the Olympic games were celebrated every fourth year,

was in Elis, in the Peloponnesus. The chariot race and boxing

('pugilemve equumve') were the most prominent of these games. 'Equum'

is put for the rider, as in A. P. 84.

21. _Flebili sponsae_] This has reference to another class of poems,

called θρῆνοι, 'dirges for the dead.'

23. _Aureos_] See C. i. 5. 9, n.

25. _Multa Dircaeum_] 'A strong breeze lifts the swan of Dirce,' that

is, Pindar who was born at Thebes, near which was the fountain Dirce.

27. _apis Matinae_] See C. ii. 6. 15, n. Mons Matinus was in Apulia. The

image here employed is very common. 'Ripas' signifies the banks of the

Anio (see C. iii. 25. 13, n.). 'Operosa' describes, perhaps, the process

by which nearly all Horace's Odes were produced. No great poet is more

artificial, and few more skilled in concealing their art, and giving it

the appearance of nature. 'Fingo' corresponds to πλάττω, which word the

Greeks used especially with reference to the making of honey. 'Plurimum'

belongs to 'laborem.'

33. _Concines_] The pronoun, though emphatic, is omitted, which is not

uncommon. (See C. iii. 17. 5.) 'Concines' has particular force,

expressing a chant in which many voices are joined.

34. _feroces_] The Sigambri had earned the epithet of 'cruel' by their

treatment of the Roman officers, who, having gone to collect their

tribute, were taken by them and hanged, which was the beginning of this

revolt. See Introduction.

35. _sacrum clivum_] The 'clivus sacer' was a declivity between the Via

Sacra and the Forum, down which the triumphal processions passed. A

certain number of prisoners were usually kept to walk behind the victor,

and when the procession reached a certain point in the Forum, they were

carried off to prison and strangled. See Epod. vii. 8.

37. _Quo nihil majus_] This flattery is repeated Epp. ii. 1. 17. The

unbounded kindness which Horace received from Augustus merited the word

'melius'; in 'majus' he was not far wrong. 'Divis bonis' is repeated

below (C. iv. 5. 1).

43. _Fortis Augusti reditu_] Orelli mentions that there are coins of the

year B.C. 16, with the inscription S.P.Q.R.V.S. PRO S. ET RED. AVG.

(vota suscepta pro salute et reditu Augusti).

44. _Litibus orbum._] A 'justitium' had been ordered by the senate; that

is, a suspension of business, during which the prætor did not hold his

courts.

48. _felix_] Whether 'felix' refers to Horace himself, or to the sun, is

doubtful.

49. _Teque dum procedis,_] 'Triumphus' is addressed as a divinity, as in

Epod. ix. 21, and Horace says, 'As thou marchest, we will shout thus thy

name, Io Triumphe! and again, Io Triumphe!'

53. _Te decem tauri_] Iulus was rich. Five or six years after this he

was consul.

54. _Me tener solvet vitulus_] So "nos humilem feriemus agnam" (C. ii.

17. 32).

58. _Tertium--ortum,_] 'Its young horns just bent to the form of the

moon's crescent when she is three days old.'

59. _duxit_] That is, has contracted or received. 'Traxit' would do

equally well, and appears in one MS.

ODE III

The impression produced by the publication of his three books of Odes,

which had previously been known only to a few, was such as, no doubt,

to silence envy, and to establish Horace in the high position he here

asserts as "Romanae fidicen lyrae"; and when, after several years'

silence, he produced the Carmen Saeculare in B.C. 17, it was received

probably with so much favor as to draw forth this Ode. It has all the

appearance of genuine feeling, and shows how much Horace had suffered

from the vexatious detractions to which he was at one time subjected. It

is an address to the Muse, gratefully attributing to her all his

success.

Argument.--He on whom thou lookest at his birth, Melpomene, derives his

fame, not from the games, or from triumphs, but from the streams and

woods of Tibur, inspiring him with Æolian song.

They have named me the tuner of the Roman lyre, and envy assaults me no

longer as it did; and to thee I owe this gift of pleasing, O Muse, who

rulest the shell, and art able to give the music of the swan to the

voiceless fish, if thou wilt.

3. _labor Isthmius_] The Isthmian games were celebrated every third

year, on the Isthmus of Corinth, and were attended, like the Olympian

games, by all the Greek states. The games were the same generally at

both.

4. _Clarabit_] This word occurs nowhere else in this sense.

6. _Deliis--foliis_] This is another way of expressing 'laurea

Apollinari,' 'Delphica lauro' (C. iii. 30. 15).

9. _Ostendet Capitolio:_] The triumphal processions ended at the

Capitol, whither the victors went to return thanks to Jove in his

temple.

10. _aquae_] The river Anio. He says the waters that flow past Tibur and

the leafy groves shall make him glorious with the song of Lesbos, which

he practises by the stream and in the grove.

12. _Aeolio carmine_] See C. iii. 30. 13, n.

16. _Et jam dente minus_] See Introduction.

17. _testudinis aureae_] This is Pindar's χρυσέας φόρμιγγος (Pyth. i.

1).

18. _Pieri,_] This singular is not common. Ovid uses it (Fast. iv. 222):

"Pieris orsa loqui."

19. _mutis--piscibus_] The Greek ἔλλοπας ἰχθῦς is thus explained by

some, but the meaning of that word is doubtful.

23. _Romanae fidicen lyrae,_] In Epp. i. 19. 32, he calls himself

"Latinus fidicen." 'Quod spiro' means that I breathe the breath, not of

life, but of poetry. Compare C. iv. 6. 29: "Spiritum Phoebus

mihi--dedit."

ODE IV.

The history of this Ode is easily made out. The Vindelici were a tribe

whose territories lay between the Danube and the Lake of Constanz,

comprising the greater part of modern Bavaria and Suabia, and some part

of the Tyrol. The Ræti lay to the south of the Vindelici, and reached to

Lake Como on the south. These tribes, whom the historians describe as

very fierce and warlike, commenced a system of predatory incursions into

Cisalpine Gaul, in which they appear to have practised the greatest

atrocities. Augustus was at this time (B.C. 16-15) in Transalpine Gaul,

and Tiberius was with him. Drusus, his step-son, and younger brother of

Tiberius, was Quæstor at Rome, and in his twenty-third year. He was

required by Augustus to take the field against the offending tribes,

whom he met under the Tridentine Alps and defeated signally. But, though

driven from Italy, they continued their attacks upon Gaul, and Tiberius

was accordingly sent by Augustus with more troops to his brother's

assistance, and they between them effectually humbled the tribes, whose

territories were constituted a Roman province under the united name of

Rætiæ, Rætia Prima or Proper, and Secunda, which embraced the

possessions of the Vindelici: these also comprised several other tribes,

of whom Horace particularly mentions the Genauni and Breuni. The whole

of this war took place in the spring and summer of the year B.C. 15, and

we are led to suppose from C. iv. 14. 34-38, that it was brought to a

conclusion in the month of August, on the anniversary of the capture of

Alexandria by Augustus in the year 30 (C. i. 37, Introduction). In honor

of these victories Horace composed this Ode and the fourteenth of this

book, the one more expressly to celebrate the name of Drusus, the other

of Tiberius. The two Odes therefore must historically be viewed

together, though it seems likely that this Ode was written immediately

after the victory of Drusus, while the other was composed two years

afterwards, when Augustus returned to Rome.

Argument.--Like the young eagle just darting on its prey, or the young

lion fresh from its dam, was Drusus when he met the rude Vindelici, and

made them feel what hearts could do trained under the eye of Augustus.

The brave give birth to the brave. The steer and the horse have the

blood of their sires, and the eagle gives not birth to the dove. But

education brings out the seeds of virtue. What Rome owes to the Nerones

let the Meturus witness, and the day which saw Hasdrubal defeated, and

drove the clouds and the fierce African from Latium. Our strength grew

and our gods returned from that day, and Hannibal was forced to cry, "As

the deer might pursue the wolf, we are pursuing those we should fly.

Like the shorn oak, they gave strength with every blow, as the Hydra or

the monsters of Thebes. Sink them in the deep, they rise more glorious

than ever, and overthrow their victor in his strength. No more shall I

send messengers of victory to Carthage; fallen, fallen are our hopes,

and our fortune, for Hasdrubal is gone!"

The hand of a Claudius prospers, for Jove and his own sagacity deliver

him from danger.

1. _Qualem_] The apodosis of this long opening (which, however, gains

power as it proceeds) is to be found in the seventeenth verse. The best

way to render it will be by changing the cases in 'ministrum' and

'juventas': 'as the thunderbolt's winged minister one day by youth and

native strength from its nest is driven, and by the breezes of spring is

fluttering taught,' etc. Virgil calls the eagle "Jovis armiger" (Aen. v.

255), which Pliny (N. H. x. 3, 4) says is his conventional title.

2. _aves vagas_] 'Vaga,' as an epithet applied to birds, corresponds to

the Greek ἠερόφοιτος. Horace follows a legend later than Homer in the

story of Ganymede (see C. iii. 20. 16).

5. _Olim_] See C. ii. 10. 17, n. 'Propulit,' 'docuere,' 'demisit,'

'egit,' are used in an aoristic sense.

9. _mox in ovilia_] 'Then on the fold by instinct quick is hurried

hostile down, again on the writhing snake is sent by love of food and

fight.'

13. _Qualemve laetis_] 'Or as a she-goat, intent on glad pastures, sees

the lion's whelp, fresh from his tawny mother's dugs, just weaned,--she

by his young tooth soon to die.'

14. _matris ab ubere_] 'Ab,' like ἀπό, is used absolutely; 'fresh from

the dugs of his dam, yea, just weaned from the milk of his mother.'

17. _Raetis_] See Introduction.

18. _quibus Mos unde_] All we can gather from these verses is, that the

Vindelici carried some species of battle-axe, that the Romans had felt

the weight and edge of it, and that the Vindelici were counted a

strange, wild race, whose origin and history the Romans professed to

know nothing about.

21. _quaerere distuli,_] 'I ask not now,'--the question would be out of

place, he means, and some commentators, agreeing with him, have

discarded this stanza as an interpolation.

22. _Nec scire fas est_] C. i. 11. 1.

_sed diu_] 'Sed' is commonly used after digressions to recover the

thread of the subject.

24. _revictae_] That 're' is added to some verbs without materially

changing their meaning, has been shown before (C. i. 31. 12, n.).

25. _quid mens_] The difference between 'mens' and 'indoles' is, that

one refers to the head, the other to what we should call the heart, the

disposition.

28. _Nerones._] The father of Tiberius and Drusus was Tiberius Claudius

Nero, which was also the emperor's name. Drusus was Nero Claudius

Drusus. The latter was not born till three months after his mother Livia

married Augustus.

29. _Fortes creantur_] It is more than probable that Horace had in his

mind the words of Euripides,--

ἐσθλῶν ἀπ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ἐσθλὰ γίγνεσθαι τέκνα,

κακῶν δ᾽ ὅμοια τῇ φύσει τῇ τοῦ πατρός (Fr. Alcm. 7).

'Fortibus et bonis' corresponds to the common Greek expression, which it

is so difficult to render, καλοῖς κἀγαθοῖς. Those words are in the

ablative case. Horace does not refer to the father of these youths, who

was a worthless person, but generally to their family, the Claudia gens,

among whom were many persons of distinction. They were divided into a

patrician and a plebeian branch. To the latter belonged the Marcelli.

See C. i. 12. 46, n.

37. _Neronibus_] Claudius Nero, who was of the family of which Tiberius

and Drusus came, defeated and slew Hasdrubal, when he was coming to the

help of his brother Hannibal, B.C. 207, on the banks of the Metaurus, a

river in the north of Italy. Hannibal had been nearly eleven years in

Italy, and had met with few reverses, but after his brother's defeat his

cause failed, and, though he remained four years longer in Italy, it was

far away in the mountains of the south, and the Romans ceased to be

harassed by him. Horace, therefore, is accurate here.

38. _Metaurum_] See A. P. 18: "Aut flumen Rhenum." The name is formed

into an adjective in both cases.

41. _adorea,_] 'Ador' was a coarse grain called by the Greeks ζειά, but

the name was applied to grain in general, and in the form 'adorea'

signified the supply of corn given to soldiers after a victory, and

hence was used as synonymous with victory itself.

42. _Dirus_] C. ii. 12. 2, n. This is the third time this epithet is

applied to Hannibal, whom with reason the Romans held in greater respect

than any enemy they ever had, though 'perfidia plus quam Punica' was

freely attributed to him. 'Ut,' 'ever since' (Epod. vii. 19). 'Taedas'

is not torches but a forest of pines, a conflagration in which is one of

the most terrific sights that the eye can witness. 'Equitavit' seems to

be taken from Eurip. (Phoen. 209),--

περιῤῥύτων

ὑπὲρ ἀκαρπίστων πεδίων

Σικελίας Ζεφύρου πνοαῖς

ἱππεύσαντος ἐν οὐρανῷ

κάλλιστον κελάδημα.

51. _Sectamur ultro_] 'We are pushing on and pursuing those whom to

evade and to escape is our noblest triumph.' There is often some

difficulty in translating 'ultro.' 'Uls' is an old preposition involving

the same root as 'ille,' and signifying 'on the other side of,' opposed

to 'eis.' 'Ultro' signifies to a place beyond, as 'ultra' at a place

beyond. If 'ultro,' therefore, ever means 'voluntarily,' it is not as

involving the root 'vol' of 'volo,' but as implying the forwardness of

the agent to do what he is not obliged or asked. With this speech of

Hannibal may be compared the words Livy puts into his mouth (xxvii. 51).

54. _Jactata Tuscis aequoribus_] Virgil represents Æneas as having

barely rounded the western promontory of Sicily, and entered the Mare

Tyrrhenum, when the storm arose that drove him back to the coast of

Africa (Aen. i. 67, iii. 705, sqq.). His voyage was prosperous after he

left Sicily the second time, according to Virgil's account.

_sacra_] Æneas is said to have brought with him to Rome the fire of

Vesta and the images of the 'Penates publici,' who were ever after

worshipped at Rome. They were the protectors of the city, as the

'Penates domestici' or 'privati' were of private houses, and like them

they were worshipped as Lares. (See C. iii. 23. 19; iv. 4. 19, S. ii. 3.

26, n.)

59. _Per damna,_] See Livy (xxix. 3), "Illis Romanam plebem, illis

Latium juventutem praebuisse majorem semper frequentioremque pro tot

caesis adolescentibus subolescentem."

62. _Vinci dolentem_] 'Indignant at the thought of being beaten', or

'refusing to be beaten,' as "penna metuente solvi" (C. ii. 2. 7), 'a

wing that will not melt.' The destruction of the hydra, a monster with

nine heads, each of which, as Hercules knocked it off with his club, was

replaced by two new ones, is the second of the labors of that hero.

63. _Colchi_] Jason, when he went for the golden fleece, sowed at

Colchis part of the teeth of the dragon which Cadmus had killed, and

whose teeth he had sown at Thebes. From both sprung up armed men, to

whom Hannibal here likens the Romans. Echion was one of the γηγενεῖς,

'earth-borns,' who helped Cadmus to build Thebes, which is therefore

called after him.

66. _integrum_] That is, 'in all his strength,' 'intact,' 'unhurt.'

73. _Claudiae_] See note on v. 29.

76. _acuta belli._] This corresponds to Hom. (Il. iv. 352), ὀξὺν Ἄρηα.

The same construction occurs C. iv. 12. 19, "amara curarum." 'Expediunt'

means 'carry them through': 'diligence and sagacity carry them through

the dangers of war.'

ODE V.

This Ode was written after the German victories celebrated in the last

Ode and C. 14, and perhaps sent to Augustus in Gaul B.C. 14. Its

professed object is to induce Augustus to hasten his return, and to

describe the blessings of his reign. What were the reasons for the

emperor's protracted absence, we cannot tell. It was perhaps the policy

of Augustus to make his absence felt, and we may believe that the

language of Horace, which bears much more the impression of real feeling

than of flattery, represented the sentiments of great numbers at Rome,

who felt the want of that presiding genius which had brought the city

through its long troubles and given it comparative peace. There could

not be a more comprehensive picture of security and rest obtained

through the influence of one mind than is represented in this Ode, if we

except that with which no merely mortal language can compare (Isaiah xi.

and lxv.; Micah iv.). The Carmen Seculare contains much that is repeated

here. Virgil's description in his fourth Eclogue may be read in

connection with this Ode.

Argument.--Too long hast thou left us, our guardian; fulfil thy promise

and return as the spring to gladden our hearts. As the mother for her

absent son, so does Rome sigh for her Cæsar. Our fields are at peace,

the very sea is at rest, our morals are pure, our women are chaste, the

law is strong, our enemies are silenced, each man lives in quiet and

blesses thy name, as Greece that of Castor or Hercules. Long mayest thou

be spared to bless us, is our prayer, both morning and evening.

1. _Divis orte bonis,_] Compare C. iv. 2. 38. 'Custos' is repeated in

"custode rerum Caesare" (C. iv. 15. 17). 'Romulus' or 'Romuleus,'

'Dardanus' or 'Dardanius,' are used as the metre requires by the poets.

5. _Lucem_] 'joy.'

7. _it dies_] C. ii. 14. 5, "Quotquot eunt dies."

10. _Carpathii_] The Carpathian Sea is that part of the Ægean which lies

between Rhodes and Crete, taking its name from the island Carpathus,

which lay half-way between those two islands.

13. _Votis ominibusque et precibus_] 'with vows, and watching the omens,

and prayers.'

18. _Nutrit rura_] The repetition of 'rura' is plainly designed. 'The ox

wanders in security over the fields, to the fields Ceres gives

fertility.' 'Faustitas' is a new name, not elsewhere met with, for

'Felicitas.' Velleius (ii. 89) thus describes the blessings secured by

Augustus: "Rediit cultus agris, sacris honos, securitas hominibus, certa

cuique rerum suarum possessio."

19. _Pacatum_] This means 'delivered from pirates,' who infested the

Mediterranean till Augustus put them down.

20. _Culpari metuit Fides,_] 'men's faith is without reproach.'

22. _Mos et lex_] This is the combination required in C. iii. 24. 35:

"Quid leges sine moribus." On the proper distinction between 'mos' and

'lex,' see article 'Jus' in Smith's Dict. Ant.

23. _Lauduntur simili prole puerperae,_] This is a way of expressing

chastity derived from the Greeks. Horace is referring in these verses to

a law for the suppression of adultery, passed by Augustus, B.C. 17.

24. _Culpam poena premit comes._] 'Crime is followed close by

punishment.'

25. _Quis Parthum_] This stanza shows that the enemies mentioned were

still objects of uneasiness; but the Parthians were at this time quiet;

the most troublesome of the German tribes had been humbled by Augustus

or his stepsons, and he was employed in quelling disturbances in Spain.

29. _Condit_] There are many examples of this use of 'condo,' which

signifies to bring to an end, and as it were to lay up in store. "Judah

and Israel dwelt safely, every man under his vine and under his

fig-tree, from Dan even to Beer-sheba, all the days of Solomon" (1 Kings

iv. 25).

31, 32. _et alteris Te mensis adhibet deum;_] 'and invites thee, as a

god, to the second course.'

34. _Laribus_] At the second course, it was usual to offer libations and

prayers to the Lares (see C. iii. 23. 4, n.). Dion Cass. (li. 19) says

that after the battle of Actium the senate decreed that all men should

offer libations to Augustus at private tables as well as in the public

feasts, and that his name should be inserted in the hymns of praise as

the name of the gods. As to 'pateris' see S. i. 6. 118.

37, 38. _Longas--ferias Praestes Hesperiae!_] 'Mayest thou give to Italy

long holidays,' or 'seasons of rejoicing.' See Argument.

39. _dicimus uvidi_] 'Uvidus' is the same word as 'udus,' which is a

contracted form. It is not formed from 'uva,' though it here means

'drenched with wine.'

ODE VI.

The appointment of Horace to compose the principal Ode at the Secular

Games, B.C. 17, seems to have given him much pleasure, and to have given

his mind a new stimulus in favor of ode-writing. To the honor thus

conferred upon him we owe, perhaps as much as to Augustus's bidding,

this fourth book, of which the third, sixth, eighth, and ninth, all bear

marks of the legitimate pride that circumstance awakened. This sixth Ode

is a kind of preface to the Secular Ode, and dwells chiefly on the

praises of Apollo as having been the slayer of Achilles, and thereby

having preserved Æneas to be the founder of the Roman family; and having

prayed for and obtained the help of that god for the task he is going to

perform, Horace turns, as choragus, to the members of his chorus,

consisting of twenty-seven boys and as many girls of noble birth (C. S.,

Int.), and instructs them in their duty.

Argument.--O thou, the punisher of Niobe and Tityos, and the slayer of

Achilles, he who shook the walls of Troy was no match for thee, but fell

under thy strength as the pine-tree laid low by the axe, or the cypress

by the east wind. He would have taken Troy, not by guile but by cruel

force, but that Jove had granted Æneas to thy prayers and those of his

dear Venus. O Apollo, support the honor of the Roman Muse. His spirit is

upon me: ye virgins and boys, keep time to my song, and sing of Apollo

and Diana. O damsel! when a bride, thou shalt look back and say, "When

the age brought back its festival, I sang the pleasant song that the

poet Horace made."

1. _Dive,_] The purpose of the Ode being to invoke the assistance of

Apollo for the composition of the Secular Ode, the invocation is

suspended here, and not taken up again till the praises of the god have

been sung, as the avenger of crime and the destroyer of Achilles.

_proles Niobea_] The number of Niobe's children is stated variously by

different authors. The version best known is that which Achilles gives

to Priam, when he is comforting him for Hector (Il. xxiv. 602-617), that

she had six sons and as many daughters, and that, because she had

boastfully compared the number of her offspring with that of Lato's, who

had but Artemis and Apollo, these two shot all her children, who were

turned to stone by Zeus. She was afterwards changed to stone herself.

Considerable remains of a group of figures, said to be by Scopas (C. 8.

6), representing Niobe and her children, exist in the Gallery at

Florence.

_magnae--linguae_] This is a close copy of Ζεὺς γὰρ μεγάλης γλώσσης

κόμπους Ὑπερεχθαίρει (Soph. Antig. 127).

2. _Tityos_] See C. ii. 14. 8, n.

3. _altae_] This is an Homeric epithet for Troy, Ἴλιος αἰπεινή.

4. _Phthius Achilles,_] See C. ii. 16. 19, n. The death of Achilles by

the hand of Apollo was foretold by Hector (Il. xxii. 358, sqq.), and is

stated by Sophocles (Philoct. 334),--

τέθνηκεν ἀνδρὸς οὐδενὸς θεοῦ δ᾽ ὕπο

τοξευτός, ὡς λέγουσιν, ἐκ Φοίβου δαμείς.

The common legend assigns it to Paris, but not without Apollo's help

(Virg. Aen. vi. 57). The country from which Achilles is said to have

come was Phthiotis in Thessaly.

14. _male feriatos_] 'keeping untimely holiday.' The chorus in the

Troades of Euripides (541, sqq.) relates how there was singing and

dancing and joy in the city for the departure of the Greeks, when the

cry of battle was suddenly heard, children clung to their mothers'

garments, armed men kept issuing from the horse, and murdered the

Trojan youth at the altars and in their beds. See also Virg. Aen. ii.

248.

17. _captis_] This is not a genuine reading, but the true word is lost.

23. _ductos_] Aen. i. 423: "Pars ducere muros." The Greeks would say

τοίχους ἐλαύνειν. 'Potiore alite' is 'under better auspices.' As

observed before, the auspices were taken when a town was to be built.

Here Rome is meant.

25. _Doctor argutae_] Apollo had in later times the title of μουσαγέτης

as leader of the Muses' choir and their instructor.

26. _Xantho lavis amne crines,_] See Epod. xv. 9, about Apollo's hair.

The river Xanthus here mentioned was in Lycia (see C. iii. 4. 62).

27. _Dauniae_] See C. i. 22. 14, n.

28. _Levis Agyieu_] The Greeks gave this name (ἀγυιεύς) to Apollo, as

worshipped in and protecting the streets of cities.

31. _Virginum primae_] The chorus on this great occasion was chosen from

noble families, as the passage shows. (See Introduction.) The Lesbian

foot was the Sapphic. There is no example of this passive use of

'tutela' earlier than Horace.

36. _Pollicis ictum,_] The beating of time by the motion of the thumb.

38. _Noctilucam,_] This was a name given to Diana as the Moon, which she

represented, as Janus (the masculine form of the same name) represented

the Sun.

39. _Prosperam frugum_] This and 'docilis modorum' (v. 43) are Greek

constructions. The first means 'her who prospers the fruits of the

earth,' which Diana would do by bringing round the seasons, for she was

'swift the onward months to roll.'

42. _festas--luces,_] The Secular Games lasted three days and nights.

ODE VII.

It is pretty certain that this Ode is addressed to the same person as

the fifth Epistle of the first book. But who Torquatus was, we have no

means of deciding. The Ode bears a strong likeness to C. i. 4, and may

very likely have been written about the same time, and afterwards

inserted here to help out a volume. It contains an exhortation to

present enjoyment since Death is certainly at hand for all.

Argument.--The winter is gone, and the spring is returning with its

green leaves, its gentler streams, and its Graces. The seasons change

and remind us of our end, but the revolving year repairs its losses,

while we go to the dust for ever, and we know not when it will be. What

thou dost enjoy thyself, is so much taken from thy greedy heir. When

thou art dead, Torquatus, thy family, thine eloquence, and thy piety

will not restore thee to life, any more than the love of Diana could

bring back Hippolytus, or the friendship of Theseus, Peirithous.

3. _Mutat--vices_] 'undergoes its changes.' This is no more than 'subit

vices.' 'Vices' is what is termed a cognate accusative. The meaning of

the next words is, that the streams, lately swollen by the winter rains

or by the first melting of the snow, had subsided and no longer

overflowed their banks, but flowed quietly along them. See C. iv. 12. 3.

Respecting the Graces, see C. i. 4. 6; 30. 5, n.

13. _Damna--caelestia_] 'Tamen' shows that the changes and

deteriorations of the weather and seasons are intended, and 'celeres

lunae' are the quick-revolving months.

15. _pius Aeneas_] Horace's purpose is to show that no means are

sufficient to bring back the dead, not piety, nor wealth, nor power.

There is a similar verse in Epp. i. 6. 27.

19. _amico Quae dederis animo._] 'Whate'er thou givest thine own dear

soul.' This seems to be a literal version of φίλῃ ψυχῇ χαρίζεσθαι.

21. _splendida_] 'Judgment august hath passed.' 'Splendida' is an

unusual word for such a meaning. As to Minos, see C. ii. 13. 23, n.

26. _Liberat Hippolytum,_] This is in accordance with the legends of

Greece respecting Artemis and Hippolytus. She was unable to bring him to

life. The Latin poets make Hippolytus return from the dead, being

brought to life by the skill of Æsculapius; and Diana, in Ovid's

account, takes him and gives him into the care of Egeria, in the woods

of Aricia (Met. xv. 543, sqq.). See also Virg. Aen. vii. 765, sqq.

27. _Nec Lethaea valet_] The common story of Theseus and his friend is,

that, both having been consigned to their punishment together, Hercules

went down and delivered Theseus, leaving Peirithous to his fate. This

may be the legend Horace follows: for it may be understood that Theseus

pleaded for Peirithous when he was himself returning, but failed to

obtain his release.

ODE VIII.

C. Marcius Censorinus, the person to whom this Ode is addressed, was a

man of birth and education, a favorite with Augustus, and generally much

beloved, according to Velleius, who says of his death (in A.D. 2),

"Graviter tulit civitas." Horace pays him the compliment of believing

that he would esteem an Ode of his more highly than any costly gifts he

could offer, in accordance with the common practice among friends of

making each other presents ('strenas') on new-year's day and other

festivals. Censorinus was consul the year that Horace died.

Argument.--If I were rich in statues and pictures, I would give such to

my friends, and the best to thee, Censorinus. But I have none, and thou

desirest not these. What I have I offer,--verses in which thou

delightest. No monuments of marble, not their own mighty deeds, could

ennoble the Scipiones like the verses of Ennius. Thine own virtues must

remain obscure but for the Muse. What would Æacus or Romulus have been

without her? She raises men to the skies, as did Hercules, the

Tyndaridæ, and Liber.

1. _pateras_] See S. i. 6. 118, n.

_commodus,_] 'liberally.' "Miscentur cyathis pocula commodis" (C. iii.

19. 12) is a like use of the word.

2. _aera_] See S. i. 4. 28, n.

3. _tripodas,_] In the temple of Apollo, at Delphi, was a bronze altar

on three legs, called from its form τρίπους. Imitations of this tripod

were presented to the victors at the Pythian games. Herodotus mentions

their being given at the games of Apollo at Triopium in Cnidus (i. 144).

5. _artium_] 'Artes' as 'works of art' occurs in Epp. i. 6. 17: "Marmor

vetus aeraque et artes Suspice." Also in Cic. (de Legg. ii. 2),

"antiquorum artibus"; and in Virg. (Aen. v. 359), "clypeum--Didymaonis

artes."

6. _Parrhasius_] This painter flourished at Athens with Zeuxis about the

end of the Peloponnesian war, B.C. 404. Many of his pictures were to be

seen at Rome when Horace wrote. Scopas, the sculptor and architect of

Paros, who flourished (also at Athens) about the same time as

Parrhasius, is the reputed author of some works that exist to this day;

particularly the group referred to on C. 6. 1, which, if not the

original, is an ancient copy. The statue set up by Augustus in the

temple he built to Apollo (C. S. 33, n.) was also by Scopas, and it

appears on Roman coins as Apollo Actius or Palatinus.

_protulit_] 'Proferre,' meaning to 'produce' (as we say) a work of art,

is not common. Perhaps it does not occur elsewhere. 'Ponere' is a more

common word. See A. P. 34: "Quia ponere totum Nesciet."

15. _fugae_] This is only a way of expressing his hasty departure from

Italy at the summons of the Carthaginian senate.

16. _Rejectaeque retrorsum_] This refers to Hannibal's final defeat at

Zama, as is shown by the reference to the muse of Ennius ('Calabrae

Pierides,' v. 20), which was employed in the praises of the elder

Scipio.

17. _Non incendia_] Carthage was destroyed by Scipio Africanus Minor,

B.C. 146.

18. _nomen ab Africa Lucratus_] These words refer to Scipio Africanus

Minor. In S. ii. 1. 65 he is mentioned in the same way as the man

"qui

Duxit ab oppressa meritum Carthagine nomen."

From a strict rendering of Horace's words, therefore, it would seem as

if Ennius had written the praises, not only of the elder, but also of

the younger Scipio, who burnt Carthage twenty-three years after the

death of Ennius. But, with a reader acquainted with the facts, no

confusion could arise, and Horace wrote for those who knew them well.

20. _Calabrae Pierides:_] The muse of Calabria, i.e. of Ennius, who was

born at Rudiæ, a Calabrian town, B.C. 239. He wrote, as observed above,

a poem on the elder Scipio.

25. _Aeacum_] This was a mythical king of Ægina, and much celebrated for

his justice. After his death he was made judge in Elysium (C. ii. 13.

23, n.), which, according to the later mythology, was one of the

divisions of Tartarus, but which the earlier notions placed in certain

blessed islands in the Western Ocean, by the Romans identified with the

Azores. (See Epod. xvi, Int.) Horace says it was not only his virtue and

the public esteem, but also the poet's praise, that gained Æacus this

honor. His praises and those of his family are frequent in Pindar.

29. _Sic Jovis interest_] These heroes are all referred to in C. iii. 3.

9, sqq.

32. _eripiunt aequoribus_] See C. i. 3. 2, n.

33. _Ornatus viridi_] See C. iii. 25. 20.

34. _Liber vota bonos_] This only means, that, by the help of the muse,

Liber was made a god, and as such receives and answers the prayers of

his worshippers.

ODE IX.

M. Lollius, to whom this Ode is addressed, as we have seen (C. iv. 2,

Int.), was defeated by the Sigambri, B.C. 27, which disaster caused a

great deal of alarm at Rome, and very probably raised a good many voices

against him, and gave an advantage to his enemies. It is not improbable,

therefore, that Horace wrote this Ode to meet their attacks, and to

console Lollius under his defeat. He declares that his name shall not

die, as many noble names have died, for lack of a poet to sing it. He

praises him for his sagacity, uprightness, freedom from avarice, and

hatred of corruption.

Argument.--Think not that my verses will die: though Homer stands first

among poets, Pindar, Simonides, Alcæus, Stesichorus, Anacreon,

Sappho,--these all survive. Helen was not the first woman that loved;

nor Ilium the only city that has been sacked; nor the heroes of the

Iliad all that have fought; but the rest have been forgotten, because

they have no poet to sing of them. Buried virtue is little better than

buried dulness. I will not, therefore, let thy labors pass unsung,

Lollius; thy sagacity and uprightness, thy mind free from avarice and

secure from corruption. It is not the possessor of riches that is

wealthy, but the man who knows how to use the gifts of Heaven, and to

endure poverty, who hates corruption, and is ready to lay down his life

for his country or his friends.

1. _Ne forte_] 'Lest perchance you should suppose--remember that, even

if Homer stands first, Pindar is not forgotten.' For other examples of

'ne' thus used, see S. ii. 1. 80; Epp. i. 1. 13; 18. 58; ii. 1. 208; A.

P. 406.

2. _natus ad Aufidum_] Though Horace says he was born near the Aufidus,

Venusia, his native town, was fifteen miles south of that river, on that

branch of the Via Appia which leads from Beneventum to Tarentum. The

Aufidus (Ofanto) is invariably described by Horace as a boisterous river

(see C. iii. 30. 10; iv. 14. 25; S. i. 1. 58). But the character of such

streams varies with the season of the year.

7. _Alcaei minaces_] See C. i. 32. 5, n.

8. _Stesichorique graves Camenae:_] The muse of Stesichorus is called

'gravis,' as, though a lyric poet, he chose for his subjects principally

those which belonged to Epic poetry, as wars and heroes, and so forth.

He was born at Himera in Sicily, about the middle of the seventh century

B.C.

12. _Aeoliae--puellae._] Sappho. See C. i. 1. 34.

13. _arsit_] This governs 'crines' as 'mirata' governs the other

accusatives. See C. ii. 4. 7, n. Laodamia writes thus to her husband of

the charms by which Helen was won:--

"Venerat (Paris) ut fama est multo spectabilis auro,

Quique suo Phrygias corpore ferret opes:--

His ego te victam, consors Ledaea, gemellis,

Suspicor; haec Danais posse nocere puto"

(Ov. Her. 13. 57, sqq.);

and Hecuba upbraids Helen with the same weakness (Eur. Tro. 991):--

ὅν γ᾽ εἰσιδοῦσα βαρβάροις ἐσθήμασι

χρυσῷ τε λαμπρὸν ἐξεμαργώθης φρένας.

See C. i. 15. 14.

17. _tela Cydonio_] Teucer is described by Homer as ἄριστος Ἀχαιῶν

τοξοσύνῃ (II. xiii. 313). Cydon was a town of Crete, and the Cretans

were famous archers. See C. i. 15. 17, n., and compare Virg. Ecl. x. 59:

"Torquere Cydonia cornu Spicula."

20. _Idomeneus Sthenelusve_] The first of these led the Cretans, and the

other the Argives, in the Trojan war. Deiphobus was Hector's favorite

brother (Il. xxii. 233), and was reckoned, next to him, the chief

strength of the Trojans.

27. _Urgentur_] So C. i. 24. 5: "Ergo Quinctilium perpetuus sopor

Urget?" 'Illacrimabilis' is used in an active sense, C. ii. 14. 6.

29. _Paullum sepultae_] Virtue, if it be left in obscurity, is in no

better position than dulness (which signifies generally a gross,

unspiritual nature), when that too is buried; one is on a par with the

other as far as influence is concerned, for neither exercises any

influence at all; and, as far as his reputation goes, a man may as well

be buried in stupidity as have his virtues buried in oblivion. There are

some well-known verses in Gray's Churchyard Elegy that correspond

closely to Horace's.

31. _Chartis_] See S. ii. 3. 2.

_silebo,_] So C. i. 12. 21: "Neque te silebo, Liber."

32. _Totve tuos patiar labores_] These lines seem to have reference to

the unpopularity of Lollius in connection with his defeat, which appears

to be alluded to in the word 'dubiis' below. He may also have been the

object of slander in respect to his personal character, which Horace

here warmly defends, but which in after years was much blackened. There

seems to be no other way of accounting for the earnestness with which

Horace declares his friend's innocence of the vice of avarice, for

instance, than to suppose that fault had been laid to his charge, as it

was so freely after his death (see Introduction).

33. _carpere lividas_] The plural 'obliviones' is nowhere else used.

'Carpere' is used in the sense of gradually consuming, and has something

like that meaning here. 'Lividus' is akin to the Greek πελιδνός, and to

the Latin 'luridus' (C. iii. 4. 74, n.). It means 'dark,' and is

commonly associated with envy, which connects it with oblivion caused by

envy. Horace says dark oblivion shall not swallow up the labors of

Lollius with impunity; as if he were his champion, ready to defend him

against the attacks of oblivion, his enemy.

34. _Est animus tibi_] 'Rerum prudentia' is a knowledge of the world.

"Cato multarum rerum usum habebat" (Cic. de Am. ii. 6) expresses the

same kind of experience. 'Rectus' means 'erect,' not stooping or bowed

down, as "Fana deos habuere rectos" (C. iv. 4. 48). See also Ennius,

quoted by Cicero (De Senect. c. 6): "Quo vobis mentes, rectae quae stare

solebant Antehac, dementes sese flexere viai?"

37. _abstinens--pecuniae,_] For similar Grecisms, see C. ii. 9. 17, n.

39. _Consulque non unius anni_] Compare C. iii. 2. 19. Lollius was

consul, B.C. 21, but Horace says that an upright 'judex' is always on a

level with the highest magistrates, and such ever was Lollius, besieged

like others with temptations to corruption, but resisting them all, and

so overcoming the enemies who encompassed him, and delivering himself by

his virtue from their calumnies.

41. _Judex honestum_] That it should be a matter of great merit and

difficulty to maintain the character of an uncorrupt judex, does not say

much for the honesty of those who exercised the functions of jurors. The

corruption of the senatorian body led to the judicial power being

transferred from them to the equites, but they in their turn were found

so corrupt that it was given back to the senatores, and afterwards the

judices were selected from both orders. See S. i. 4. 123, n.

44. _Explicuit_] 'Through hostile crowds hath carried safe his arms

victorious.' 'Explicare' seems to correspond with 'expedire' in C. iv.

4. 76.

52. _Non ille--timidus_] 'He fears disgrace worse than death,--not

fearful he to die for his country,' i.e. but he is not fearful. See C.

iii. 19. 2. "Codrus pro patria non timidus mori." See also C. iii. 2.

13, n.

ODE X.

Ligurinus is a merely poetical personage, and probably Horace composed

this Ode with a Greek original before him or in his mind.

Argument.--Cruel and lovely boy; when the down shall have passed upon

thy cheek, and thy flowing locks have fallen, and thy soft complexion

vanished, thou shalt look in the glass, and say, "Why did I not, as a

boy, feel as I do now; or why, with these feelings, have I not the

beauty I had then?"

2. _pluma_] This word corresponds to the Greek πτίλον, used in the

sense of the early down upon a boy's cheek. The word is nowhere else

used in this sense. Ἄπτιλος was a name given by the Greeks to beardless

boys. Boys' hair was allowed to grow till they assumed the 'toga

virilis,' when it was cut off, as observed on C. ii. 5. 24. The feathers

of a bird are as good a likeness to the down on a young cheek as wool,

from which 'lanugo,' the usual word in this sense, is derived.

6. _te speculo videris_] 'Speculo' here, without 'in,' is the ablative

of the instrument. 'Alterum' is nowhere else used exactly in this sense,

'mutatum,' and, though the word admits of that use, it is so like the

Greek ἕτερον, which is frequently so used, that I think it is a

translation of that word. 'Heu' is an exclamation of the poet, not of

Ligurinus. What follows is like two lines in Terence (Hec. i. 1. 17,

sq.):--

"Eheu me miseram! cur non aut istaec mihi

Aetas et forma est aut tibi haec sententia?"

The mirrors of the Romans at this time were only of metal, glass mirrors

having been introduced later, and then of an inferior quality.

ODE XI.

This Ode professes to be an invitation to Phyllis to come and sup with

Horace on the 15th of April, Mæcenas's birthday. It is possible that the

Ode was sent to Mæcenas himself, and was only thrown into the form of an

address to Phyllis for poetical convenience.

Argument.--I have a good old amphora of Alban, with parsley and ivy to

make thee a crown, Phyllis; silver on my board, and an altar that waits

for the sacrifice; the slaves are busy, the fire is burning; come and

celebrate the Ides of April, for it is Mæcenas's birthday, more sacred

to me than my own. Telephus is matched already, and is no match for

thee. The fates of Phaëthon and Bellerophon teach thee to beware of

ambition. Come, my last love, with thy sweet voice sing the song I shall

teach thee; song shall drive care away.

2. _Albani cadus;_] The wine of the Alban hills was of the better kind;

and at Nassidienus's supper it was offered to the chief guest with

Falernian (Sat. ii. 8. 16). Pliny (N. H. xiv. 6) places it third among

the wines of Italy. Juvenal (v. 33) speaks of Albanian wine, and classes

it with Setian, both of great age. The rich glutton drank it, he says,

as a corrective of yesterday's debauch.

5. _qua crines religata fulges;_] 'Crowned with which thou art

beautiful.'

7. _verbenis_] See C. i. 19. 14, n.

8. _Spargier agno;_] It has been questioned whether the Romans shed

blood on birthdays. In the earliest times, perhaps they did not, but the

practice was different in Horace's time, as this passage shows. See also

Juv. xi. 84.

10. _Cursitant mixtae pueris puellae;_] 'Puellae' is most rarely used

for female slaves. The word in use was 'ancillae.'

12. _Vertice fumum._] 'Vertice' is the top of the flame, which 'flickers

as it whirls the dark smoke on its crest'; a spiral flame, terminating

in a column of smoke. It seems as if Horace were writing with a fire

burning before him, and caught the idea as he wrote.

15. _marinae_] C. i. 3. 1. Venus (Ἀφροδίτη) was said to have risen from

the sea in the month of April, which was therefore her month, the name

of which Macrobius derives from ἀφρός: Varro, more probably, from

'aperio,' as the month that opens the year. The word 'idus' is derived

from 'iduare,' which signifies to divide, and this explains 'findit.'

19. _adfluentes Ordinat annos._] 'Reckons each year as it succeeds.'

21. _Telephum,_] Telephus is a favorite name with Horace. For what

reason this is the name he chooses for youths whom maidens vainly love,

does not appear; but such is the fact. 'Occupavit' signifies 'has

pre-occupied' (C. ii. 12. 28).

22. _Non tuae sortis_] This belongs to 'juvenem,' not to 'puella.' 'A

youth not of thy condition.' "Si qua voles apte nubere, nube pari"

(Ovid, Heroid. ix. 32).

23. _grata Compede_] This is repeated from C. i. 33. 14.

25. _Phaëthon_] The story of Phaëthon getting permission to drive the

horses of his father Helios (the sun), setting fire to the earth, and

finally killed by lightning and falling into the Eridanus, is told at

much length by Ovid (Met. ii. 1-324).

27. _Pegasus_] The story was, that the winged horse of Zeus was given by

Athene or Poseidon to Bellerophon (C. i. 27. 24) to help him to kill the

Chimæra, and that afterwards Bellerophon tried, with the help of

Pegasus, to rise to heaven; but for his presumption he was thrown off.

29. _et ultra_] 'And counting it impious to hope beyond what is allowed,

avoid one who is not thy match.'

32. _Finis_] Compare Propert. i. 12. 19:--

"Mi neque amare aliam neque ab hac discedere fas est;

Cynthia prima fuit, Cynthia finis erit."

It is not necessary to infer from this, as some do, that Horace was old.

However literally the words may be taken, they only mean that he

intended to be constant to Phyllis.

34. _condisce modos_] These words correspond very closely to those of C.

iv. 6. 43:

"Reddidi carmen docilis modorum Vatis Horati."

ODE XII.

This is written in the form of an invitation to Virgil the poet (though

this has been much disputed) to sup with him.

Argument.--The spring is come, the frost is fled, the stream flows

gently, the swallow has built her nest, the shepherds are piping to Pan

in the fields, and the days of drought have returned, Virgil. Bring me a

box of nard, and I will bring thee in return some generous Calenian from

Sulpicius's cellar. If my bargain please thee, make haste; lay aside

business; and, remembering that thou must die, relax while thou mayest

into folly for a time.

1. _temperant_] This is explained by C. i. 3. 16 (see note). The

Thracian winds are here the northeast winds of spring.

3. _nec fluvii strepunt_] This explains C. iv. 7. 3. The time is not

quite the beginning of spring, when the snows melt and the rivers are

swollen, but after they have subsided, which soon takes place.

5. _Nidum ponit,_] The story of Procne, daughter of Pandion, king of

Attica (Cecropia), turned into a swallow, is gracefully introduced here

to give ornament to a common fact and sign of spring. Horace elsewhere

introduces the swallow with the west wind (Epp. i. 7. 13). One version

of the story changes Philomela into the swallow, and Procne, the mother

of Itys, into the nightingale. Virgil makes Philomela the mother and

slayer of Itys (Ecl. vi. 79):--

"Quas illi Philomela dapes, quae dona pararit?

Quo cursu deserta petiverit, et quibus ante

Infelix sua tecta supervolitaverit alis?"

In short, the legend is more varied than almost any other.

7. _male_] This may go with 'barbaras' to strengthen it, as "rauci male"

(S. i. 4. 66), or with 'ulta.'

8. _Regum_] The lust of kings, as exemplified in one of them, Tereus,

the Thracian king, who, having married one of the above sisters,

concealed her, and married the other, under the pretence that she was

dead. The fraud was discovered, and the first wife, whichever of the two

it was (see above), murdered her son Itys, and put his limbs before his

father as a banquet. The sisters then ran away, and Tereus pursuing

them, they were all changed into birds.

9. _Dicunt_] C. iii. 4. 1.

11. _deum_] Pan, who was chiefly worshipped in Arcadia.

14. _Calibus_] See C. i. 20. 9. As to 'ducere,' see C. iii. 3. 34, n.

15. _juvenum nobilium cliens,_] These are said by the Scholiasts to be

Augustus and Mæcenas. 'Juvenis' is applied to the former in C. i. 2. 41

(see note).

17. _Nardi parvus onyx_] A pound of 'nard' was worth upwards of 300

denarii, which sum was equivalent to more than 10_l._ sterling. The

'onyx' was another name for alabaster, of which, as we find in the New

Testament, as well as here and elsewhere, boxes were made for ointments.

18. _Sulpiciis--horreis,_] These were famous wine-cellars, which

originally belonged to one of the Sulpician family, and, according to

the Scholiasts, continued to bear the name of Galba, the cognomen of a

branch of that gens, in their day. There are inscriptions extant in

which mention is made of the 'horrea Galbiana.' Horace, professing to

have no good wine of his own, says he will buy a cadus of Calenian. (C.

i. 20. 10, n.)

19. _amaraque Curarum_] This is a Greek construction, but not uncommon

in Horace, as "acuta belli" (C. iv. 4. 76); "corruptus vanis rerum" (S.

ii. 2. 25), "fictis rerum" (S. ii. 8. 83); "vilia rerum" (Epp. i. 17.

21); "abdita rerum" (A. P. 49).

23. _Immunem_] 'for nothing,' as we say. It is equivalent to 'asymbolus'

in Terence (Phorm. ii. 2. 25). "Ten' asymbolum venire!" The drone is

represented as "immunis sedens aliena ad pabula" (Virg. Georg. iv. 244),

and Horace says of himself, "quem scis immunem Cinarae placuisse rapaci"

(Ep. i. 14. 33).

25. _studium lucri,_] This looks like a joke, but the point of it is

lost.

26. _Nigrorum--ignium_] This epithet is commonly applied to the funeral

fires, as (Aen. xi. 186), "subjectis ignibus atris."

ODE XIII.

This Ode has been noticed in the introduction to C. iii. 10. It is not

unlike the fifteenth of the same book. It is professedly addressed to an

old woman, Lyce, who is trying to keep up her charms. The poet writes as

if the gods had answered his prayers by taking away her beauty for the

cruelty she had shown him. It is most probably an imitation.

Argument.--My prayers are answered, Lyce. Thou art old, and would

captivate still; but love abides only on the fresh cheek, and runs away

from the withered trunk, and from thee, with thy black teeth, and

wrinkles, and gray hairs. Try and hide thy years with purple and jewels,

but the telltale records betray thee. Where is the girl that I loved

only next to Cinara?--whom Fate carried off too soon, while it left Lyce

to grow old, that her lovers might laugh at her decline.

7. _Chiae_] 'Chia' is a proper name. 'Delia' and 'Lesbia' are formed in

the same way.

8. _excubat in genis._] This is a close imitation of Sophocles (Antig.

782):--

Ἔρως ὃς ἐν κτήμασι πίπτεις

ὃς ἐν μαλακαῖς παρειαῖς

νεάνιδος ἐννυχεύεις.

9. _aridas Quercus,_] This corresponds to C. i. 25. 19, "aridas

frondes"; as to 'luridi,' see C. iii. 4. 74, n.

13. _Coae_] These are thin, transparent textures of some sort, from the

island of Cos in the Ægean.

14. _clari lapides_] The precious stones of the costlier sort most in

use by Roman women were pearls ('margaritae') and emeralds ('smaragdi').

They were chiefly worn in necklaces, and as ear drops and rings; and

libertinae distinguished for their beauty could make a great display of

jewels received as presents from their admirers.

15. _Notis condita fastis_] 'Buried in the public annals.' Horace means

to say, that the days she has seen are all buried, as it were, in the

grave of the public annals, and there any one may find them, but she

cannot get them back. It is a graphic way of identifying the years, and

marking their decease, to point to the record in which each is

distinguished by its consuls and its leading events. 'Notis' merely

expresses the publicity and notoriety of the record by which the lapse

of time is marked. As to 'fasti,' see Epp. ii. 1. 48, n.

18. _illius, illius,_] This word is very emphatic, as in "quantum

mutatus ab illo Hectare" (Aen. ii. 274). On 'surpuerat' compare "unum me

surpite morti" (Sat. ii. 3. 283); C. i. 36. 8, n; S. i. 5. 79, n.

Regarding Cinara, see C. iv. 1. 3, n; and for the form 'nota artium

gratarum' compare "notus in fratres animi paterni" (C. ii. 2. 6). 'Et'

is redundant, and the sentence is a little irregular: 'What hast thou

left of her, of her who breathed but love, who stole me from myself,

blest next to Cinara, that fate, too, so familiar in its lovely charms?'

24. _parem--temporibus_] This means that Lyce and the crow go on

together getting old and never dying. 'Vetulae' is a contemptuous form

of 'annosa,' used elsewhere (C. iii. 17. 13). Martial speaks of an old

woman who had survived all the crows (x. 67). She was the daughter (he

says) of Pyrrha, and Nestor's step-mother, an old woman when Niobe was a

girl, grandmother of Laertes, nurse of Priam, and mother-in-law of

Thyestes.

28. _Dilapsam_] This expresses well the crumbling of a burnt-out torch.

The idea is very original. There is an intentional contrast in

'fervidi.' 'That burning youths might see with loud laughter the torch's

flame crumbling away to ashes.'

ODE XIV.

The circumstances under which this Ode was written, and its probable

date, are given in the Introduction to C. 4 of this book, to which the

student is referred. The common inscriptions, which make it an address

in honor of Augustus, sufficiently describe the spirit of it, though

its professed purpose is to celebrate the part that Tiberius took, with

Drusus, in the victories over the German tribes. It is probable that,

whereas the Ode for Drusus was written soon after his victory, this was

not written till Augustus returned from Gaul, two years afterwards.

Argument.--With what honors shall we perpetuate thy virtues, O mightiest

of princes, whose strength the insolent Vindelici have felt? With great

slaughter Drusus cast them down from their heights, and Tiberius drove

them before him, as the south wind drives the waves, or the swollen

Aufidus lays waste the corn,--a scathless victory; and thou didst lend

thine armies, thy counsels, and thine auspices. 'T was fifteen years

from that day when Alexandria opened her gates to thee, that Fortune

brought this glory to thine arms. All nations bow down to thee, from the

east to the west, from the north to the south, O thou guardian of Italy

and Rome!

4. _fastos Aeternet,_] As to 'titulos,' see S. i. 6. 17, n., and for

'fastos,' see Epp. ii. 1. 48, n. 'Aeternare' is a word which had

probably become almost obsolete in Horace's time. It is not found in any

other author, except in a fragment of Varro. Many words used by Horace,

and by no other extant writer, were probably common enough before the

age of Cicero. 'Habitabiles oras,' like ἡ οἰκουμένη, so commonly used by

Plutarch and the writers of the New Testament, signifies the Roman

world.

7. _Quem--didicere--Quid Marte posses._] This construction is not

uncommon in Plautus, as (Asin. i. 1. 45), "verum meam uxorem, Libane,

scis qualis siet"; and Terence, as (Eun. iv. 3. 15), "Ego illum nescio

qui fuerit," and other places. With the Greek poets nothing is more

common, as in Sophocles (Trachin. 429):--

πρὸς θεῶν φράσον, φίλη

δέσποινα, τόνδε τίς ποτ᾽ ἐστὶν ὁ ξένος;

10. _Genaunos,_] The Genauni were one of the southern tribes of Rætia,

lying between the lakes Verbanus (Maggiore) and Larius (Como), in the

modern Val d'Agno. The Breuni were a small but warlike tribe, also

occupying part of Raetia. The character Horace gives of these tribes is

that which is given by all writers of the time. 'Implacidum' is a word

not found in any writer earlier than Horace. It is as likely that he

made as that he found it: either may be true.

13. _plus vice simplici;_] The literal version would thus be, 'with more

than an even exchange,' i.e. of blood, he being 'sine clade victor' (v.

32). As to the construction 'plus vice,' see C. i. 13. 20.

14. _Major Neronum_] Tiberius. See C. iv. 4. 28, n.

17. _Spectandus--Quantis_] This seems imitated from the Greek idiom

θαυμαστὸς ὅσοις. 'A noble sight, how in the strife of war he drove with

mighty slaughter those hearts devoted to a freeman's death.'

20. _Indomitas prope qualis_] It may be observed, that the fourth verse

of the Alcaic stanza is frequently constructed with a noun and its

adjective in the first and last place, and corresponding in their last

syllables. In this Ode we have vv. 12, 16, 20, 36, 52, answering to this

rule or habit. 'Prope' has no particular force. Horace, whose ear was

familiar with the language of the Greek tragedians, copied their σχεδόν

τι (a common phrase in comparisons) here and in other places. The

setting of the Pleiades, at the beginning of November, was reckoned as

the commencement of winter; they therefore are said to burst the clouds

('scindere nubes'), which poured down rain upon the earth.

24. _medios per ignes._] 'Ignes' means the flames of war.

25. _tauriformis_] This is taken from the Greek ταυρόμορφος, applied to

the Cephissus by Eurip. (Ion, 1261). The only other Italian river that

was represented under this form was the Eridanus, of which Virgil says

(Georg. iv. 371, sqq.):--

"Et gemina auratus taurino cornua vultu

Eridanus, quo non alius per pinguia culta

In mare purpureum violentior effluit amnis."

He was therefore represented not only with horns, but with gilded horns.

Horace has probably invented this description of his native river, by

way of magnifying its importance, and ranking it with the greater

streams. Whence this conception of a bull, as representing the form of a

river-god, may have arisen, it is not easy to say, but probably from the

branching of so many large streams at their mouths, though that would

not apply to the Aufidus.

26. _Dauni_] See C. i. 22. 14, n.

28. _meditatur_] See C. iii. 25. 5, n.

31. _metendo_] 'And, mowing down first and hindmost, strewed the earth,

a scathless victor.' Horace (like Virgil, Aen. x. 513, "Proxima quaeque

metit gladio") gets his word from Homer (II. xi. 67), οἱ δ᾽ ὥστ᾽

ἀμητῆρες ἐναντίοι ἀλλήλοισιν Ὄγμον ἐλαύνωσιν.

32. _sine clade_] See note on v. 13.

33. _te--Praebente divos._] See C. i. 7. 27, n. Augustus had the

'auspicium,' and his step-sons were his 'legati.'

34. _quo die_] See C. i. 37, Introduction, iv. 4, Introduction.

40. _Imperiis decus arrogavit._] 'Claimed for the wars carried on under

thy imperium the glory thou didst desire.' What follows is a compendious

review of the successes of Augustus, all of which have been noticed in

these Odes. Before the present Ode was written, the Cantabri had been

finally subdued by Agrippa; the Parthians had restored the standards of

Crassus and M. Antonius; the Scythians had sent to ask to be taken into

alliance; the distant nations of Asia had done the same (see C. S. 55,

sq.); the successes of Lentulus had checked the inroads of the tribes of

the Danube (ii. 9. 23); Egypt had long been a tributary province;

Armenia (Tigris) had been ceded by the Parthians; Britain, though only

threatened, had sent tokens of submission. Augustus was just returned

from Gaul and Spain, where he had put down the last efforts of

rebellion, having also driven back the German tribes (Sigambri), whose

success against Lollius had thrown a stain upon the arms of Rome (see C.

2 of this book, Introduction).

45. _Te fontium qui celat origines_] This applies only to Nilus. The

ancient representations of the Nile exhibit him as covering his head

with his robe, or with the waters flowing from under his robe; while the

Ister is exhibited with his urn in a medal of Trajan, on whose column he

is represented as rising out of his stream to do homage to Rome.

47. _belluosus_] This word does not occur elsewhere in any classical

writer. It reduces to the form of an adjective 'scatentem belluis' (C.

iii. 27. 26). It corresponds to πολυθρέμμων of Æschylus, πολυκήτης of

Theocritus, and Homer's μεγακήτης.

49. _Te non paventis funera Galliae_] Caes. de B. G. vi. 14: "In primis

hoc volunt persuadere (Druidae) non interire animos sed ab aliis post

mortem transire ad alios, atque hoc maxime ad virtutem excitari putant,

metu mortis neglecto."

ODE XV.

This Ode appears in early times to have been read as part of the

fourteenth; but there can be little doubt the Odes were written

separately, though probably about the same time, on the return of

Augustus to Rome, B.C. 13. All that is here said of the subjection of

the world and the universal peace was said in effect at the close of the

fourteenth Ode; but it was natural that if Horace had received the

emperor's commands to publish another book of Odes, he should conclude

it with one addressed to Augustus himself, reviewing the blessings of

his reign, which at this time had been crowned by a series of successes

by which universal peace was established.

Argument.--When I would sing of wars, Phœbus checked me with his lyre.

Thy reign, O Cæsar, hath brought back our lost honor, with plenty and

peace and order, and the means by which our name and strength have

become great. Under thy protection we fear no wars at home or abroad;

the North and the East obey thy laws, and we with our wives and children

will sing of the heroes of old, of Troy, and Anchises, and of Venus's

son.

2. _increpuit lyra,_] This is explained by Ovid (A. A. ii. 493):--

"Haec ego cum canerem subito manifestus Apollo

Movit inauratae pollice fila lyrae."

'Increpuit lyra' therefore signifies 'checked me by touching the strings

of his lyre, and leading me to a strain more fitted to my muse.' The

other metaphor is common enough. See Virgil (Georg. ii. 41): "Pelagoque

volans da vela patenti."

4. _Tua, Caesar, aetas_] The abruptness with which this is introduced is

worth remarking. A longer preface would have weakened the Ode.

5. _Fruges et agris_] This is a repetition of C. iv. 5. 17, sq.

6. _nostro--Jovi_] To the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus.

7. _Derepta_] As the standards were quietly and voluntarily sent to

Augustus by Phraates, Horace's language is somewhat exaggerated. The

recovery (see C. iii. 5, Introd.) of the standards lost by Crassus was

one of the greatest causes of rejoicing that ever happened at Rome.

Without it, the restoration effected by Augustus, and of which Horace

here gives a compendious picture, would have been wanting in one of its

chief features; the honor, as well as the peace, of Rome was restored.

These praises are repeated from or in (for we cannot say which was

written first) Epp. ii. 1. 251, sqq. See also Epp. i. 18. 56.

9. _Janum Quirini_] If 'Janum Quirini' and not 'Janum Quirinum' be the

true reading, Horace assigns to Romulus the building of the temple of

Janus, which is usually assigned to Numa. The other would mean 'Janus

called Quirinus,' a name given him as Janus of the Quirites. As to the

shutting of the temple, see Epp. ii. 1. 255, n.

10. _evaganti_] This nowhere else appears with an accusative case, but

'evadere' and 'exire' are used with an accusative repeatedly. (Compare

C. iii. 24. 29.) 'Artes' means those virtues in which the discipline of

life is placed, as prudence, justice, fortitude, and temperance.

17. _furor Civilis aut vis_] 'Civilis' belongs to 'furor,' and 'vis,'

which is a technical word, means here 'personal violence.' 'Ira' applies

to foreign quarrels. See C. iii. 14. 14, n.

20. _inimicat_] This is another word which Horace probably found in use

by writers of a former day. Later writers have taken it from him. It

means 'sets at enmity.' 'Apprecati' (v. 28), 'remixto' (v. 30), are also

words first found in Horace.

21. _qui profundum Danubium bibunt_] The German tribes, particularly the

Vindelici lately subdued. 'Edicta Julia' can only mean here the laws of

Augustus, laid upon them at their conquest, though in its technical

sense the word 'edicta' would not apply. The rules of a governor

published in his province were his 'edictum,' and these people were not

in a province. Horace therefore does not use the word in its legal

sense. The Getæ lay towards the mouths of the Danube, while the Daci

were situated to the west of them, on the same or south side of the

river.

23. _Seres--Tanaïn_] See C. iii. 29. 27, n. The Seres and Indi are not

much distinguished by Horace (see C. i. 12. 56), and, when he is

referring to the East, their names are generally associated with the

Parthians, more for the sake of amplification than with historical or

geographical accuracy. The Roman armies had not yet even crossed the

Tigris. But when Augustus was in Syria, we are informed by Suetonius,

ambassadors came from the far East to ask his protection and alliance.

25. _lucibus_] This word is used for 'diebus' by Ovid (Fast. iii.

397):--

"His etiam conjux apicati cincta Dialis

Lucibus impexas debet habere comas."

The singular is more common.

29. _Virtute functos_] This is a concise way of expressing 'virtutis

munere functos,' as in Cicero (Tusc. i. 45): "Nemo parum diu vixit qui

virtutis perfectae perfecto functus est munere."

_more patrum_] Cic. (Tusc. i. 2) tells us that in the Origines of Cato

it is stated that it was the custom of old to sing songs at meals upon

the virtues of great men. The practice may have been partially revived

in Horace's day. The conclusion of this Ode recalls C. iv. 5. 31, sq.

30. _Lydis_] Plato tells us that the Lydian and Ionian melodies were

best suited to delicacy and feasting, the Dorian and Phrygian to war;

and Aristotle that the Lydian were most suitable to the tender age of

boyhood, as harmonizing the mind and training it to good. There is no

particular force, however, here in the word 'Lydis.' As to 'tibiis,' see

C. i. 1. 32, n. The pipes used by the Lydians themselves are called by

Herodotus (i. 17) αὐλὸς ἀνδρήϊος and αὐλὸς γυναικήϊος, probably as

representing the voices of a man and a woman respectively.

31. _Anchisen_] The family of Anchises, the grandfather of Iulus, are

mentioned here, because Augustus belonged by adoption to the Julian

family, of which Iulus was the reputed founder.

THE SECULAR HYMN.

When Augustus had completed the period of ten years for which the

imperial power was at first placed in his hands (B.C. 27-17), he

determined to celebrate his successes at home and abroad by an

extraordinary festival, and he took as his model the Ludi Tarentini or

Taurii, which had in former times been observed as a means of

propitiating the infernal deities, Dis and Proserpina, on occasions of

great public calamities. It does not appear that this festival ever was

held at regular intervals. How, therefore, the name Ludi Seculares

arose, is not clear, but, as it was now for the first time given, it was

probably convenient to have it believed that the games were no more than

the observance of a periodical solemnity. The Quindecimviri were ordered

to consult the Sibylline books, and they reported, no doubt as they were

desired, that the time was come when this great national festival should

be repeated, and the details of it were laid down as from the commands

of the oracle in a set of hexameter Greek verses, composed of course for

the occasion, and which have been preserved to us by the historian

Zosimus.

Horace appears to have been much pleased at being chosen poet-laureate

of the occasion (see C. iv. 6, Introd.). The Ode was sung at the most

solemn part of the festival, while the emperor was in person offering

sacrifice at the second hour of the night, on the river-side, upon three

altars, attended by the fifteen men who presided over religious affairs.

The chorus consisted of twenty-seven boys and twenty-seven girls of

noble birth, well trained no doubt for the occasion (C. iv. 6). The

effect must have been very beautiful, and no wonder that the impression

on Horace's feelings (for in all probability he was present) was strong

and lasting.

Argument.

Apollo and Diana, hear the prayers we offer you in obedience to the

Sibyl's commands (1-8).

O Sun, that rulest the day, thou lookest upon nothing mightier than Rome

(9-12).

Ilithyia, protect our mothers and children, and prosper our marriage-law

that so, in the cycle of years, this our festival may come again

(13-24).

And ye, Parcæ, who do prophesy truly, let our future destiny be as the

past. Let the earth and air give strength to our flocks and fruits

(25-32).

Hide thy weapon, Apollo, and hear thy suppliant boys (33, 34).

Queen of the stars, O Moon, hear thy maidens (35, 36).

Since Rome is your handiwork, and at your bidding Æneas brought his

remnant to these shores (37-44).

Ye gods, give virtue to the young and peace to the old, and power and

sons and glory to the family of Romulus (45-48).

Grant the prayers of the noble son of Anchises, for his victories shall

be tempered with mercy (49-52).

Humbled are the Mede, the proud Scythian, and the Indian (53-56).

Peace, plenty, and all the virtues have returned to our land (57-60).

May Phœbus, the augur, the prince of the bow and of song, the physician

who favorably regardeth his Palatine temple and the fortunes of Rome and

Latium, ever extend our blessings to another and still happier lustrum

(61-68).

May Diana, who inhabiteth the Palatine and Algidus, hear our prayers

(69-72).

We, the choir of Phœbus and Diana, will go home believing that our

prayers are heard (73-76).

1. _silvarumque potens_] Compare C. iii. 22. 1. 'Lucidum caeli decus'

applies to both deities.

5. _Sibyllini_] See Introd. These were oracular books written, it is

conjectured, on palm-leaves, in Greek verse, which were kept in the

Capitol and consulted on extraordinary occasions. The leaves taken at

random were supposed to give the directions required. They were under

the care of certain persons, at this time fifteen in number

('quindecimviri,' v. 70), who alone had power to consult them. The books

were said originally to have been sold to Tarquinius Superbus by an old

woman, and to have been three in number. They were burnt with the

Capitol, B.C. 82, but collections of these verses having accumulated in

various towns of Italy, they were got together and deposited in the same

building, and used as before.

6. _Virgines lectas_] See Introd.

7. _septem placuere colles_] The seven hills of Rome, which were Cœlius,

Esquilinus, Viminalis, Quirinalis, Capitolinus, Palatinus, Aventinus.

9. _Alme_] This epithet is to be taken in its proper sense as derived

from 'alo.' 'Sun the nurturer.' This stanza is addressed to Phœbus, and

was sung perhaps by the boys. The two next, addressed to Diana, may have

been taken up by the girls, but this is uncertain.

13. _Rite maturos_] 'O thou whose office it is gently to bring babes to

the birth in due season.' 'Rite' means 'according to thy province and

functions.' Εἰλειθυία, the Greek name for Hero and Artemis, or more

properly in the plural number for their attendants, when presiding at

the delivery of women, (which name is said to contain the root of

ἐλθεῖν, but that seems doubtful,) is represented by the Latin 'Lucina,'

"quae in lucem profert," which title also was given indiscriminately to

Juno and Diana. The title 'Genitalis' does not occur elsewhere in this

sense, but appears to be a version of the Greek Γενετυλλίς, which was

applied to Aphrodite as well as Artemis and her attendants.

17. _producas_] This signifies 'to rear,' as in C. ii. 13. 3.

18. _Prosperes decreta_] In B.C. 18, the year before this Ode was

written, a law was passed which, after Augustus, was called "Lex Julia

de Maritandis Ordinibus," its object being the regulation and promotion

of marriages. It is referred to in the note on C. i. 2. 24.

21. _Certus undenos_] The notion that the Secular Games were celebrated

every 110 years, which seems to have been the length of a seculum as

measured by the Etruscans, was a fiction invented probably at this time.

There is no trace or probability of their having been so celebrated

either before or after Augustus. They lasted three days and nights. They

were celebrated by Claudius, A.D. 47, and again by Domitian, A.D. 88.

25. _Vosque veraces cecinisse,_] 'Ye too who are true to declare, O

Parcæ, that which hath been once decreed, and which the steadfast order

of events is confirming' (that is, the power of Rome). The orders of the

oracle (see Introduction) directed a special sacrifice of lambs and

goats, ποντογόνοις Μοίραις, which was the Greek name of the Parcæ (some

writers derived their birth from Oceanus and Ge, the earth). 'Semel' in

the sense of 'once for all' (καθάπαξ), is common enough. The Parcæ could

not but be true exponents of the decrees ('fata') of Jove, since to them

their execution was intrusted. That was their province (see C. ii. 16.

39). There may be some inconsistency in asking them to give good fates

to Rome, since they could only execute ministerially 'quod semel dictum

est.' But such confusion is common.

33. _Condito mitis placidusque telo_] The boys take up the song for two

lines, the girls for two more, and after that they probably join their

voices.

On the promontory near Actium there was a statue of Apollo with his bow

bent and a fierce aspect, which was an object of terror to the sailors

who approached the coast. (See Virg. Aen. iii. 274, sq.) And again on

the shield of Æneas (viii. 704) the same figure is represented. To this

god Augustus paid his devotions before his battle with M. Antonius, and

to him he attributed his success. Accordingly, on his return to Rome, he

built a temple to Apollo of Actium on Mons Palatinus (v. 65; C. i. 31;

Epp. i. 3. 17), and set up a statue (executed by Scopas, see C. iv. 8.

6, n.) of that god, but in a different character, the bow being laid

aside and a lyre substituted for it in one hand, and a plectrum in the

other. He was clad also in a long flowing robe. Propertius was present

at the dedication of the temple, and gives a description of it (ii. 31);

the last object he mentions being the statue of Apollo, as above

described. This change of character is what Horace alludes to.

35. _regina bicornis_] In a rilievo on Constantine's arch, Diana, as the

moon, is represented in her chariot drawn by two horses, and with a

small crescent on her forehead, which is a common way of representing

her on gems and medals. In the above group Hesperus is flying in front

of her.

37. _Roma si vestrum est opus,_] Æneas tells Dido (Virg. Aen. iv. 345)

that it was the oracle of Apollo that bade him seek Italy, and Horace

introduces this with good effect, associating Diana with her brother for

the occasion. See C. iv. 6. 21, n.

41. _fraude_] C. ii. 19. 20.

42. _Castus_] C. iii. 2. 30, where the correlative term is used:

"Neglectus incesto addidit integrum." Aen. vi. 661: "Quique sacerdotes

casti."

43. _Liberum munivit iter,_] 'Made a free course,' 'opened the way.'

'Munire' is used commonly in this sense both literally and figuratively.

See Livy (xxi. 37, where he is describing Hannibal's passage of the

Alps): "Inde ad rupem muniendam per quam unam via esse poterat milites

ducti," etc. Cicero (In Verrem, ii. 3. 68), "Existimat easdem vias ad

omnium familiaritatem esse munitas."

49. _Quaeque vos bobus veneratur_] 'Veneratur' is equivalent to

'venerando precatur,' and is used transitively here and in S. ii. 2.

124; 6. 8, as well as in other authors. The oracle required that

milk-white bulls should be offered by day to Zeus.

51. _bellante prior,_] 'Bellante' is opposed to 'jacentem,' and 'prior'

to 'lenis.' 'Mightier than his enemy in the fight, but merciful when he

is fallen.' The chorus pray rather for the blessings of peace than the

triumphs of war, and therefore praise Augustus's clemency to his

conquered enemies, which accorded with the warning of Anchises (Aen. vi.

852, where Virgil plainly had reference to Augustus):--

"Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento;

Hae tibi erunt artes, pacisque imponere morem,

Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos."

54. _Albanas--secures,_] The Roman fasces, as "Albanique patres" (Aen.

i. 7). Ascanius or Iulus, the son of Æneas, according to the legends

from which the Romans had their notions of their own history,

transferred the seat of his father's kingdom to Alba Longa, and there it

continued till Romulus, his descendant, founded a kingdom on the banks

of the Tiber, about ten miles from Alba.

55. _responsa_] Replies to their offers of submission and petitions for

friendship. This word is used for the replies of the gods, and here

perhaps expresses the majesty of Augustus delivering his will as that of

a god, like Virgil (Ecl. i. 45): "Hic mihi responsum primus dedit ille

petenti." But 'responsum' is also a technical term for the answer of a

jurisconsult to a client, or a superior to an inferior, as of the

emperor to the governor of a province.

57. _Jam Fides et Pax_] This group occurs nearly in the same combination

in C. i. 24. 6. The figures are variously represented on medals, &c.

'Fides' represents honesty, good faith, and is called in the above place

'justitiae soror.' 'Honos' has nothing to do with what we call honor in

the sense of honesty ('fides'), but represents Gloria in her good

character (for she had a bad, as vainglory, C. i. 18. 15). 'Virtus' is

most usually represented in a military character, as Fortitudo; but the

name embraced all moral courage and steadfastness in well-doing, with

which military courage was closely associated in the mind of a Roman.

'Pudor,' or 'pudicitia,' represents conjugal fidelity. Juvenal speaks of

her especially as having left the earth at the close of the reign of

Saturn. But all these virtues are said to have left the earth with

Astræa at the close of the golden age, and their return is intended to

represent the return of that age.

60. _Copia cornu._] Copia, whose horn was most properly the symbol of

Fortune (C. i. 17. 14, n.), but was also given to many other divinities,

as Fides, Felicitas, Concordia, Honos, &c., was herself represented

under the forms of Abundantia and Annona, the latter signifying the

supply of corn for consumption in the city.

61. _Augur_] All prophets and augurs were held to be servants of Apollo,

and to derive their knowledge from him.

_et fulgente decorus arcu_] This seems to contradict the prayer in v.

33; but the bow of Apollo did not always inspire dread. He is sometimes

represented with this unstrung at his back, and the lyre and plectrum in

his hands (C. ii. 10. 19); and it is uncertain whether he did not so

appear in the statue above referred to.

62. _acceptusque novem Camenis,_] See C. iv. 6. 25, n. In some ancient

rilievi and paintings Apollo is represented as seated in the midst of

the nine Muses, who are all paying attention to him.

63. _Qui salutari_] Apollo's attribute as the healer is one of the

oldest that was attached to him, and is most commonly exhibited in his

statues and other representations. It is symbolized by the serpent which

always attends the figures of Salus, Æsculapius, and others connected

with the healing art. Ovid makes him say:--

"Inventum medicina meum est, opiferque per orbem

Dicor, et herbarum subjecta potentia nobis." (Met. i. 521.)

65. _Si Palatinas videt aequus arces,_] See above, v. 33, n. 'Felix'

agrees with 'aevum,' and 'videt' governs 'arces,' 'rem,' and 'Latium.'

'May he prolong this happy age to another and another lustrum, and ever

to a happier.' It is common with Horace to put an adjective and its

substantive at the two extremes of a period.

69. _Quaeque Aventinum_] Diana had a temple on Mons Aventinus and on

Algidus (C. i. 21. 6). From this stanza it has been assumed by some that

the sacred commissioners (the 'quindecimviri,' see Introd. and v. 5, n.)

took part in the singing, which is not very probable. Their number,

which was originally two, and was increased to ten about 150 years after

the establishment of the Republic, was raised to fifteen either by Sulla

or Julius Cæsar.

71. _puerorum_] This includes the whole choir of boys and girls.

74. _reporto,_] The whole choir take up this last stanza, or else the

leader does so for them, declaring their confidence that the prayers

they have offered have been heard by Jove and all the gods.

75. _Doctus_] C. iv. 6. 43: "docilis modorum Vatis Horati."

EPODES.

EPODE I.

When Augustus had determined on the expedition against M. Antonius and

Cleopatra, which led to the battle of Actium, B.C. 31, he summoned, as

we learn from Dion Cassius (50. 11), the leading senators and men of

Equestrian rank to meet him at Brundisium, for the benefit of their

counsel, and (the historian says) to keep the Equestrians from mischief,

and also to show the world the harmony to which he had brought men of

all orders at Rome. Mæcenas obeyed this summons, and went to Brundisium,

but was sent back by Augustus to watch over the peace of the city and

the affairs of Italy. It is very possible that Mæcenas may have had the

offer of a command on the expedition against M. Antonius, and that both

he and Horace believed he was going on that service, until, on his

arrival at Brundisium, Augustus thought fit to send him back to

discharge more important duties at Rome. Horace, supposing him to be

going, wished to accompany him, but Mæcenas would not allow it (v. 7),

which gave occasion for this Epode. It is an affectionate remonstrance

against being left behind.

Argument.--Thou art going into the midst of danger, Mæcenas, to share

the fortunes of Cæsar. Shall I stay at home at ease, or meet the danger

with thee, on whose life my happiness depends? I will go with thee

withersoever thou goest. To what end shall I go? As the bird fears less

for her young when she is near them, so shall I fear less for thee, if I

go with thee, and I go to win thy love, not thy favors. Thy love hath

given me enough. I seek not wide lands or fine houses and cattle, and

gold to hide or to squander.

1. _Liburnis_] These were light vessels, that took their name from the

ships used by the Liburnians, a piratical tribe on the Illyrian coast.

Augustus employed them in his expeditions against Sex. Pompeius, and

they were of great use at Actium (C. i. 37. 30). All writers on the

battle of Actium describe the ships of M. Antonius and Cleopatra as of

enormous size. Like those of the Greeks, which the Romans copied, the

Egyptian vessels were fitted with towers ('propugnacula'), from which

the men fought.

4. _Subire,--tuo_] 'Tuo periculo,' 'meo,' 'suo,' 'nostro,' are all

common, and 'periculum' is used in the ablative case in 'summo

periculo,' 'minimo periculo,' where the ablative is an ablative of cost,

and is not to be explained by supplying 'cum.'

9. _mente laturi_] This sentence is not complete; 'ibimus,' or something

of that sort, must be supplied. 'Shall I, at thy bidding, seek repose,

which hath no pleasure if not shared by thee, or go to bear this danger

with the heart with which the hardy soldier ought to bear it?'

12. _Inhospitalem--Caucasum,_] This is repeated from or in C. i. 22. 6.

16. _firmus parum?_] This is probably taken from the Greek ἄναλκις,

which goes commonly with ἀπτόλεμος (as Doering says).

19. _Ut assidens_] 'As a bird sitting on her unfledged brood fears the

serpent's stealthy coming more if she leave them, though not likely to

help them more if she be near and they before her.' 'Relictis' is the

dative. 'Supposing that' is a common meaning of 'ut' with the

subjunctive. 'Ut adsit,' followed by 'praesentibus,' is rather

redundant. But such repetitions are not uncommon. See Ter. (Adelph.

iii. 3. 39): "Non quia ades praesens dico hoc." Ib. (iv. 5. 34): "Cum

hanc sibi videbit praesens praesentem eripi."

23. _militabitur Bellum_] This phrase is like "bella pugnata" (C. iii.

19. 4), which expression is repeated, Epp. i. 16. 25. 'In spem,'

'looking to the hope,' is used where we should say 'in the hope.'

27. _Pecusve Calabris_] Flocks of sheep were fed in the plains of

Calabria during the cool months of the year, and driven up to the hills

of Lucania in the summer. 'Mutet' is used for taking in exchange, as in

C. i. 17. 2, and elsewhere. The heat of Calabria is referred to in C. i.

31. 5.

29. _Neque ut_] He says he does not want a villa near Tusculum, where

there were many handsome houses, which he thus expresses: 'Nor that for

me a splendid house should touch Circæan walls of Tusculum on the hill.'

The ancient Tusculum was built on the top of the hill of which the

modern town, Frascati, is built on the slope. 'Circaea' is explained by

C. iii. 29. 8, n. 'Candens' means shining with marble.

31. _Satis superque_] This expression occurs again Epod. xvii. 19. The

sentiment is repeated C. ii. 18. 12; iii. 16. 38.

33. _Chremes_] The allusion is to a character in some play of

Menander's.

34. _Discinetus_] 'dissolute'; indicating by his slovenly dress his

dissipated habits.

EPODE II.

Horace, meaning to write on the praises of the country, put his poem

into the shape of a rhapsody by a money-getting usurer, who, after

reciting the blessings of a country life, and sighing for the enjoyment

of them, resolving to throw up his business, and persuading himself that

he desires nothing so much as retirement and a humble life, finds habit

too strong for him, and falls back upon the sordid pursuits which, after

all, are most congenial to him. Though the greater part of the speech

must be admitted to be rather out of keeping with the supposed speaker,

yet the picture is very beautiful, and the moral true. In the most

sordid minds more genial impulses will sometimes arise; but the beauties

of nature and the charms of a peaceful retirement are, like virtue

itself, only attractive in the distance and at intervals to the minds

that have grown addicted to the pursuit of gain for its own sake. To

such minds domestic and innocent pleasures offer no lasting

gratification, and the picture of rustic enjoyment on the one hand, and

of the jaded but still grasping usurer struggling for a moment against

his propensities on the other, affords a wholesome lesson for many.

Argument.--"Happy is the man who lives on his farm, remote from the

troubles of the city and the dangers of war and of the sea. He trains

his vines, or watches his flocks, or grafts his trees, or stores his

honey, or shears his sheep, or brings offerings of fruit to Priapus and

Silvanus, or lies in the shade or on the soft grass, where birds are

singing and streams are murmuring; or hunts the boar, or lays nets for

the birds and hares, and herein forgets the pangs of love. Give me a

chaste wife, who shall care for my home and children, milk my goats,

prepare my unbought meal, and no dainties shall please me like my

country fare, as I sit and watch the kine and oxen and laborers coming

home to their rest at even." So said Alphius, the usurer, and,

determining to live in the country, he got in all his money, but soon

repented, and put it out to usury again.

4. _Solutus omni fenore,_] It must be remembered that a usurer is

speaking. See Introduction.

9. _Ergo_] This is an adverb of emphasis, like δή, the use of which it

is not easy to define. Here it expresses a feeling of pleasure in the

contemplation of the scenes described. In the occupations and amusements

that follow, no particular order of seasons is observed, but one

recreation after another is mentioned as it occurs.

15. _amphoris,_] These vessels were used for keeping honey, as well as

wine.

16. _infirmas_] This is no more than an ornamental epithet.

17. _Vel cum_] 'Vel' has here a copulative force, and not a disjunctive,

as "Silvius Aeneas pariter pietate vel armis Egregius" (Aen. vi. 769).

'Et' would have made the sentence too much of a climax, especially with

the exclamation 'ut gaudet.'

19. _gaudet--decerpens_] This is after the Greek idiom δρέπων ἥδεται.

21. _Priape,_] This was one of the inferior order of divinities, only

acknowledged as such in later times. He was accordingly treated with

contempt sometimes, as in S. i. 8. He presided over gardens, protected

flocks, and generally was worshipped in connection with the pursuits of

husbandry.

22. _Silvane, tutor finium!_] Silvanus here only is called the protector

of boundaries, which province belonged to the god Terminus. Virgil calls

him the god of corn-fields and cattle (Aen. viii. 601); but, as his name

implies, he was chiefly connected with woods and plantations.

24. _tenaci_] This is merely a redundant epithet. Grass, especially

short turf grass, which is here meant, binds the soil and tenaciously

adheres to it, both of which ideas seem to be included in this word.

25. _interim_] As we say, 'the while.' 'Altis ripis' are rocky,

overhanging banks.

27. _lymphis obstrepunt_] 'Obstrepunt' is used absolutely, as in C. iii.

30. 10. 'Lymphis' is the ablative absolute.

28. _Somnos quod invitet_] Compare Virg. (Ecl. i. 56): "Saepe levi

somnum suadebit inire susurro."

29. _annus_] This is used for the season of the year, as in Virgil (Ecl.

iii. 57), "formosissimus annus."

31. _Aut trudit acres_] The hunters encompassed some large space

(generally the foot of a wooded hill) with strong nets, which they

gradually drew into a more and more narrow circle, while dogs and

beaters with torches were set to drive the beasts into a given spot,

where they were attacked and slain; or else they were driven down to the

nets, with which they were entangled or stopped, unless they contrived,

as they sometimes did, to break through them, which would give occasion

for a chase in the open plain (see C. i. 1. 28). Plutarch, in his life

of Alexander, speaks of toils twelve miles long. The poets, Latin and

Greek, used the feminine gender in speaking of hunting-dogs, as mares

are more often mentioned than horses for the race. 'Amites' were forked

stakes on which the nets were stretched. 'Plagae' were the strong nets

mentioned above; 'retia' were finer ones for birds and fish; 'retia

rara' were those with wider meshes than fishing-nets, and therefore used

only for birds. 'Edacibus' represents their depredations on the corn.

'Laqueo' may be pronounced as a dissyllable.

39. _in partem_] 'on her part.' The Greeks said ἐν μέρει.

41. _Sabina_] See C. iii. 6. 37, n. Horace is fond of introducing his

Sabine and Apulian friends. See C. iii. 5. 9, n.

42. _Pernicis_] 'Pernix' signifies patient, steadfast, being compounded

of 'per' and 'nitor.' When applied to motion, it comes to mean swift, by

the natural consequence of a steady movement of the wings or feet, which

accomplishes distance more rapidly than irregular speed.

43. _Sacrum vetustis_] The fire-place was sacred to the Lares. The wood

must be old that it might not smoke, like that which plagued the

travellers at Trevicum (S. i. 5. 80). The 'focus' was either a fixture

of stone or brick, in which case it was synonymous with 'caminus' or it

was movable and made of bronze, and then it was usually called

'foculus.' In either case it was a wide and shallow receptacle for wood

or charcoal, the smoke of which found its way out by apertures at the

top of the room, or, in some rare instances, by chimneys.

'Sub,' with the accusative case, in phrases of time signifies

'immediately after.' 'Sub adventum viri' is not 'in anticipation of her

husband's arrival'; but 'as soon as he has made his appearance,' weary

with his day's work, she puts wood on the fire and gets up a cheerful

blaze. But in the phrases "sub lacrimosa funera" (C. i. 8. 14), "sub

ipsum funus" (C. ii. 18. 18), 'sub' can only mean close upon, but before

the event.

47. _horna--dolio_] Poor wine of that year, which had not been bottled

for keeping, but was drunk direct from the 'dolium.' Like the other

parts of this description, this is meant to convey the notion of

primitive simplicity. The wine of the year is generally drunk now, in

and about Rome.

48. _inemptus_] Georg. iv. 132:--

"seraque revertens

Nocte domum dapibus mensas onerabat inemptis."

As to the oysters of the lacus Lucrinus, see S. ii. 4. 32.

50. _rhombus_] See S. ii. 2. 42, n. The 'scarus,' whatever that fish may

be (for it is not certain), is said by Pliny to have abounded most in

the Carpathian Sea. The storm, therefore, must come from the east that

should drive it to the coast of Italy.

51. _intonata_] This participle occurs nowhere else in extant writers,

but it is not likely Horace invented it. It represents the noise of the

wind, rather than the thunder of the clouds, as Virgil (Georg. i. 371)

says, "Eurique Zephyrique tonat domus."

53. _Afra avis_] What bird is meant we cannot tell. The Greeks called

them μελεαγρίδας. Martial (iii. 58. 15) speaks of "Numidicae guttatae,"

'speckled,' which seems to be the same bird and answers to the

appearance of the guinea-fowl. The 'attagen' is usually said to be the

moor-fowl. Martial says it was one of their most delicious birds (xiii.

61). It is repeatedly mentioned by Aristophanes. Aristotle, in his

History of Animals, numbers it among κονιστικοὶ ὄρνιθες, birds which do

not fly high.

57. _Aut herba lapathi_] Both the 'lapathus' and the 'malva' were gently

purgative. See Sat. ii. 4. 29.

59. _caesa Terminalibus,_] The Terminalia took place in the early spring

(23 February), about the time of lambing, and lambs were offered to

Terminus, the god who protected boundaries. Plutarch says that sheep

rescued from the jaws of the wolf were thought to be better flavored

than others. The thrifty would eat them for economy. That is the idea

Horace means to convey.

61. _ut juvat_] See v. 19, "ut gaudet."

65. _vernas, ditis examen domus,_] 'Verna' was a slave born on the

owner's estate. There was a hearth near which the images of the Lares

were placed, in the centre of the 'atrium,' the entrance room, and round

it the slaves had their supper. 'Renidentes' means shining by the light

of the fire.

67. _fenerator Alphius,_] A usurer of this name is mentioned by

Columella, as an authority on the subject of bad debts. 'Redigere' is

the technical word for getting in money out on loan, and 'ponere' for

putting it out, as καταβάλλειν, βάλλειν, τιθέναι. The settling days at

Rome were the Kalends, Nones, and Ides. Horace says that Alphius

delivered the foregoing speech when he had made up his mind to turn

farmer immediately, and that with this view he got in all his money on

the Ides (the middle of the month), but when the next Kalends came (the

first of the month) he could not resist putting it out again.

EPODE III.

Horace here vents his wrath against some garlic which he had eaten the

day before at Mæcenas's table, and which had disagreed with him. He

seems to imply that Mæcenas had played a practical joke upon him, and

the whole Epode is full of humor and familiarity.

Argument.--If a man has murdered his father, only make him eat garlic.

What poison have I within me? Was a viper's blood in the mess, or did

Canidia tamper with it? Sure with such poison did Medea anoint Jason and

his intended bride. Apulia in the dog days never burnt like this, nor

the coat on Hercules's shoulders. If thou dost ever take a fancy to such

stuff, Mæcenas, mayst thou ask for a kiss and be refused!

1. _Parentis olim_] He uses the same illustration in cursing the tree

that nearly killed him (C. ii. 13. 6).

3. _Edit_] The old form of the present subjunctive was 'edim,' 'edis,'

'edit.' It occurs again (Sat. ii. 8. 90). Cicero uses this form, and

Plautus frequently.

4. _O dura_] 'O the tough bowels of those country folk.' Horace perhaps

remembered Virgil's line (Ecl. ii. 10):

"Thestylis et rapido fessis messoribus aestu

Allia serpyllumque herbas contundit olentes."

5. _praecordiis?_] This is sometimes put for the intestines, as in Sat.

ii. 4. 26.

6. _viperinus--cruor_] See C. i. 8. 9.

7. _fefellit?_] C. iii. 16. 32, n.

8. _Canidia_] This is one of the few names of which we may be pretty

sure that it represents a real person. The Scholiasts on this place, and

Sat. i. 8. 24, say that her real name was Gratidia, and that she was a

Neapolitan seller of perfumes. She is mentioned always as a witch. In

Epod. v. she is the principal person concerned in the murder of the boy;

in Epod. xvii. Horace addresses his mock apologies to her. She figures

in the scene on the Esquiliae represented in S. i. 8, and is

incidentally mentioned in S. ii. 1. 48; 8. 95. It is impossible, from

Horace's poems, to gather the cause of his anger against this woman, or

his connection with her.

9. _praeter omnes_] These words go with 'mirata est.' The Argonautae

included fifty of the greatest heroes, and among them Hercules, the

Dioscuri, Orpheus, Theseus, Nestor, etc. To all the rest Medea preferred

Jason, the leader of the party, and married him, and helped him in the

performance of his tasks, one of which was the yoking two fire-breathing

oxen to a plough, and turning up the soil in which he was to sow the

dragon's teeth.

13. _Hoc delibutis,_] Horace assigns opposite qualities to the poison in

Medea's hands. It protects Jason and destroys Creusa (or Glauce),

daughter of Creon, king of Corinth, whom Jason married, deserting Medea.

Her revenge is well known. (See Epod. v. 63.)

14. _Serpente fugit alite_] After destroying her rival, Medea fled in a

chariot drawn by winged serpents.

15. _insedit vapor_] 'Vapor' is equivalent to 'calor,' the effect to the

cause. 'Siderum vapor' is the heat of the dog days. (Compare Epod. xvi.

61.) The arid, unwatered character of Apulia has been noticed before

(C. iii. 30. 11).

17. _Nec munus humeris_] i.e. the garment smeared with the blood of

Nessus, given by Deianira to Hercules. She gave it as a love-charm, and

it burnt him to death. See Epod. xvii. 31.

20. _Jocose_] See Introduction.

21. _savio opponat tuo_] 'Savium' means 'a lip.'

22. _sponda_] The side of the bed on which the person got in was called

'sponda,' the opposite side 'pluteus.'

EPODE IV.

All the positive information we can derive from this Ode in respect to

its purport and date is, that it contains a vehement invective against

some person of low birth and contemptible character, who gave himself

airs and disgusted the people of Rome; he was also a military tribune.

Argument.--I hate thee, thou whipped slave, as the lamb hates the wolf

and the wolf the lamb. Be thou never so proud, luck doth not change the

breed. See, as thou swaggerest down the road, how they turn and say,

"Here is a scoundrel who was flogged till the crier was tired, and now

he has his acres, and ambles on his nag, and sits among the Equites, and

snaps his fingers at Otho and his law. What is the use of our sending

ships to attack the pirates, if such a rascal as this is to be military

tribune?"

1. _sortito_] 'In virtue of their condition.' 'Sors' is the condition

which choice, accident, fate, or nature (as here) has assigned. See

notes on C. i. 9. 14. S. i. 1. 1.

3. _Hibericis--funibus_] These were cords made of 'spartum,' usually

said to be the Spanish broom. It was made into ropes, especially for

ships' rigging. In the army they flogged with vine twigs.

7. _metiente_] 'As thou measurest the Sacred Way.' 'Metiri' is used by

the poets in expressing motion of various kinds, with 'viam,' 'iter,'

'mare,' etc. Here it shows the man's strut and swagger. The Via Sacra

was crowded with public buildings, and was a favorite lounge. See S. i.

9. 1.

8. _bis trium ulnarum toga,_] The Romans of this period used 'ulna' as

an equivalent for 'cubitus', therefore 'bis trium ulnarum' must be

understood to have reference to the width of the toga, not the length,

which was much greater, about three times the height of the wearer from

the shoulder to the ground. The effect of so wide a toga would be to

give a broad imposing appearance to the man's person. Compare S. ii. 3.

183. "Latus ut in Circo spatiere."

9. _vertat_] This means that the passengers turned to one another, and

also turned to look at the coxcomb and point at him.

_huc et huc euntium_] 'Huc et huc,' 'hinc et hinc' (Epod. ii. 31, v.

97), are poetical ways of expressing what in prose is expressed with

'illuc,' 'illinc' in the second place.

11. _Sectus_] This is supposed to be the language each man holds to his

neighbor. The 'triumviri capitales' were magistrates of police, and they

had the power of summarily punishing slaves. A crier stood by while

floggings were going on, and kept proclaiming the offender's crime. So

Plato lays down, in the Laws, that the swindler shall be flogged at the

rate of one blow for each drachma, while the crier declares his crime.

13. _Arat Falerni_] The Falernus ager, in Campania, was covered with

vines, but the vineyards were ploughed between the trees, and sown with

corn. The Appian road, leading into Campania, would be passed and

repassed by this man as he went to and from his estates. 'Tero' is

equivalent to τρίβω, which is used in the same connection.

15. _eques_] If the person was a military tribune, he had equestrian

rank; and, if of one of the four first legions, he had a seat in the

Senate, and wore the 'latus clavus.' See S. i. 6. 25. If he had an

income of 400,000 sesterces, he could, under the law of L. Roscius Otho

(passed B.C. 67), take his place in any of the fourteen front rows in

the theatre, and laugh at Otho, whose purpose was to keep those seats

for persons of birth. See Epp. i. 1. 62.

19. _Contra latrones_] In the year B.C. 38 Augustus declared war against

Sex. Pompeius, who had enlisted in his service pirates and slaves. These

Horace alludes to.

20. _tribuno militum?_] Each legion in the Roman army had six tribunes

(the post Horace held under Brutus), who were their principal officers,

having each usually about a thousand men under them.

EPODE V.

There is much likeness between this singular Ode and part of the eighth

Satire of the first book. A scene is represented in which the

unfortunate woman Canidia (Epod. iii. 8, n.), satirized by Horace for a

succession of years, is the chief actress. She is passionately in love

with one Varus, whom she calls an old sinner, but whose heart she is

resolved to win. To this end she resorts to magical philters, for the

composition of which, in company with three other witches, she gets a

boy of good family, strips him naked, and buries him up to his chin in a

hole, in order that there, with food put before him, he might wither

away in the midst of longing, and so his liver might form, in

conjunction with other ingredients, a love-potion, to be administered to

the faithless Varus. What could have put such a scene into Horace's

head, it is hard to say.

Argument.--"Tell me, by the gods, by thy children, if Lucina hath ever

blessed thee, by this purple toga, which should protect my childhood,

tell me what meaneth this horrid scene! Why look ye at me so sternly?"

As these words drop from the trembling and naked child, Canidia bids

them bring branches from the tombs, a screech-owl's wing, and eggs

steeped in frogs' blood, poisonous herbs of Thessaly and Hiberia, and

bones snatched from the jaws of a hungry bitch, to burn in the magic

flames. Sagana meanwhile sprinkles waters of Avernus over the chamber,

and Veia digs a pit, where the boy must stand buried to the chin, that

his marrow and liver may dry up, and become fit ingredients for the

potion. Folia, too, is there, charming stars and moon from the sky. Then

Canidia bursts forth, saying: "Night and Diana, avenge me on my enemies.

Give me such an ointment to smear the old man with, that the dogs may

bark at him as he goes to his vile haunts. But what is this? How did

Medea succeed while I fail? I know every herb. I have anointed his bed.

I see, I see. Some charm more skilled has set him free. No common potion

therefore, no hackneyed spell, will I prepare for thee, Varus: the skies

shall sink below the sea if thou burn not with love for me." Then the

boy bursts out into cursing, and says: "The destiny of man is

unchangeable. I will curse you, and my curse no sacrifice shall avert.

My ghost shall haunt you by night, and tear your flesh, and rob you of

sleep. Men shall stone you, and wolves and vultures shall tear your

unburied carcases, and my parents shall live to see it."

1. _At, o deorum_] 'At' is the same word as 'ad,' and is not always or

usually an adversative particle. It is contained in 'atque' and 'autem,'

neither of which is adversative. So ἀλλά and δέ have not necessarily

that force, but are used to open sentences, and carry on the meaning of

a discourse. When 'at' is used at the opening, it expresses abruptness,

and is as though the speaker were only continuing a sentiment previously

conceived, but not expressed. It denotes a sudden emotion of the mind,

and is employed in sudden transitions of speech. See S. ii. 2. 40, n.

_deorum quidquid_] Livy uses the same expression more than once (ii. 5,

xxiii. 9). See also S. i. 6. 1.

6. _veris_] In this word a doubt is implied of the woman's fertility.

The charge is retracted in Epod. xvii. 50, sqq. As to Lucina, see C. S.

15, n.

7. _purpurae decus_] The 'toga praetexta,' with a purple stripe, the

sign of nobility and of childhood, which should have turned his

persecutors from their purpose, but did not. In addition to this toga,

children of free parents wore a small round plate of gold ('bulla')

suspended from their neck. Both were laid aside on the assumption of the

'toga virilis' (usually at about fifteen), and the 'bulla' was presented

as an offering to the Lares. Pliny calls the 'praetexta' "majestas

pueritiae" (ix. 36). 'Odia novercalia' were proverbial. (See Tac. Ann.

xii. 2.)

8. _Per improbaturum_] Compare C. i. 2. 19.

12. _Insignibus_] That is, his 'praetexta' and 'bulla.' 'Impube corpus'

is in apposition with 'puer.'

14. _Thracum_] The Thracians are put for any barbarians.

21. _Iolcos atque Hiberia_] Iolcos was a town of Thessaly, and Hiberia a

region east of Colchis and south of the Caucasus, now part of Georgia,

which is referred to in C. ii. 20. 20. Elsewhere in Horace, Hiber and

Hiberia have reference to Spain.

24. _Flammis aduri Colchicis_] Flames of Colchis mean magic flames, such

as Medea used.

25. _expedita_] This answers to the description of Canidia herself,

given Sat. i. 8. 23:--

"Vidi egomet nigra _succinctam_ vadere palla

Canidiam."

Sagana is there again introduced in her company.

26. _Avernales aquas_] So Dido, in her pretended magical ceremony,

sprinkled "latices simulatos fontis Averni" (Aen. iv. 512).

28. _currens aper_] As Sagana is represented running about furiously,

the rushing of a boar is not a bad simile. It is intelligible to any one

who has seen a wild hog bursting from a jungle, and then tumbling along

the open plain faster than dog or rider can follow him.

29. _nulla--conscientia_] Unconscious or careless of the horrible

suffering the child was to endure. Though she groaned, it was only with

the labor. We are to understand that the transaction was going on, and

the grave being dug, in the open court, the 'impluvium' or 'peristylium'

(C. iii. 10. 5, n.). The nature and purpose of the boy's torture are

sufficiently explained in the Introduction.

33. _Longo die bis terque_] 'Longo' belongs to 'die,' not to

'spectaculo.' On every weary day, food was to be put before him, and

changed two or three times, that his soul might yearn for it, like

Tantalus, and its longings might be worked into the spell that was to

inflame the heart of Varus. 'Inemori' is not found anywhere else. The

ordinary form is 'immori.' 'Bis terque' signifies 'frequently', 'bis

terve,' 'rarely.'

39. _Interminato_] This word, compounded of 'inter' and 'minor,' is a

stronger way of expressing 'interdicto,' 'forbidden.' It is the

interposition of a threat, instead of a plain command. 'As soon as his

eyeballs, fixed on the forbidden food, should have wasted.' Sat. ii. 1.

24: "Ut semel icto Accessit fervor capiti."

42. _Ariminensem Foliam_] Folia of Ariminum (an Umbrian town) represents

some woman of unnatural lewdness, well known at Naples and its

neighborhood, where, Horace means to say, when this story was told,

everybody believed she had had a hand in it. This is the most obvious

way of explaining the passage, without supposing the scene to be laid at

Naples, which it cannot be. See vv. 58 and 100.

43. _otiosa_] So Ovid calls it "in otia natam Parthenopen" (Met. xv.

711).

45. _Quae sidera excantata_] This faculty of witches is sufficiently

well known. Virg. (Ecl. viii. 69): "Carmina vel caelo possunt deducere

Lunam."

_Thessala_] C. i. 27. 21.

55. _Formidolosis_] This is equivalent to 'horridis,' as Virg. (Georg.

iv. 468), "Caligantem nigra formidine lucum." The word bears an active

and a passive meaning.

57. _Senem, quod omnes rideant,_] She here prays that the dogs may bark

at Varus, as he goes to the brothels of the Suburra, so that all may

turn out and laugh at the vile old man, scented with the richest

perfumes, such as even she, Canidia, had never made. (See Epod. iii. 8,

n.).

58. _Suburanae canes_] Suburra was the name of that part of the city

which lay between the Esquiline and the Viminal. It was very populous

and profligate. Propertius (iv. 7. 15) describes it as the resort of

thieves, and Martial of prostitutes (vi. 66).

61. _Quid accidit?_] She wonders why her drugs (which she calls the

drugs of Medea, as imitating those) take no effect upon him, when she

suddenly breaks out with the exclamation, "Ah! ah! I see; some stronger

spell is at work, but I will find one that is stronger than any" (v.

71).

62. _Venena Medeae_] She speaks as if she had been actually using the

drugs of Medea.

63. _fugit ulta pellicem,_] See Epod. iii. 13.

69. _Indormit unctis_] She had smeared the couch he slept on with drugs,

to make him forget all women but herself. 'Unctis' goes with

'oblivione.'

73. _Vare,_] Who Varus was, we cannot tell. Some ancient

MSS. inscriptions call him 'Alfius Varus.'

74. _caput_] See C. i. 24. 2, n.

76. _Marsis--vocibus:_] That is, by common spells or charms, such as

have been learnt from the Marsi, and were usually practised (Epod. xvii.

29). Virgil has (Aen. vii. 758): "Marsis quaesitae in montibus herbae."

86. _Thyesteas preces:_] Curses such as Thyestes might have imprecated

on the head of Atreus (see C. i. 6. 8, n.). The opening sentence of the

boy's speech is variously interpreted. The words may be translated as

they stand: "Witchcraft, or the great powers of right and wrong, cannot

change the fate of men"; i.e. nothing can, whether it be good or bad,

which interpretation is the least strained, with reference to the

collocation of the words. The omission of a connecting particle between

'venena' and 'magnum' is no argument against this version.

90. _Nulla expiatur victima_] See C. i. 28. 34.

91. Quin] See next Epod. v. 3, n.

92. _Nocturnus occurram Furor_] He threatens to haunt them at night by

his ghost, in the shape of madness, with sharp claws tearing their

faces, and sitting like a nightmare on their breast. 'Furor' is nowhere

else personified, as far as I am aware. 'Diris' means 'curses.'

94. _Quae vis deorum est manium,_] The spirits of the dead were, to

their surviving kindred, divinities, 'Dii Manes.' They had their sacred

rites secured them by the laws (see Cic. de Legg. ii. 9), and their

annual festival, Feralia. In the early period of Rome they were

identical with the Lares, the deities who protected each homestead, and

whose hearth was in every hall. See Epp. ii. 1. 138, n.

100. _Esquilinae alites;_] On the Campus Esquilinus malefactors of the

lower sort were executed, and their bodies left for the vultures and

jackalls to devour. Compare Epod. xvii. 58, and S. i. 8. 8, n.

EPODE VI.

It is impossible to say with certainty who is the person attacked in

this Ode. It is some virulent writer. Horace meets him on his own

ground, challenging him to attack himself, rather than level his abuse

at innocent strangers, who could not defend themselves.

Argument.--Why snarl at innocent strangers, dog, and run away from the

wolf? Attack me, if thou darest. I am ever ready to hunt the prey, while

thou dost but bark and turn aside to fill thy belly. Beware! for I have

lifted my horns, even as Archilochus and Hipponax lifted theirs. If I am

attacked, thinkest thou I will stand like a child, and cry?

3. _Quin--vertis_] 'Quin' is in this combination only equivalent to

'qui' and a negative, taken interrogatively. 'Quin vertis' is a direct

question. An instance of 'quin' as a direct assertion, which is a

conventional secondary usage, occurs in the Epode preceding, v. 91.

6. _Amica vis pastoribus,_] Lucretius (vi. 1221) speaks of "fida canum

vis," and Virg. (Aen. iv. 132), "odora canum vis." 'Vis' signifies 'a

pack.' Whatever the Molossian and Laconian dogs were, they were used for

hunting, and were loved by shepherds because in packs they destroyed the

wolves and beasts of prey. (See Georg. iii. 405, sqq.)

13. _Lycambae--Bupalo._] Archilochus, the lyric poet of Paros, attacked

Lycambes (a citizen of the island of Thasos, to which Archilochus

migrated), who, after promising him his daughter Neobule in marriage,

retracted his promise, so sharply that he is said to have hanged

himself; and the same fate was supposed to have befallen Bupalus and

Athenis, two sculptors, who turned into ridicule the ugly features of

Hipponax, the lyric poet of Ephesus, who flourished in the sixth century

B.C., about 150 years after Archilochus. The daughters of Lycambes were

included, as the story goes, in Archilochus's invectives, and also

destroyed themselves. See Epp. i. 19. 25.

16. _Inultus ut flebo puer?_] The construction is 'inultus, flebo ut

puer.'

EPODE VII.

This Epode appears to have been written when some fresh war was breaking

out. It may have been the last war between Augustus and M. Antonius,

which ended in the battle of Actium and the taking of Alexandria. See

Epod. i., Introduction. This is as likely a time as any other, but it is

not easy to decide.

Argument.--Whither run ye to arms?--hath not blood enough of Romans been

shed? 'T is not to burn the walls of Carthage, or humble the Briton, but

that the Parthian may rejoice in seeing Rome fall by her own hand. The

beasts do not war upon their kind. Is it madness, or force irresistible,

or wickedness, that drives you? They are dumb: they answer not. 'T is

even so: the blood of Remus is visited on the destinies of Rome.

2. _conditi?_] Swords which were 'lately sheathed.'

7. _Intactus_] See C. iii. 24. 1. What Horace means to say is, "The

blood that has been spilt in these civil wars has been shed, not for the

destruction of Carthage, as in the war that Scipio led, or that the

Briton might be led in chains, as he was by Julius Cæsar, but for the

destruction of Rome herself." 'Intactus' means 'untouched,' till Julius

Cæsar invaded them and carried away prisoners, many of whom walked in

his triumph. The first time after Cæsar's expeditions that a Roman army

invaded Britain was in the expedition of Claudius, A.D. 43.

8. _Sacra catenatus via,_] See C. iv. 2. 35, n.

12. _dispar_] This signifies an animal of another species. 'Feris,'

agreeing with 'lupis' and 'leonibus,' may be rendered 'fierce though

they be.'

13. _vis acrior,_] This seems to be an absolute expression (not

comparative with 'furor'), and equivalent to θεοῦ βία, θεοβλάβεια; and

it is so explained by Gaius with reference to such a visitation of God

as a storm, earthquake, and so forth (Dig. 11. 25. 6). "Vis major, quam

Graeci θεοῦ βίαν, id est, vim divinam appellant, non debet conductori

damnosa esse." Horace means some irresistible force.

19. _Ut immerentis_] 'Ut' signifies 'ever since,' as C. iv. 4. 42, and

elsewhere. Horace here fetches his reasons from a distant source, more

fanciful than natural. He wrote more to the purpose afterwards, C. i. 2;

ii. 1.

EPODE VIII.

Addressed to a licentious old woman.

EPODE IX.

The date of this Ode is not to be mistaken. It was written when the news

of Actium was fresh, in September, B.C. 31, immediately before the 37th

of the first book. It is addressed to Mæcenas, who is called upon to

celebrate with a feast at his new house the victory of Augustus, which

is described as if by an eyewitness.

Argument.--When shall we drink under thy tall roof, Mæcenas, to Cæsar

the conqueror, as late we did when the son of Neptune lost his fleet and

fled,--he who threatened us all with the chains his slaves had worn?

Will our sons believe it? Romans have sold themselves to serve a woman

and her eunuchs, and the luxurious gauze hath fluttered among the

standards of war! But their allies deserted to our side, and their ships

skulked from the fight. Io Triumphe! bring forth the golden chariot and

the sacrifice. So great a conqueror never came from Africa before. The

enemy hath changed his purple for mourning, and hath fled to Crete or

the Syrtes, or knoweth not whither to fly. Bigger cups, boy,--Chian, or

Lesbian, or Cæcuban,--we will drown our old anxieties for Cæsar in wine.

3. _sub alta--domo,_] This was the house built by Mæcenas on the Campus

Esquilinus. See Introduction to S. i. 8.

6. _barbarum?_] Phrygian, for which this was a common equivalent, as

opposed to Grecian. So (Epp. i. 2. 7): "Graecia barbariae lento colliso

duello." Virg. Aen. ii. 504: "Barbarico postes auro spoliisque superbi."

Catull. (lxiv. 265): "Barbaraque horribili stridebat tibia cantu." See

C. i. 1. 32, n. on the plural 'tibiis,' and C. iv. 15. 30, n., as to

Dorian and Phrygian music.

7. _nuper,_] This was between five and six years before, when Sextus

Pompeius was defeated by Agrippa off Naulochus, on the coast of Sicily,

B.C. 36, when his fleet was burnt, and he himself obliged to fly to

Asia. Horace says he threatened to fasten upon the free citizens those

chains which he had taken from the fugitive slaves, who formed a large

part of his force. Sextus appears to have boasted that Neptune was his

father, and the sea his mother. See Epod. iv. 19.

12. _Emancipatus_] There is no variation in the MSS. here, but the sense

would seem to require 'mancipatus.' "'Mancipatio' is the form by which a

person who was not 'sui juris' was transferred to the 'potestas' of

another, as in the case of adoption. 'Emancipare' seems to be the proper

term to express the making a person 'sui juris' by the act of

'mancipatio'; but 'mancipo' and 'emancipo' are often confounded in the

MSS." Here, however, we must take 'emancipatus' as the true reading and

it can only signify 'sold into slavery.' There may be a shade of

difference in the meaning of the words, which it is not easy to trace.

13. _Fert vallum et arma_] 'Valli' were stakes, of which every soldier

carried one or two for the purpose of defending the 'agger' or mound of

earth, formed round an encampment or a besieged town. 'Arma' includes

not only his weapons of offence and defence, but an axe, saw, chain,

etc. The accoutrements of a Roman soldier were very heavy, but they had

slaves ('calones') who helped to carry them. See C. ii. 13. 18, n.

16. _conopium_] A gauze mosquito curtain.

17. _At huc_] 'Huc' is 'to our side.' 'Frementes' agrees with 'equos.'

Horace means to say that part of the enemy's force deserted to Cæsar.

For the expression 'canentes Caesarem' compare Virg. (Aen. vii. 698):

"Ibant aequati numero regemque canebant." The Galli were cavalry of

Galatia (or Gallogræcia) under Deiotarus their king, and his general

(who afterwards succeeded him), Amyntas.

20. _sinistrorsum citae._] This is probably a nautical term. The Greeks

had an expression πρύμνην κρούσασθαι, 'to back water.' Something of that

sort, connected with flight, is probably the meaning of 'sinistrorsum

citae.' Whether Horace exactly states what he had heard, and whether the

information was precisely correct, we cannot tell. He wrote while the

tidings were fresh, and probably gave only popular reports. The

defection of the Galatians is mentioned by Plutarch (Ant. 63). 'Citae'

is the participle of 'cieo.'

21. _Io Triumphe,_] Triumphus is personified, as in C. iv. 2. 49.

_aureos Currus_] A gilded chariot was used by conquerors in their

triumphs. The form of the chariot was that of a round tower. Four

horses, which on special occasions were white, were used for drawing the

triumphal chariot. Heifers that had not been under the yoke, were

offered in sacrifice at the close of the procession. Scipio Africanus

Minor triumphed in A.U.C. 608 (B.C. 146), for the conquest of Carthage,

and Marius in B.C. 104, for his victories over Jugurtha.

25. _cui super Karthaginem_] All that is here said about Scipio's tomb

is, that his valor built him one on the ruins of Carthage, which is no

more than a repetition of C. iv. 8. 17. Horace is speaking of a tomb of

renown, in which Scipio's memory is enshrined, not his body.

27. _Terra marique_] There was no land engagement; but all the forces of

Antonius, when he deserted them, laid down their arms. 'Punicum sagum'

is called by the Greek writers φοινίκις. The 'sagum' was properly the

cloak worn by the common soldier on service; but qualified as it is here

by 'punicum,' 'purple,' it can only mean the 'paludamentum,' or

officer's military cloak. Horace says the enemy has changed his purple

cloak for a black one, in token of mourning and shame for his defeat. It

is to be observed, that, though M. Antonius is clearly the person

uppermost in the writer's mind, he only uses the general expressions

'hostis,' 'Romanus' (v. 11). 'Mutavit' signifies, as elsewhere, 'has

taken in exchange.'

29. _centum--urbibus_] See C. iii. 27. 33, n. 'Ventis non suis' means

'unfavourable winds.' Ovid (Met. iv. 373): "Vota suos habuere deos."

33. _Capaciores affer_] The transition here is as abrupt and expressive

as in C. iii. 19. 9.

36. _Metire nobis_] 'Metire' is equivalent to 'misce,' because the wine

and the water were measured out and mixed in regular proportions, by

means of the cyathus (C. iii. 19. 12).

EPODE X.

Mævius was an inferior poet of the day, who appears to have employed

himself in abusing his betters. He is most popularly known through

Virgil's familiar line, "Qui Bavium non odit amet tua carmina, Maevi"

(Ecl. iii. 90). It appears that he went or meditated going to Greece,

and Horace took a different leave of him from that he took of his friend

Virgil on a like occasion (C. i. 3). He calls him the stinking Mævius,

and promises an offering to the tempests if they will sink his ship.

Argument.--Bad luck go with the stinking Mævius. Blow, ye winds, and

shatter his ship; no friendly star peep forth in the sky: let him be

driven as the Greeks were by Pallas for the crime of Ajax. O how the

sailors will sweat! and thou wilt turn deadly pale, and cry like a

woman, and fall to thy prayers! Let me only hear the gulls are feasting

upon thy carcass, and I will offer a goat and a lamb to the storms.

10. _tristis Orion_] See C. i. 28. 21, n.

14. _Ajacis_] The son of Oïleus. The story is, that he was destroyed by

Athene, on his return from Troy, for having dragged Cassandra from her

altar and violated her. See Virg. Aen. i. 41. Homer tells the story a

little differently (Odyss. iv. 499, sqq.). But either account suits

Horace's description.

17. _illa_] He speaks as though he heard the man crying.

19. _Ionius--sinus_] The southern part of the Hadriatic was called the

Ionian sea, and it is called 'sinus,' as the Hadriatic itself is called

so in C. iii. 27. 18.

23. _immolabitur caper_] See Virg. Aen. iii. 120; v. 772. Black animals

were usually offered to the Tempests, to deprecate their wrath. The

offerings Horace promised are in the way of thanksgiving.

EPODE XI.

This is a love poem, probably imitated from the Greek. The poet

complains that he is so smitten by the heavy hand of love that he cannot

write as he used. Two years before, he says, he had given up Inachia,

who preferred richer lovers to himself, but now the young Lyciscus has

caught his heart, and nothing but some new love can deliver him from the

snare. The poet addresses his friend Pettius, as one who had before been

his confidant and adviser (v. 12).

Argument.--Pettius, I am so smitten with the heavy hand of love, who

makes me above others his victim, that I cannot write as I used. 'T is

two years since I gave up Inachia. Ah! what a by-word I was then! How I

sighed in company and poured out my complaints to thee, when wine had

opened my heart! "Has the poor man's wit no chance against the rich

man's purse? My wrath is kindled. I cast my modesty and my sighs to the

winds, I will contend with such rivals no more." Thus did I boast, but

my feet carried me still to her cruel door. And now, boasting that I

have no woman to fear, Lyciscus has caught my heart, nor can counsel or

raillery deliver me, nor aught but some new flame.

1. _Petti,_] This name is not found elsewhere. It may nevertheless be a

real name, though it seems only to be introduced to give an air of

reality to the Ode.

3. _me praeter omnes expetit_] 'Me' is governed by 'expetit,' not by

'urere.' 'Expetit--urere' is a Greek construction; 'quem urat' is the

regular Latin.

4. _in pueris_] This use of 'in' is not very common. It occurs Ov. Met.

iv. 234, "Neque enim moderatus in illa Solis amor fuerat."

6. _Inachia_] This is another of those names from the Greek which Horace

invariably adopts in his merely poetical compositions. See Introduction.

_honorem decutit._] This expression is used by Virgil, who either

borrowed it from Horace, or from some common original (Georg. ii. 404):

"Frigidus et silvis Aquilo decussit honorem." See C. i. 17. 16: "Ruris

honorum opulenta."

8. _Fabula_] Epp. i. 13. 9: "Fabula fias." He means he was the talk of

the town. 'Arguit' (v. 10) is the preterperfect tense.

11. _Contrane_] 'Can it be that the honest genius of the poor man has no

influence against gold?' 'Ne' might be omitted, but then it would be a

mere exclamation, 'To think that,' etc.

12. _applorans_] This word is not found elsewhere, except in Seneca.

13. _inverecundus deus_] When Horace means to discourage brawling over

wine, he calls Bacchus 'verecundus' (C. i. 27. 3). The best works of art

represent this god as young and effeminately beautiful, with long hair,

like Apollo, as the emblem of eternal youth. It is a coarse modern

notion to represent him as a jolly round faced boy, or a drunken sot.

This character belongs to Silenus, who is always drunk.

15. _Quodsi meis_] 'But now that in my heart is boiling wrath so free

that it doth scatter to the winds these thankless remedies that cure not

my sad wound, my modesty removed shall cease to strive with rivals not

mine equals.' He means to say, that his wrath has got the better of his

love and modesty, and he will cast his complaints and his shyness to the

winds, and cease to contend with rivals that are unworthy of him.

'Fomenta' means sighs and complainings with which grief is sought to be

relieved. 'Libera bilis' is like (Epod. iv. 10) "liberrima indignatio."

'Imparibus' signifies his rivals who are beneath him in mind, though his

betters in fortune. 'Desinet certare summotus pudor' is equivalent to

'desinam certare summoto pudore.' 'Imparibus' is the dative case. See C.

i. 1. 15, n. 'Inaestuo' is not used elsewhere, but Horace is free in his

use of prepositions in composition, after the manner of the Greeks.

19. _palam laudaveram,_] 'Palam' is used both as an adverb and a

preposition. 'Laudaveram' is equivalent to 'jactaveram.'

20. _incerto pede_] 'With wavering foot,' that is, with steps that would

go one way, and are forced to go another. The poet represents himself as

making fine boasts before his friend, but striving in vain to keep them

when he leaves him.

21. _non amicos heu mihi postes_] Compare "asperas porrectum ante fores"

(C. iii. 10. 2), where 'porrectum' explains 'lumbos et infregi latus,'

which means that he wearied his body by lying on the hard ground.

24. _mollitie amor_] The hiatus in this verse, and the short syllable in

v. 26, are explained by the rule, that, the two verses being composed of

two separate measures, the last syllable in each is common, and

independent of the syllable that follows. The name Lyciscus is probably

formed from Lycus, Alcæus's favorite boy.

26. _Libera consilia_] 'Candid counsels,' opposed to 'contumeliae

graves'; but neither are meant seriously.

28. _teretis pueri_] 'Smooth-faced boy.' See note on C. i. 1. 28. As to

'longam comam,' see C. iv. 10. 3, n. 'Renodantis,' which some render

'untying, and allowing to flow upon the shoulders,' means rather 'tying

up in a knot,' like a girl.

EPODE XII.

This Ode is addressed to a licentious woman.

EPODE XIII.

This Ode is like the ninth of the first book,--a convivial song, written

in winter. There can be little doubt of the subject as well as the metre

being imitated from the Greek. The reference to Achilles reminds us of

C. i. 7, and the allusion to Teucer. There is a fragment of Anacreon

which bears some likeness to the opening of this Epode.

Argument.--The tempest is raging, let us make merry, my friends, while

we are young, and leave the rest to the gods, who will give us a good

turn yet.

Bring ointment and music, as Chiron taught his great pupil, saying, "To

Troy thou must go, and not return; while there, drown care in wine and

song, which are grief's pleasant comforters."

1. _contraxit_] This word is only to be explained by observing the

different aspect of the sky when it is closed in with clouds, and when

it is spread out in all its breadth and cloudless. A frowning sky is a

notion easily understood, and common to all languages.

2. _Jovem;_] See C. i. 1. 25; 16. 12. Virgil (Ecl. vii. 60): "Juppiter

et laete descendet plurimus imbri." Georg. ii. 325:--

"Tum pater omnipotens fecundis imbribus aether

Conjugis in gremium laetae descendit."

3. _rapiamus, amici, Occasionem de die,_] This is explained by C. iii.

8. 27: "Dona praesentis cape laetus horae." 'Die' means the present day

as opposed to to-morrow, not, as some take it, 'from this stormy day.'

4. _dumque virent genua_] See C. i. 9. 17, n. The strength of an active

man lies very much in his legs, and so they are put for his strength, as

in the 147th Psalm (v. 10): "He delighteth not in the strength of the

horse: he taketh not pleasure in the legs of a man": and the knees are

a chief part of the legs, therefore γούνατα λύειν is used for κτείνειν.

'Dum virent genua,' therefore, means merely 'while our limbs are strong,

and we are young.' The tottering of the knees is one of the first signs

of old age.

5. _obducta--fronte_] 'Clouded brow.' 'Senectus' is nowhere else used in

this sense of 'melancholy,' though 'senium' is not uncommonly. 'Tu' is

the master of the feast (C. i. 4. 18, n.). Sextus Manlius Torquatus was

consul, B.C. 55, when Horace was born. Compare "O nata mecum consule

Manlio" (C. iii. 21. 1).

7. _Cetera_] See C. i. 9. 9: "Permitto divis cetera." Either it is a

literal version of the Greek ἕτερα, in the sense of 'adverse,' or the

troubles of the times may be referred to, or generally Horace may mean

by 'cetera,' all troublesome thoughts opposed to mirth and wine.

8. _vice._] The short syllables here and in vv. 10, 14, 'pectora,'

'flumina,' are explained on v. 24 of the last Ode.

_Achaemenio_] See C. ii. 12. 21, n. 'Nardo' is from 'nardum,' not

'nardus,' as in Epod. v. 59: "Nardo perunctum quale non perfectius."

9. _fide Cyllenea_] The lyre invented by Mercury, born on Mount Cyllene

in Arcadia.

11. _grandi_] Juvenal (vii. 210) describes Achilles as a big boy at

school, "Metuens virgae jam grandis Achilles Cantabat patriis in

montibus"; but 'grandis' has not that meaning here, though some have

supposed it has.

_Centaurus_] Cheiron, the instructor of Achilles and other heroes.

Whether Horace took what follows from any story or not, it is impossible

to determine, as with the similar episode of Teucer in C. i. 7.

13. _frigida_] This is an adaptation of Homer's description (Il. xxii.

151): ἡ δ᾽ ἑτέρη θέρεϊ προρέει εἰκυῖα χαλάζῃ Ἢ χιόνι ψυχρῇ. 'Domus

Assaraci,' 'proles Assaraci,' are common in Virgil. Assaracus was

great-grandfather of Æneas. Homer took a more heroic view of the

dimensions of the river Scamander, which was μέγας ποταμὸς βαθυδίνης

(Il. xx. 73).

15. _subtemine_] 'The woof of the web.' 'Certo subtemine' means only by

an unalterable destiny. See Catull. 64. 328, &c.: "Currite ducentes

subtemina currite fusi." 'Mater caerula' means Thetis.

18. _alloquiis._] 'Alloquiis' signifies 'consolations,' and is in

apposition with 'vino cantuque.' There is no other instance of

'alloquium' being used otherwise than with reference to conversation.

But Horace may have followed, after his custom of imitating the Greeks,

the use of παραμύθιον, παρηγορία, which were applied, in a derived

sense, to anything that gave relief to sorrow.

EPODE XIV.

The object of this Ode is to excuse Horace for his indolence in not

having finished a poem, or volume of poems, he had long promised (v. 7).

He says it is love that has prevented him, and that Mæcenas ought to

sympathize with him.

Argument.--Thou killest me, my noble Mæcenas, asking again and again if

I have drunk the waters of Lethe. It is love, it is love that keeps back

the verses I have promised,--such love as Anacreon wept, in his flowing

numbers, for Bathyllus, the Samian. Thou, too, feelest the flame, and if

thou art more blessed than I, be thankful. Thou lovest the most

beautiful of women: I am in torment for a harlot.

1. _imis--sensibus,_] So Virgil (Ecl. iii. 54): "Sensibus haec imis (res

est non parva) reponas."

4. _traxerim,_] This is the earliest instance of this use of 'traho.'

'Duco' is more common (C. i. 17. 22; iii. 3. 34; iv. 12. 14). Ovid and

later writers use 'traho' (see Forcell.). The Greeks used σπάω and ἕλκω

commonly in this sense. 'Candide' seems to signify 'generous,' 'true.'

It is used familiarly.

6. _Deus_] That is, love.

8. _Ad umbilicum adducere._] The several sheets of parchment on which

the contents of a book were written were joined together, and at the end

of the last was fastened a stick on which the whole was rolled, like our

maps; and in the same way, at the ends of this roller, were knobs, which

were called 'cornua' or 'umbilici.' The former word is obvious enough.

The latter belongs more properly, perhaps, to the shape that the ends of

the roll would take when these knobs were wanting; but it was also

applied to the knobs themselves, and so 'ad umbilicum adducere' is to

bring a volume to the last sheet.

It has been disputed whether 'carmen' means a volume or a single poem.

'Ad umbilicum adducere' seems to refer to a volume, 'carmen' to a single

poem; but the former might be taken in a derived sense, 'ad finem

adducere,' as reasonably as the latter in a collective sense, and I

think a single poem is meant. Perhaps it never was finished. Whether

'olim' belongs to 'inceptos' or 'promissum' is open to doubt. In sense

it applies to both.

9. _Bathyllo_] C. ii. 4. 7, n. Anacreon's verses were full of passionate

addresses to boys. The name of Bathyllus does not occur in any of the

fragments that have come down to us; but it is mentioned by others

besides Horace, and he is known to have been one of Anacreon's chief

favourites. He was a graceful performer on the flute, which

accomplishment Anacreon took delight in praising. One of the Odes

falsely attributed to Anacreon is addressed εἰς νεώτερον Βάθυλλον· and

from that we also learn that he was a Samian, ἢν δ᾽ ἐς Σάμον ποτ᾽ ἔλθῃς

Γράφε Φοῖβον ἐκ Βαθύλλου. Anacreon, being driven from his native town,

Teos in Ionia, lived many years at Samos, under the protection of

Polycrates.

12. _Non elaboratum ad pedem._] This means that his style was easy and

his rhythm flowing, which is verified by the few fragments that remain.

The poems that go by Anacreon's name are of a later age.

13. _Ureris ipse miser:_] See Introduction. Terentia, Mæcenas's wife, is

here alluded to.

EPODE XV.

This is probably a composition from the Greek. It is addressed to an

imaginary Neæra by the poet, in his own person. He complains of her

deserting him for a wealthier rival. He bids her remember her vows, and

beware of provoking him, lest he leave her for ever. And he pities the

man whom she has caught, and warns him that, be he rich and wise as he

may, she will soon leave him for another. Horace introduces the same

name in a much later Ode (iii. 14. 21), and it is used throughout the

third book of Elegies commonly attributed to Tibullus. The Ode is in

Ovid's style, and worthy to have been written by him.

Argument.--Remember that night when the moon was in the sky, and thou

didst swear fidelity to me, saying, that so long as the sheep feared

the wolf, and storms vexed the winter's sea, and Apollo's locks floated

in the breeze, our mutual love should last.

Thou shalt rue my firmness, Neæra. Flaccus will bear no rival. Let thy

faithlessness drive him to wrath, and he will seek a true heart

elsewhere. Let him once learn to hate thy beauty, and he will be its

captive no more, when grief shall have settled in his soul. And thou,

whosoever thou art, that boastest thyself in my sorrow, be thou rich in

flocks and fields, and let Pactolus run gold for thee; be thou wise in

the secrets of Pythagoras, and of form more beautiful than Nireus; yet

shalt thou weep for her love transferred to another, and my turn to

laugh shall come.

2. _Inter minora sidera,_] 'Sidus' properly signifies a collection of

stars, a constellation; but here it is equivalent to 'stella,' which in

its turn appears for 'sidus' in C. iii. 29. 19. In C. i. 12. 47 it is

also a single star, and the moon is represented as she is here: "Micat

inter omnes Julium sidus, velut inter ignes Luna minores."

3. _laesura_] 'Laedere' is applied to injury by word or deed, to fraud

('laesa fides'), or slander, or violence done to the person, or damage

of any kind. It applies to high-treason, whereby the majesty of the

sovereign power is violated, and to perjury, as blaspheming the name of

God. Compare Ovid (Heroid. ii. 43):--

"Si de tot laesis sua numina quisque deorum

Vindicet, in poenas non satis unus eris."

The offence, however, of lovers' perjury was not supposed to weigh very

heavily (see C. ii. 8. 13, n.). The Dii Magni were twelve in number:

Juppiter, Minerva, Juno, Neptune, Venus, Mars, Vulcan, Vesta, Apollo,

Diana, Ceres, and Mercury.

4. _In verba jurabas mea,_] This is the usual way of expressing the oath

of obedience taken by soldiers, the words being dictated to the men.

Hence the phrases 'conceptis verbis jurare,' 'conceptis verbis

pejerare.' 'Jurare in verba' was conventionally applied to any oath of

allegiance, and the poet says Neæra swore by the gods eternal devotion

to his will. Elsewhere Horace expresses by these words the blind

adherence to a particular teacher, declaring that he is "Nullius

addictus jurare in verba magistri" (Epp. i. 1. 14).

6. _Lentis adhaerens brachiis:_] 'Lentissima brachia' is used in a

different sense in S. i. 9. 64. Here 'lentis' signifies 'twining,' as

that which is soft and pliant.

7. _Dum pecori lupus_] 'Infestus' belongs to both clauses, but in the

first 'foret' must be supplied. There is a slight irregularity in the

sentence. As to 'Orion,' see C. i. 28. 21.

9. _Intonsosque agitaret_] Long hair was the mark of youth (C. iv. 10.

2, n.), and Apollo as well as Bacchus (see Epod. xi. 13, n.) was held to

be always young. Hence in all ancient representations of Apollo he has

long hair, either braided or flowing, in which respect he is frequently

compared with Bacchus by the poets. See Ovid (Met. iii. 421), "Et dignos

Baccho dignos et Apolline crines." Hence the expression in the text is

almost proverbial, and Neæra's vow is one of eternal fidelity. Other

allusions to Apollo's hair will be found in C. i. 21. 2, "Intonsum pueri

dicite Cynthium"; C. iii. 4. 62, "Qui rore puro Castaliae lavit Crines

solutos"; and C. iv. 6. 26, "Phoebe qui Xantho lavis amne crines."

11. _virtute_] 'Virtus' here signifies moral courage, determination, and

firmness. See note on C. S. 58. The name Neæra is formed from νείαιρα,

which is used by Homer, and is said to be an irregular comparative of

νέος, so that Neæra signifies 'the younger.'

14. _parem,_] One who is his match, equally loving and true.

15. _Nec semel offensae_] 'Offensus' is here used as the object of

dislike. Horace says, 'Nor shall his firmness yield to thy beauty, if he

hate it once, when settled pain has entered his soul.'

19. _licebit_] This use of the future tense shows that 'licet' and some

other words, which are called by the grammarians conjunctions, are in

fact only verbs, after which 'ut' is understood. 'Licebit' is used below

(S. ii. 2. 60), and by Ovid (Trist. v. 14. 3), "Detrahat auctori multum

fortuna licebit." The Pactolus, in Lydia, was not the only golden stream

of the ancients. The Tagus, Hebrus, Po, and Ganges, all had the same

repute. What the secret learning of Pythagoras was, is expressed in the

epithet given him, 'renati.' His metempsychosis is referred to in C. i.

28. 10. As to Nireus, see C. iii. 20. 15.

EPODE XVI.

This Ode is written with great care, and was probably one of those

compositions by which Horace brought himself into public notice. It has

more the appearance of having been written for fame than any other in

the book. Probably it was written at the outbreak of the Perusian war,

B.C. 41. Horace mourns over the civil wars, and proposes that all good

citizens shall migrate to the Fortunate Islands.

Argument.--Another age is wasting in civil wars. She whom no enemy could

tame, shall be destroyed by her own accursed children; the wild beast

shall devour her; the barbarian shall trample upon her, and scatter the

dust of her Romulus to the winds.

What are we to do? Go forth like the Phocæans, leave our homes and our

temples to be the dens of beasts, and go wherever the winds shall waft

us. Shall it be so? Then why delay? But let us swear:--When rocks shall

swim, and the Po shall wash the tops of Matinus, and the Apennine be

cast into the sea; when the tiger shall lie with the hind, and the dove

with the hawk, and the herds fear not the lion, and the he-goat shall

love the waves,--then we will return to our home. Thus let the nobler

spirits resolve, while the craven clings to his couch. For us there are

those happy isles where the earth yields her harvests and the trees

their fruit, unbidden; where honey drops from the oak, and the stream

leaps babbling from the hills; where the goat comes unbidden to the

milk-pail, and udders are full, and the fold fears no beasts, and the

ground bears no vipers; where the rain-flood and the drought are not

known; whither the venturous sail comes not; where the flock is unhurt

by pestilence or heat. Jove destined these shores for the pious, when

the golden age had passed away, and thither the pious may resort and

prosper.

1. _Altera_] The last being that of Sulla, which ended about forty years

before.

3. _Marsi_] This refers to the Social War, mentioned in C. iii. 14. 18.

4. _Porsenae_] The penultimate syllable of this name is usually long,

but it is here short. Porsena was king of Clusium, in Etruria. He

espoused the cause of Tarquinius Superbus, and attacked Rome with a

large army. The Roman legends of Cocles, who defended the bridge, of

Clœlia, who with her maidens swam over the river, and of Mucius Scævola,

who thrust his hand into the fire, are all connected with this period.

Though the Roman historians have thrown disguises over the fact, there

is every reason to believe that Porsena reduced the city to submission,

and took from her all the territory she had obtained north of the

Tiber.

5. _Aemula nec virtus_] After the battle of Cannæ, Hannibal established

himself in Capua, and Livy (xxiii. 6) relates a boasting speech of the

Campanians,--how they expected that Hannibal, when he withdrew to

Carthage, would leave Rome a wreck and the power over Italy in the hands

of Capua. They also sent ambassadors to Rome, and demanded, as a

condition of their assistance, that one of the consuls should always be

a Campanian. Five years afterwards the Romans took the town, and dealt

very severely with it, reducing it to a praefectura (see S. i. 5. 34,

n.). As to Spartacus, see C. iii. 14. 19.

6. _Allobrox,_] The Allobroges, whose country lay on the left bank of

the Rhone, between that river and the Isère, had ambassadors at Rome at

the time of Catiline's conspiracy, praying for redress for certain

grievances. These men were tampered with by the conspirators, and

promised to forward their designs, which, soon repenting, they betrayed,

and became the principal witnesses against the conspirators (Sall. Cat.

41; Cic. in Catil. iii. 2-4). This explains Horace's meaning. Two years

afterwards these people, having broken out in war and invaded Gallia

Narbonensis, were defeated by C. Pomptinus, governor of that province.

Their restlessness is mentioned by Cæsar (B. G. iv. 5).

8. _Parentibus_] This is like "bella matribus detestata" (C. i. 1. 24).

11. _insistet_] 'Insistere' is followed by the accusative case

sometimes, particularly when it implies motion, as 'insistere viam,'

which peculiarity is found in the Greek καθέζομαι. It more usually

governs the dative case, or is followed by the ablative after 'in.' See

Aen. vi. 563: "Sceleratum insistere limen." Ezekiel's prophecy against

Tyre declares that Nebuchadnezzar "with the hoofs of his horses shall

tread down all her streets" (xxvi. 11); and Jeremiah exclaims (viii. 1,

2): "At that time they shall bring out the bones of the kings of Judah,

and the bones of his princes, and the bones of the priests, and the

bones of the prophets, and the bones of the inhabitants of Jerusalem out

of their graves, and they shall spread them before the sun: they shall

not be gathered nor be buried; they shall be as dung on the face of the

earth." Horace does not take account of the apotheosis of Romulus, which

he himself refers to elsewhere (C. iii. 3. 16). Porphyrion, on the

authority of Varro, says the tomb of Romulus was behind the Rostra.

15. _expediat_] This belongs to 'carere'; 'what course befits us best,

that we be free from our vile sufferings,' where the Greeks would

express or (more commonly) understand ὥστε. The story of the Phocæans

abandoning their city when Harpagus was besieging it, and declaring that

they would not return till a bar of iron they threw into the sea should

float, is told by Herodotus (i. 165). It must have been familiar to

educated men, and the form of oath may have become proverbial.

'Exsecrata' is used in a middle sense, 'binding themselves under a

curse,' ἐποιήσαντο ἰσχυρὰς κατάρας. So 'agros' is governed by

'profugit,' not by 'exsecrata.'

23. _Sic placet?_] 'Placetne?' the usual formula addressed to the people

at the comitia. The poet fancies himself addressing a meeting of the

citizens. 'Habet suadere' is another Greek construction, πείθειν ἔχει.

25. _Sed juremus in haec:_] 'but let us take an oath in this form'; to

make our departure inevitable.

33. _ravos_] C. iii. 27. 3, n. 'Levis hircus amet,' 'the goat become

sleek, and love.'

41. _Oceanus_] The Atlantic.

42. _divites et insulas,_] See C. iv. 8. 25, n.

46. _Suamque pulla ficus ornat arborem,_] 'and the purple fig adorns its

own tree'; that is, without grafting.

51. _vespertinus_] See C. 1. 2. 45. Virg. Georg. iii. 538: "Nocturnus

obambulat."

57. _Non huc Argoo_] He means to say, that no venturous sail has reached

these islands; not the Argo, in which Jason sailed for the golden

fleece, nor Medea, who returned with him to Greece, nor the Phœnicians,

who went everywhere with their merchandise, nor the crew of Ulysses, who

wandered about the seas for ten years.

62. _aestuosa--impotentia_] 'the burning excess'; that is, 'the

excessive heat.'

65. _quorum_] This depends on 'fuga.' 'Safe flight from which is offered

to the pious, if I be prophet.'

EPODE XVII.

This poem is written with the ironical purpose of making peace between

the poet and Canidia. The recantation is not less severe than the libels

(see Epodes iii. and v., and S. i. 8). The poet humbly retracts his

charges of base birth, sterility, witchcraft, &c., but in such language

as to make them worse: and in the latter part of the Epode Canidia makes

a reply refusing forgiveness, and vowing vengeance on her traducer.

Argument.--I yield, I yield; I pray thee by Proserpine, by Diana, by

thine own mighty spells, Canidia, cease thy charms; stay, stay thy

wheel. Achilles had compassion upon Telephus, and healed him. He was

entreated, and gave back the body of Hector, and the matrons of Troy

anointed him for burial. Circe restored the companions of Ulysses.

Surely I have been punished enough, O thou that art loved of sailors and

of hucksters! The complexion of youth is gone from me; my hair is white;

I rest not day or night, and sighs give me no relief. I now believe what

I once denied. What wouldst thou more? O sea and earth, I am on fire,

like Hercules with the blood of Nessus, and Ætna's everlasting flame. As

a crucible filled with Colchian drugs, thou wilt burn till I shall be

consumed, and my ashes scattered to the winds. What death or what

penalty awaits me? Speak, and I will offer a hundred oxen, or praise thy

chastity in lying song. The brothers of Helen were entreated, and gave

the poet back his eyes; and do thou, for thou canst, loose me from my

madness. Indeed thou art _not_ debased by thy parents' sins; thou dost

_not_ scatter the new-buried ashes of the poor; thy heart is kind, thy

hands are pure, thy son is thine own, and thy births are no pretence.

Why waste thy prayers upon ears that are deaf as the rock lashed by the

waves? To think thou shouldst publish and laugh with impunity at our

mystic rites, and fill the town with my name! What profit, then, have I

of the skill I have learnt? Thus shalt thou live with strength ever

renewed for fresh endurance, as Tantalus vainly seeks to be at rest,

Prometheus to be delivered from his vulture, and Sisyphus to plant his

stone on the top of his mountain. Thou wilt seek death in every form,

and it shall not come. I will bestride thee, and spurn the earth in my

pride. What! must I, who can move images, bring down the moon or raise

the dead,--I, the mingler of love charms,--must I see my spells of no

avail for such as thee?

1. _Jam jam_] The repetition denotes haste and eagerness, 'See, see I

yield.' They are said 'dare manus,' who give their hands to the chains

of a conqueror. The phrase is common enough. See Virgil (Aen. xi. 568):

"neque ipse manus feritate dedisset." Cæsar (B. G. v. 31): "tandem dat

Cotta permotus manus; superat sententia Sabini." Cicero uses it

repeatedly. The speaker invokes Proserpina and Hecate, as the

divinities with whom the witch has most communication.

4. _Per atque libros_] This position of 'atque' is peculiar to the

poets.

5. _Refixa_] Virgil says (Aen. v. 527) "Caelo ceu saepe refixa

Transcurrunt crinemque volantia sidera ducunt."

7. _solve, solve turbinem._] 'Turbo' is a wheel of some sort used by

sorceresses, often alluded to by the poets: ῥόμβος is the Greek name for

it. Threads of various colors arranged artificially were spun round the

wheel, and formed a magical web, supposed to involve somehow or other

the affections or fortunes of him who was the object of the spell.

'Retro solvere' means to relax the onward motion of the wheel, which

will then of itself roll back.

8. _Movit nepotem_] Telephus was king of Mysia, during the Trojan war,

and his country being invaded by the Greeks, he was wounded by Achilles.

It having been declared by an oracle that Troy could not be taken

without the help of Telephus, and Telephus having learnt that his wound

could only be cured by Achilles, he gave his services to the Greeks, and

was cured. Achilles is called 'nepos Nereius' because he was the son of

Thetis, the daughter of Nereus. Propertius refers to the story (ii. 1.

63). See also Ovid (Trist. i. 1. 99, sqq.).

11. _Unxere_] Achilles, moved by the entreaties of Priam (Il. xxiv.

510), gave back Hector's body, which he had threatened the dogs should

devour (Il. xxiii. 182). Homer does not mention the fact that the Trojan

women anointed Hector's body; but Horace only makes them do what the

Greeks did for Patroclus (Il. xviii. 350), καὶ τότε δὴ λοῦσάν τε καὶ

ἤλειψαν λίπ᾽ ἐλαίῳ. 'Homicidam' is a literal version of ἀνδροφόνον,

Homer's epithet for Hector. The rhythm of the line in which it occurs is

without a precedent in Horace.

16. _Laboriosi_] This epithet is repeated from the last Epode (v. 60).

17. _Circa_] In the Epodes, Satires, and Epistles, Horace uses the Latin

terminations, and in the Odes only the Greek.

20. _Amata nautis_] While he professes to flatter and pacify her, he

provokes her by saying she was the admiration of vulgar shipmasters and

shop-men. See C. i. 28. 23, n., and C. iii. 6. 30, n., as to 'nauta' and

'institor.'

21. _Fugit juventas_] From this description of himself, it has been

supposed that Horace was advanced in years when he wrote this. But the

whole is ironical. He says the bloom of youth has left him, he is

nothing but skin and bone, has lost his color, and is gray, all through

her poisonous drugs or ointments.

23. _odoribus;_] This is equivalent to 'unguentis' or 'venenis.'

24. _ab labore_] This preposition is used like ἀπό, 'after,' and 'est'

in the next verse like ἔστι for ἔξεστι.

27. _Ergo negatum_] 'Therefore I am compelled, poor wretch, to believe

what I once denied, that Sabine charms are lashing my heart, and that my

head is splitting with Marsic spell.' 'Increpare' is used in a singular

way. It is used elsewhere for the dashing of waves against the shore,

and in almost every sense connected with loud noises. It is difficult to

give it its exact meaning here. The Sabine, Pelignian, and Marsican

women had credit above others for witchcraft. See S. i. 9. 29, and

below, v. 60, and Epod. v. 76. 'Nenia' is used for a charm, as in Ovid

(A. A. ii. 102). "Mixtaque cum magicis nenia Marsa sonis." For its other

meanings, see C. ii. 1. 38, n.

31. _Quantum neque atro_] See Epod. iii. 17.

33. _Virens_] This probably means 'undying,' 'ever fresh.'

_tu donec cinis_] 'Thou dost burn as a crucible filled with Colchian

drugs ("venena Medeae," Epod. v. 62), till, reduced to dry cinders, I

shall be carried away by the insolent winds.'

36. _stipendium?_] It is possible this may mean 'service,' which is its

military sense; or it may be 'penalty,' but the meaning is doubtful.

'Quae finis' means 'what death?' Captives led in triumph were always put

to death. See C. iv. 2. 35, n.

40. _sonari:_] 'Sono' is used as an active verb only by the poets, after

the manner of ἠχεῖν. The satire of what follows is very amusing. In his

plea for forgiveness he repeats his offence, implying that to call her

chaste he must lie, which, however, he is willing to do. The following

words are the substance of what he promises to say in her praise,

placing her, like Ariadne and other virtuous women, among the

constellations.

42. _Infamis Helenae_] The story is, that Stesichorus (C. iv. 9. 8, n.)

was struck with blindness for writing a libel on Helen, and that on

writing a recantation (παλινῳδία) he was restored to sight by Helen, or,

as Horace here says, by her brothers, Castor and Pollux. 'Vicem' means

'on behalf of.' In this independent form the word often occurs in Livy.

The Greek poets used χάριν and μοῖραν in the same way.

45. _potes nam,_] This is a common formula in entreaties both in Greek

(δύνᾳ γάρ) and Latin.

46. _O nec paternis_] 'O thou who art not debased by the sins of thy

parents, who art not an old witch skilled in sprinkling on the ninth day

the ashes on the tombs of the poor.' In this way, while he pretends to

recant, he makes his language more libellous than ever.

_obsoleta_] This is applied in an unusual sense. It usually signifies

that which is gone to decay (out of use), as clothes, houses, faded

pictures, &c. (see Forcell.), and so it comes to mean generally that

which is spoilt and worthless, as here. See C. ii. 10. 6.

48. _Novendiales_] It appears, if we are to believe the old

commentators, to have been the practice to bury the ashes nine days

after death. Therefore, Horace means to say that the witch dug up the

ashes of the dead immediately after their burial, while they were fresh,

and better suited on that account for magical ceremonies. The ashes of

the poor are fixed upon, perhaps, because they were not watched as the

rich man's were. 'Novendiales' usually signifies 'of nine days'

continuance,' but it cannot have that meaning here. Hector was buried

after nine days (Il. xxiv. 784).

50. _Tuusque venter Pactumeius,_] In Epod. v. 5 it is insinuated that

Canidia is childless, that the children she pretends to have are not

hers, and her childbirths are a fiction, perhaps to extract money from

her lovers, on whom her pretended children were affiliated. Here the

libel is withdrawn, but in such a way as to leave it untouched, for in

the last line he insinuates that her travail is at least not very

difficult. 'Venter' is used by the law-writers to signify the child in

the womb, or a woman with child. 'Pactumeius' is a Roman name; why

Horace uses it, no one can tell. There is some allusion that would have

been intelligible at the time.

53. _Quid obseratis_] From this point Canidia is supposed to reply.

56. _ut tu riseris_] 'Ut' is an exclamation of scorn. 'To think that you

should.' It occurs again (S. ii. 5. 18): "Utne tegam spurco Damae

latus!" The festival in honor of Cotys or Cotytto was of Thracian

origin, and transferred to Corinth and other Greek states. It found its

way into Sicily, but was never introduced into the Italian states, and

was unknown at Rome except to the learned. The rites of this goddess

were very impure, and, like other works of darkness, professed secrecy,

as Juvenal says (ii. 91):--

"Talia secreta coluerunt orgia taeda

Cecropiam soliti Baptae lassare Cotytto."

Canidia is made to call her witch's orgies Cotyttia, by which the libel

that runs through the poem is maintained.

58. _Et Esquilini pontifex venefici_] She charges him with thrusting

himself upon the orgies as if he were the priest, who alone of men

might attend them. As to the Campus Esquilinus, where the witches were

supposed to hold their midnight meetings, see Epod. v. 100, and S. i. 8,

Introduction.

60. _Quid proderat ditasse_] 'What good, then, did I get by spending

money upon the old Pelignian witches (i.e. to teach me my craft), and

mingling for thee a more quick and potent draught? But though it be

quick and potent, yet the death that awaits thee shall be slower than

thou wouldst have it.' The country of the Peligni lay to the north of

the Marsi, who bordered on the Sabini. See note on v. 27.

63. _in hoc_] 'For this purpose.'

65. _Pelopis infidi_] See C. i. 6. 8, n.

66. _Egens benignae_] The poets of the Augustan age, in relating the

punishment of Tantalus, refer only to that legend according to which,

standing in the midst of water with fruit-trees over his head ('benigna

dapes'), he is not able to reach either (Hom. Odyss. xi. 582). The other

story, followed by Pindar and other Greek poets, of a great stone

suspended over his head, and ever threatening to fall on him, the Roman

poets do not allude to. But Cicero does, and only to that (De Fin. i.

18; Tusc. Disp. iv. 16). See S. i. 1. 68.

67. _Prometheus_] Horace is not inconsistent in respect to Prometheus,

whom in C. ii. 13. 37, 18. 85, he places in Tartarus. The story, as

related prophetically by Hermes in the play of Æschylus (P. V. 1016,

sqq.), is, that the Scythian rock on which Prometheus was first bound by

Hephæstus was struck down, with him upon it, by Zeus into Hades, and

that he was brought thence after a long time (μακρὸν μῆκος ἐκτελευτήσας

χρόνου) to undergo upon earth the punishment awarded to Tityos in hell,

of having his liver devoured by an eagle.

68. _Sisyphus_] See C. ii. 14. 20, n., where his punishment is called

very aptly 'longus labor.'

71. _Norico_] The steel of Noricum (Carynthia and Styria) is mentioned

elsewhere (C. i. 16. 9).

74. _Vectabor humeris_] She threatens to bestride his hated shoulders in

triumph, and to spurn the earth in the pride of her revenge.

76. _movere cereas imagines,_] To give life to waxen images made to

represent an absent youth, and inspired with the tenderness or the pains

he should feel. In S. i. 8. 30 such an image is introduced (see note),

and the witch in Theocritus (ii. 28) melts a waxen image, and says:--

ὡς τοῦτον τὸν καρὸν ἐγὼ δαίμονι τάκω,

ὡς τάκοιθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἔρωτος ὁ Μύνδιος αὐτίκα Δέλφις,

which Virgil has imitated in his eighth Eclogue (v. 80):--

"Limus ut hic durescit, et haec ut cera liquescit

Uno eodemque igni, sic nostro Daphnis amore."

And Hypsipyle says of Medea (Ovid, Heroid. vi. 91):--

"Devovet absentes simulacraque cerea figit,

Et miserum tenues in jecur urget acus."

80. _Desideri--pocula_] Love potions.

81. _in te nil agentis_] 'Of no avail against thee.'

SATIRES.--BOOK I.

SATIRE I.

The professed purpose of this Satire, or that with which Horace seems to

have begun, may be gathered from the first two lines. Discontent with

the condition that Providence had assigned them; disappointment with the

position many years' labor, and perhaps dishonesty, have gained them;

envy of their neighbors' circumstances, even if they be worse than their

own; dissatisfaction, in short, with what they have and are, and craving

for something they have not and are not,--these are features common to

the great majority of men. For this vice of discontent the Greeks had a

comprehensive name, μεμψιμοιρία. It will be seen that, after propounding

the whole subject in the shape of a question to Mæcenas, Horace confines

himself to one solution of it, and that not the most comprehensive (see

notes on vv. 28, 108). Avarice is the only reason he assigns for the

universal disease, and any one will see that hereby he leaves many

untouched who are as culpably restless as the avaricious, but not in

their sordid way.

The Satire is put first in the order of this book, not as an

introduction (of which it bears no signs), but because it is addressed

to Mæcenas.

1. _quam sibi sortem_] See note on C. i. 9. 14, as to 'sors' and 'fors.'

These two are opposed, as effect and cause, the condition and that which

produces it. 'Fors' and 'ratio' are opposed as that which a man cannot

help, and that which he carves out for himself. 'Fors' is 'accident,'

'ratio' is 'choice.'

3. _laudet_] This sense of 'laudare,' 'felicem praedicare,' μακαρίζειν

is repeated below, v. 9, and in v. 109, where it occurs in combination

with, and as equivalent to, 'probare.' So Cicero (De Am. c. 7) says: "Ex

quo illorum beata mors videtur, horum vita laudabilis."

_laudet diversa sequentes?_] This is briefly expressed, for 'sed quisque

laudet.' In the transition from negative to positive statements, the

positive element which is contained in the former is often carried on in

the mind, so as to affect the latter, as in those sentences which are

coupled by 'nec' and 'et,' οὔτε and τε. 'Nemo vivit' is 'quisque non

vivit'. 'Diversa' indicates, not merely different, but 'opposite'

careers.

4. _gravis annis_] Virgil says (Aen. ix. 246): "Hic annis gravis atque

animi maturus Aletes." And 'gravis' is one of the commonest words

applied to old age, as may be gathered from Cicero's treatise De

Senect.; and βαρύς is equally common in the same connection. Horace, in

his own campaigning, had undoubtedly heard many a veteran grumbling at

his condition.

7. _Quid enim, concurritur:_] See C. ii. 18. 23, n.

_horae Momento_] 'Horae momento' is a common phrase in Livy and other

writers. Horace has below, 'puncto mobilis horae.' 'Punctum' is perhaps

a little more precise than 'momentum,' which signifies the progress of

time, though conventionally its smallest division. Pliny draws a

distinction between them (Panegyr. iv. c. 56): "Quod momentum, quod immo

temporis punctum aut beneficio sterile aut vacuum laude?"

9. _juris legumque peritus_] 'Jurisperiti,' 'jurisconsulti,' were

persons who expounded the law. Their expositions were called 'responsa,'

and they gave them gratuitously. They were distinct from the professors

or teachers ('advocati') and others, who were paid for their services,

and from 'oratores,' though the 'consultus' sometimes combined with his

calling as such that of the 'orator' or 'patronus.' If we are to believe

this statement of Horace, and another to the same effect (Epp. ii. 1.

103), we must suppose that these learned persons sacrificed their own

convenience to the anxiety of their clients, and received them at a very

early hour in the morning. 'Jus' embodied all law. As to 'leges,' see

Epp. i. 16. 41, n. On 'laudat,' see v. 3, n.

11. _datis vadibus_] 'Vades' were sureties provided by the defendant, to

secure his appearance before the prætor at a time agreed upon between

the plaintiff and himself. If he did not appear, he forfeited the amount

of the 'vadimonium' or agreement, and his 'vades' were liable to pay it

if he did not (see S. 9. 36, n.). The person here represented,

therefore, is the defendant in an action, going up reluctantly to Rome,

to appear before the prætor according to his agreement. 'Ille' is as if

the man were before us.

14. _Delassare valent_] Though 'delasso' does not occur elsewhere, there

is no reason to suspect the word, or alter it. The intensive force of

'de' is well added to 'lasso.' It corresponds to κατά, which has the

same force. Who Fabius was, it is impossible even to conjecture with

probability.

15. _Si quis Deus,_] This is not a Roman way of speaking but Greek, εἰ

δαίμων τις. 'En ego' does not belong to 'faciam,' but is absolute: 'Here

am I.' 'Eia' is an exclamation of haste, 'Away!' 'Nolint,' 'they would

not' (οὐκ ἐθέλοιεν ἄν), is the apodosis to 'si quis Deus.' Compare S.

ii. 7. 24. "Si quis ad illa deus subito te agat, usque recuses." 'Atqui'

is another form of 'atquin,' and 'quin' represents 'qui,' with a

negative particle affixed.

18. _partibus:_] An expression taken from the language of the theatre:

'the part you have to play' in life.

21. _Iratus buccas inflet,_] An obvious, but not very reverential,

representation of passion.

25. _olim_] See C. ii. 10. 17, n.

27. _Sed tamen amoto_] 'Sed,' 'sed tamen,' 'veruntamen,' are often used,

and especially by Cicero, not to express opposition, but after a

parenthesis or digression, as here and C. iv. 4. 22. See, for another

instance among many, Cic. in Verr. ii. 3. 2.

28. _Ille gravem_] The cause of that discontent which was spoken of at

the beginning is here traced to the love of money, each man thinking

that his neighbor is getting it faster than he is, and wishing therefore

to change places with him. But Horace does not mean that to be the only

solution of the universal discontent. That would be absurd, and one at

least of his own examples would contradict his theory, the

jurisconsultus, who did not pursue his laborious vocation for pay. He

therefore shifts or limits his ground a little, and dwells upon that

which he supposes to be the most prevalent cause of discontent; and with

his ground he changes his examples. 'Nauta' and 'mercator' here are the

same person, the trader navigating his own ship. (See C. i. 28. 23.)

'Perfidus caupo' appears again in 'cauponibus atque malignis' (S. i. 5.

4). 'Per omne Audaces mare qui currunt' is repeated from C. i. 3. 9,

sqq.

32. _cibaria:_] This word, which is generally used for the rations of

soldiers or slaves, is used here ironically for the humblest provision

that can be made for the latter years of life, as if that was all that

these men set before their minds.

33. _nam exemplo est,_] 'for this is their model.'

35. _haud ignara ac non incauta futuri._] Experience tells her that

times will change, and instinct teaches her to provide against that

change; she knows what is coming, and provides accordingly. This is

what Horace means; but the ant is torpid in the winter, and lays up no

store in her house for that season, though no error is more common than

to suppose she does. These animals work hard during the warmer months of

the year, but the food they gather is consumed before the winter.

36. _Quae, simul inversum_] 'Quae' is opposed to 'quum te' (v. 38): 'now

she.' 'Inversum annum' is compounded of the two notions 'inversum

caelum' and 'mutatum annum.' The sun enters Aquarius in the middle of

January. Virgil uses the word 'contristat' (Georg. iii. 279): "unde

nigerrimus Auster Nascitur, et pluvio contristat frigore caelum." The

ant is one of the "four things which are little upon the earth, but they

are exceeding wise,"--the ants, the conies, the locusts, and the

spiders. (Prov. xxx. 24, sqq.)

39. _ignis, mare, ferrum,_] This is a mere proverbial way of speaking,

common to all languages. No obstacles are too great for a man who has a

selfish purpose to serve, if he has set his heart upon it. The second

person is used to give force to the language. The self-deceiver is

confronted with his own illustration.

43. _Quod si comminuas_] The miser is supposed to interrupt, and say,

"But if you were to take from it, it would soon dwindle to a paltry

'as.'" 'Quod' is always the neuter of the relative, but here, as often

elsewhere, it is used to connect a new sentence with what precedes, and

is not connected with 'pondus' as its antecedent.

45. _Millia frumenti_] 'Modiorum' must be supplied. As to 'millia,'

'mille,' see S. ii. 3. 197, n. On 'area,' see C. i. 1. 10, n.

'Triverit,' 'suppose that it threshes.' This is the concessive use of

the subjunctive. The practice of putting a note of interrogation in such

sentences as this is exploded. The older editions generally have it.

Similar constructions are S. 10. 64, "Fuerit Lucilius inquam Comis et

urbanus; fuerit limatior--sed ille," etc.; S. 3. 15, "Decies centena

dedisses:--quinque diebus nil erat in loculis"; S. ii. 6. 50; Epp. i. 1.

87; and many other places.

46. _plus ac meus:_] This construction occurs again, S. i. 6. 130; 10.

34, 59; ii. 3. 270. Cicero likewise uses 'ac' with the comparative (Ad

Att. xiii. 2), "Diutius abfuturus ac nollem." 'Plus quam' occurs

immediately below. The scene that follows is that of a rich man's

household preceding him to the country, a pack of slaves ('venales'),

some carrying provisions and particularly town-made bread in netted bags

('reticula'), and others with different burdens, and some with none at

all. The man who carried the bread would not get any more of it on that

account, when the rations were given out, but all would share alike.

49. _Quid referat--viventi,_] 'Refert' is 'rem fert,' and the

construction 'mea,' 'tua,' etc.; 'refert' is no more than a corruption

of 'meam,' 'tuam,' etc., 'rem fert.' So 'magni refert' is 'rem magni

fert,' 'it brings with it a matter of great price,' and 'refert viventi'

signifies 'it brings something that concerns him who lives,' that is, it

affects him, and 'quid refert' is 'wherein does it affect him?'

51. _At suave est_] 'At' introduces the supposed answer to the preceding

question. A rejoinder immediately follows to this effect: "You might as

well say, if you only wanted a pitcher of water, you had rather draw it

from a broad stream, like the Aufidus, than from the little spring by

your side. The consequence of which might be that you would be drowned."

53. _cumeris_] Acron explains 'cumera' as a large basket of wicker-work,

or earthen-ware vessel like a 'dolium,' in which the poorer sort kept

their wheat.

54. _liquidi_] This word is used for 'aqua' by Ovid (Met. v. 454): "Cum

liquido mixta perfundit diva polenta." The 'urna,' one of the Roman

liquid measures, contained half an 'amphora,' or twenty four

'sextarii.' As observed before (C. iii. 19. 14), the 'cyathus' contained

one twelfth of a 'sextarius,' which was one forty-eighth of an

'amphora.'

55. _malim_] 'Malim' simply means 'I would rather'; 'mallem' (the

reading of the early editions), 'I would have done it if I could, but

the time is past.' The Aufidus (Horace's native river, C. iii. 30. 10)

is still described as a rapid and violent stream at some seasons.

61. _bona pars_] 'The greater part.' A. P. 297: "Bona pars non ungues

ponere curat." On 'cupido,' see C. ii. 16. 15, n.

62. _quia tanti quantum habeas sis._] 'because you are valued according

to your wealth.'

63. _illi?_] 'Such a man as this.' 'Quatenus' signifies 'since.' 'Bid

him be miserable, since he likes to be so.' 'Facio' is sometimes used in

this way. See C. iii. 24. 30. The story that follows may have been

picked up by Horace at Athens, or invented by him. The language

('sibilat--plaudo') is taken from the theatre.

68. _Tantalus_] See Epod. xvii. 66, n.

69. _Quid rides?_] The miser is supposed to laugh at Horace's trite

illustration, and the solemn way in which it is announced.

71. _tamquam parcere sacris_] This appears to have been a proverbial

expression. See S. ii. 3. 109, sq.

72. _Cogeris_] 'you force yourself.'

74. _sextarius,_] See v. 54, n. A 'sextarius' of wine would be enough

for one temperate man's consumption in a day.

78. _compilent fugientes,_] 'rob you, and run away.'

79. _pauperrimus--bonorum._] C. iii. 30. 11: "Pauper aquae Daunus." S.

ii. 3. 142.

80. _At si condoluit_] This is an argument urged by the avaricious man:

'If you have money, you will have anxious friends to nurse you in

sickness.' The answer is, 'Your nearest relatives have no wish you

should live, and no wonder either, since you prefer your money to all

the world.'

_tentatum frigore_] 'Tentatum' is the word commonly used in connection

with diseases.

85. _pueri atque puellae._] This, which appears to be a proverbial sort

of expression, occurs again S. ii. 3. 130.

86. _argento post omnia ponas,_] i.e. 'postponas omnia argento.'

88. _An si cognatos,_] 'But say, if you seek to retain and keep the

affection of those relations whom nature gives you without any trouble

of your own, would you lose your labor, like the luckless fool that

tries to turn an ass into a racer?' Training an ass to run in the Campus

Martius among the thorough-bred horses that were there exercised (see C.

i. 8. 5; iii. 12. 8) was perhaps a proverbial way of expressing lost

labor. 'Amicos' belongs to 'cognatos' in the way I have translated it,

and 'servare amicos' is 'to keep them fond of you.'

92. _quaerendi,_] 'money-getting.' 'Plus' means 'a superfluity.'

94. _ne facias_] 'Lest you fare,' μὴ πράσσης.

95. _Ummidius quidam;_] Who this person was, is unknown. All that can be

safely said of him is what Horace says, that he was very rich and mean,

and that he was murdered by one of his freedwomen (his mistress

probably), who, Horace says, was as stout-hearted as Clytemnestra, the

bravest of her family, who killed her husband Agamemnon. 'Tyndaridarum'

is masculine: 'Tyndaridum' would be the feminine form. The sons of

Tyndarus, therefore, as well as his daughters, should, strictly

speaking, be included.

97. _adusque_] Forcellini gives only two other instances of this word

from writings of Horace's day,--Virgil (Aen. xi. 262), and Horace

himself (S. i. 5. 96). It is only an inversion of 'usque ad,' 'every

step to.'

101. _ut vivam Maenius?_] The construction is the same as "discinctus

aut perdam nepos" (Epod. i. 34), where it has been proposed to insert

'ut' before 'nepos.' Mænius and Nomentanus appear to have been

squanderers of money, and good livers, according to the obvious meaning

of this passage. They are united again in S. i. 8. 11, ii. 1. 21, where

the former appears under the name Pantolabus, one who lays his hands on

anything he can get (πάντα λαβών), or borrows money from any one who

will lend it. He spent his money and turned parasite. Both Mænius and

Nomentanus are names used by Lucilius for characters of the same kind,

and Horace may very probably have only borrowed the names to represent

some living characters, whom he does not choose to point out by their

own names. Nomentanus was the name of one of the guests at the dinner of

Nasidienus (S. ii. 8. 25). He appears again, S. ii. 3. 224, sqq.

103. _Frontibus adversis componere:_] These words go together, 'to bring

face to face, and compare or match.'

104. _vappam_] 'Vappa,' wine which has got flat and sour, expresses a

worn-out debauchee: 'nebulo,' a frivolous fellow, light as a mist

('nebula').

105. _Tanaïn--socerumque Visellî._] The Scholiast says that Horace has

conveyed under these names a well-known Greek proverb. What the

distinction between them may have been, is unknown.

108. _nemo ut avarus_] 'I return to that point from which I have

digressed, how that no covetous man is satisfied with himself.' The

reading is not certain, and the hiatus is unusual. Horace qualifies the

general assertion he made at the outset, by limiting his remark to the

avaricious. See note on v. 28; and on 'laudet,' see v. 3.

114. _Ut, quum carceribus_] These lines are a little like the last three

verses of Virgil's first Georgic.

119. _Cedat uti conviva satur,_] These are so like the words of

Lucretius (iii. 951), that perhaps Horace remembered them when he

wrote,--

"Cur non ut plenus vitae conviva recedis,

Aequo animoque capis securam, stulte, quietem?"

120. _Crispini scrinia lippi_] We know nothing about Crispinus. The

fertility of his pen has profited him nothing. He was more anxious to

write much than to write well. See S. i. 4. 14, sqq. Crispinus appears

in the third Satire of this book (v. 139), where he is the only

attendant of the would-be 'rex.' He appears again in S. ii. 7. 45.

'Lippi' is used for mental blindness.

SATIRE II.

This Satire, the coarsest of all written by Horace, seems to have been

suggested by the death of Tigellius, a celebrated musician of the time.

It is directed against the tendency of men to run into extremes, and to

pass from one extreme to the other. Illustrations of this subject are

drawn from the social life of Rome. The ideas and the language are

marked by a grossness which is unusual with Horace.

SATIRE III.

The last Satire was, as has been said, written on the death of one

Tigellius, an eminent musician, a native of Sardinia, and a friend of

Julius Cæsar. Some of the vices and follies of the age are attacked in

strong language, and besides Tigellius, who was dead, it is probable

many living persons felt injured by that Satire, and perhaps by others

that have not come down to us. We may infer from the present poem, that

Horace wished to clear himself from the imputation of a censorious

spirit, and so to set himself right with Mæcenas and his friends. The

connection between the two Satires is seen in the opening of this, in

which Tigellius is again introduced, and the peculiarities of his

character described, for no other reason, as it would seem, than to

serve as a text for the discourse that follows, on the duty of judging

others charitably, as we wish to be judged ourselves. In the course of

his remarks on this subject, Horace falls upon two of the Stoic

absurdities; one, that all faults are alike (v. 96, sqq.), which he

meets by the Epicurean absurdity that expediency is the foundation of

right; and the other, that every wise man (that is, every Stoic) is

endowed with all the gifts of art and fortune, from the skill of the

mechanic to the power of a king. With a jest upon this folly the Satire

closes.

4. _Tigellius_] See Introduction. This person is described as a

capricious, inconsistent man, of whom you never could tell what he would

do next.

6. _ab ovo Usque ad mala_] The 'promulsis,' otherwise called 'gustus,'

preceded the regular meal, and consisted of things calculated to provoke

the appetite, of which a list is given in the eighth Satire of the

second book, v. 8, sq., where, however, eggs are not mentioned, but they

were usual, and 'ab ovo usque ad mala,' 'from the eggs to the dessert,'

was a common way of speaking. The 'gustus' was eaten with a draught of

'mulsum' (S. ii. 2. 15, n.) sometimes before they sat down, or even

before they left the bath.

7. _citaret, Io Bacche!_] This use of 'citare,' 'to shout,' is not

common. There were convivial songs among the Greeks to which they gave

the name ἰόβακχοι. Several fragments of such songs by Archilochus have

been preserved. The final syllable in 'Bacche' is lengthened, and should

properly be pronounced as the singer might be supposed to pronounce it.

_modo summa_] The strings in the tetrachord, or harp with four strings,

which continued to be used even after the heptachord was invented (see

A. P. 83, n.), from which the low notes proceeded, were uppermost as the

player held it in his hand, and the notes of the voice which

corresponded with these are expressed by 'summa voce.' For the same

reason, the high notes would be those which harmonized with the lowest

of the strings. The 'summa chorda' was called in Greek ὑπάτη, and the

'ima' νήτη. 'Chordis' is the dative case, the literal translation being,

'that voice which is the lowest (where, for the above reason, those

notes are called the lowest which we should call the highest), and that

echoes to the four strings.'

11. _Junonis sacra ferret;_] This refers to the 'canephoroe,' damsels

who carried the basket of sacred instruments on their head at

sacrifices. Those of Juno are mentioned here; but the practice was

observed at all sacrifices.

_habebat saepe ducentos,_] Ten slaves were a very small household for a

rich man, and Tigellius was rich. The number of slaves in wealthy houses

in primitive times was small, but afterwards grew to an extraordinary

number.

12. _modo reges atque tetrarchas,_] 'Modo,' as an adverb of time,

signifies 'now,' or some time not far from the present. It is the

ablative of 'modus,' 'measure,' and 'modo' is 'within measure,' and

therefore its sense is confined to limited quantities. Compare the use

of 'modo' and 'admodum' in Terence (Hec. iii. 5. 8): "Advenis modo? Pam.

Admodum." 'Are you coming now?--Just now.' 'Modo' thus comes to have the

meaning of 'nunc,' and to be used in the same combinations, as here

'nunc reges--loquens; nunc, sit mihi mensa tripes' would have the same

meaning; and likewise in S. 10. 11. Tetrarchs were properly governors of

a fourth part of a province or other territorial division; but the

title was not so limited in practice. It was a title originally confined

to the petty princes of Asia Minor; the Romans gave it to different

members of Herod's family, who succeeded to different parts of his

dominions.

13. _mensa tripes_] This was the simplest and most old-fashioned shape,

and the tables were small, only suited to a person dining by himself, or

with one or two companions. The wealthy Romans were very extravagant

about their tables. See S. ii. 2. 4, n. The salt-cellar was usually,

except among the poorest sort, of silver, and an heirloom. It stood in

the middle of the table, and had a sacred character. See C. ii. 16. 14.

As to 'concha,' see C. ii. 8. 23, n. 'Puri' means 'clean.'

15. _Decies centena_] 'A million of sesterces,'--a common way of

expressing the largest number. The sestertium was a sum of money equal

to 1,000 sestertii, each sestertius being of the value of twopence and a

very small fraction, of English money. After 'centena' must be

understood 'millia.' On the construction, see above, S. 1. 45, n. 'Erat'

is used in an uncommon way; ἦν ἄν would be the Greek equivalent. It is a

loose, conversational way of speaking.

19. _Nunc aliquis dicat mihi:_] Here we leave Tigellius, and enter upon

the subject of mutual charity in judging of each other.

20. _Immo alia_] Professor Key has given the precise meaning of 'immo'

here (L. G. 1429): "'Immo' seems to have signified properly an assent

with an important qualification." This explanation is borne out by the

etymology of the word, which is compounded of 'in' and 'modo.' The

qualification is found in 'et fortasse minora.' Horace means to say, he

admits he has his faults, though they may not be so glaring as those of

Tigellius, and he is not so selfish and foolish as Mænius (see S. 1. 101

of this book), who reviled the man Novius behind his back, and, when

told to look at his own faults, said he made excuses for himself which

he would not make for others. Novius may be anybody: we know nothing

about him. Whether he has any connection with the Novius mentioned in

the sixth Satire of this book, v. 40, the plebeian tribune, or the

usurer in v. 121 of the same Satire, it is impossible to say. 'Dare

verba' means to give words in the place of facts, to deceive.

24. _improbus_] See C. iii. 24. 62, n. 'Amor' means 'self-love.' As to

'notari,' see S. 6. 14.

25. _Cum tua pervideas_] 'While you see through your own faults, as well

as a blear-eyed man sees with his eyes smeared with ointment.'

27. _serpens Epidaurius?_] The serpents of Epidaurus (on the Sinus

Saronicus) were proverbial, in consequence of Æsculapius having been

conveyed in the form of a serpent from that place, where above others he

was worshipped, to Rome, to avert a pestilence. (See Liv. Epit. lib.

xi.)

29. _Iracundior est paulo,_] Horace is illustrating here the tendency of

those quick-sighted critics of their neighbors' characters to magnify

the faults they find. The first instance is of a man who is sensitive

under ('not suited for') the sharp judgment of the men of that day

('horum hominum'), men who had the keenness of a bloodhound's scent in

finding out defects, and no delicacy in proclaiming them. 'Rusticius'

belongs to 'tonso,' and 'defluit' is absolute, 'hangs down.' 'Male'

belongs to 'laxus.' (See v. 45, and C. i. 17. 25, n.) To be slipshod

(μείζω τοῦ ποδὸς ὑποδήματα φορεῖν, Theophr. Char. 4) has always been the

proverbial characteristic of a sloven. "Nec vagus in laxa pes tibi pelle

natet" (Ovid, A. A. i. 516). 'At' is often repeated in the same way as

here by Cicero.

34. _hoc sub corpore._] He speaks as if the man were before him.

35. _Concute_] The metaphor is probably derived from the shaking of a

cloak, or anything of that sort, to see if there is anything hid in it.

It means 'to search,' as suspected persons are searched by the police.

'Excutio' is used in that connection. See Phædrus (Fab. v. 16):

"Sic porcelli vocem est imitatus sua

Verum ut subesse pallio contenderent

Et excuti juberent."

37. _Neglectis urenda filix_] This has the appearance of a proverb.

Virgil calls the fern "curvis invisam aratris."

38. _Illuc praevertamur,_] 'Before we go further, let us first turn our

attention to this, namely, how lovers are blind to the faults of their

mistresses.' Balbinus and Hagna are persons unknown. The former is a

Roman name. Hagna is derived from ἁγνή, 'pure.' The first syllable of

'polypus' is always long, though derived from πολὺς ποῦς, the Æolic

form, πωλύς, being followed rather than the Attic.

42. _nomen virtus posuisset_] The Romans used 'ponere nomen,' after the

Greek ὄνομα τιθέναι.

44. _strabonem Appellat paetum_] The difference between 'strabo' and

'paetus' is one only of degree; 'strabo' signifies 'squinting';

'paetus,' 'a slight cast of the eye,' which is by some considered a

beauty, whence Venus had the epithet 'paeta' applied to her. Sisyphus

was the name of a dwarf kept by M. Antonius. Dwarfs were kept by the

rich to amuse them and play to them, for they were generally instructed

in music. That 'varus' is a soft term for those who have bent legs, and

'scaurus' for one whose ankles are ricketty, we may gather from this

passage. From 'varus' is derived 'praevaricari,' 'to shuffle.'

49. _frugi_] See S. ii. 5. 77, n.

_Ineptus_] This word signifies want of tact. Cicero thus defines the

word (De Or. ii. 4): "Qui aut tempus quid postulet non videt, aut plura

loquitur aut se ostentat--aut denique in aliquo genere aut inconcinnus

aut multus est, is ineptus dicitur." Such a man's failing is to be

softened down, Horace says, into a wish to make himself agreeable to his

friends. 'Truculentior' means coarse and approaching to brutality in his

behavior. 'Acres' means 'high-spirited.'

56. _Sincerum cupimus vas incrustare._] 'We are ready and even anxious

to foul the clean vessel.' This is the original meaning of 'sincerus.'

57. _multum demissus homo:_] 'Demissus' is used in a bad sense: 'a very

abject fellow,' 'a driveller.' Compare v. 147 of S. ii. 3, "multum celer

atque fidelis"; "multum similis metuenti" (S. ii. 5. 92).

58. _Tardo cognomen_] 'Another because he is slow we call fat, lazy.'

The dative 'pingui' is correct, as "cui nunc cognomen Iulo Additur"

(Aen. i. 267). It is the common construction, in prose as well as

poetry, to put the name in the dative.

59. _malo_] This is masculine: he lays himself open to no malignant

person, gives him no handle. 'Hoc genus vitae' means men who live on the

principles of the present day; like 'horum hominum' (v. 30).

63. _Simplicior quis et est,_] By 'simplicior' Horace means

'unsophisticated': one who in the simplicity of his feelings may perhaps

sometimes obtrude himself upon those he likes, thinking he must be

welcome because he is himself pleased to meet them. He says he has often

acted in that way with Mæcenas.

65. _impellat_] 'Impellere' means here 'to interrupt' or 'intrude upon':

he breaks in upon one when reading or meditating, with some irrelevant

talk. 'Common sense,' for which the Greeks had the expression ὁ κοινὸς

νοῦς, is so called, not as being exercised upon common, every-day

things, but as being supposed to be common property, and not confined to

the learned.

67. _legem sancimus_] 'Sancire legem' is properly to give full effect to

a law, by inserting a penalty for the breach of it. See Cic. de Am. c.

13 (Long): "Haec igitur prima lex amicitiae sanciatur."

70. _Cum mea compenset vitiis bona;_] 'Cum' belongs to 'vitiis.'

'Compensare' is a legal term. 'Compensatio' is a 'set-off.'

72. _trutina_] This word applies equally to the 'libra,' a balance with

two scales ('lances'), and to the 'statera,' or steelyard, both of which

were in common use among the Romans. 'In trutina ponetur eadem,' 'he

shall be weighed in the same balance,' is another, but not very exact,

way of saying, he shall be tried by the same standard, his character

shall be estimated in the same way. 'Hac lege' is 'on this condition.'

76. _quatenus excidi penitus_] He now draws his conclusion from the

preceding remarks. 'In short, inasmuch as (C. iii. 24. 30) the vice of

passion and all other vices that cleave to us fools cannot be entirely

eradicated, we ought to judge others as we judge ourselves, and visit

each fault with no more than its due censure.' Literally, 'Why does not

our judgment use its own weights and measures, and, according to the

circumstances of each case, check faults with their penalties?' All were

fools with the Stoics, who were not wise after their fashion.

80. _patinam_] 'Pisces patinarii' were boiled fish served up with sauce

in an open dish.

82. _In cruce suffigat,_] Cicero has the expressions 'in crucem

sublatum' (Verr. ii. 5. 3), 'ad palum alligatos' (Ib. c. 6), which have

the same meaning. In the latter place he has the construction "damnatis

crucem servis fixeras." See Dict. Antt. art. 'Crux,' for an account of

the punishment by crucifixion, which was only inflicted as a general

rule upon slaves or the worst sort of malefactors. A master might put

his slave to death, or punish him in any other way he pleased.

_Labeone insanior_] Different persons are identified with this Labeo,

but it is impossible to say who is meant.

84. _paulum deliquit amicus,_] 'Say your friend has committed a small

fault; such that, if you do not excuse it, you must be looked upon as

harsh; you hate him in your bitterness, and run away from him.'

'Concedo' is used in this way by other writers.

86. _Rusonem_] Ruso, whoever he was, seems to have made a stipulation

with his debtors that they should, besides paying interest, listen to

his recitations of his own writings. 'Historias' means tales or

narratives of some sort. See C. iii. 7. 20.

87. _tristes--Kalendae_] See note on Epod. ii. 70. 'Merces' is used only

by Horace in the sense of 'usurae,' 'interest' (S. 2. 14). It signifies

money paid for rent (see S. ii. 2. 115), or for the use of anything.

90. _catillum Evandri manibus tritum_] A plate that had been used by

Evander, the old king and ally of Æneas; an exaggeration meant to

heighten the absurdity of the man.

92. _Aut positum ante_] The words are not very regularly placed. 'Or

because to the chicken served on my part of the dish he helps himself

before me, in the eagerness of his hunger.' The meats were cut up on a

side table by a slave called 'structor,' and the guests helped

themselves with their fingers, and threw the bones and remnants on the

floor. The man who had a dish before him, and fancied a particular part

of it, might count it unmannerly if his neighbor stretched out his hand

and took what he had set his heart upon.

95. _fide_] This is a form both of the genitive and dative. See C. iii.

7. 4: "Constantis juvenem fide." As to 'sponsum,' see S. ii. 6. 23.

96. _Quis paria esse fere_] See Introduction. This common doctrine of

the Stoics is noticed by Cicero (De Fin. iv. 19) and condemned on the

principles of common sense and truth, as here. 'Laborant,' 'they are in

a dilemma.'

98. _justi prope mater_] In making expediency the parent of justice, or

something like it ('prope,' S. ii. 3. 32), Horace follows an Epicurean

notion. One of the dogmas of Epicurus appears to have been, that justice

was nothing by itself, but merely a social compact, by which men bound

themselves to abstain from injuring one another: a very narrow view of

the case. The Stoics had more true notions of Justice, whom they held to

be the daughter of Zeus.

99. _Cum prorepserunt_] He goes on to illustrate this doctrine, saying

that men lived at first like beasts, till expediency taught them to make

laws.

102. _usus,_] Here this signifies 'need.' It generally occurs (in this

sense) in combination with 'est' or 'venit.'

103. _Donec verba_] 'Verba nominaque' embraces all the parts of speech,

like the Greek ὀνόματα καὶ ῥήματα. (A. P. 234.) 'Notae' are symbols, as

in short-hand writing for instance; and this line may perhaps be most

accurately rendered, 'till they invented language, whereby they could

give a symbolical form to the sounds of their voice, and to their

feelings.'

110. _Viribus editior_] 'Superior in strength.' 'Editus' is used for

'exalted,' 'high.' It nowhere else appears in the sense Horace gives it

here.

111. _Jura inventa metu injusti_] If this be admitted, as of course it

must be, then Injustice--and, if so, Justice--was anterior to any laws

or social compact, express or implied; so that the doctrine above laid

down falls to the ground; and that justice of which expediency is said

to be the mother, turns out to be nothing more than magistrates'

justice,--the justice of statutes, which may be just or unjust.

112. _evolvere_] This word which signifies 'to read,' is taken from the

unrolling of a parchment 'usque ad umbilicum.' See Epod. xiv. 8, n. As

to 'fastos,' see C. iii. 17. 4, n. Epp. ii. 1. 48, n.

114. _bona diversis,_] 'Bona' means things which it is good to have and

to get, not virtues, but the gifts of fortune and such like.

115. _Nec vincet ratio hoc,_] 'Nor will any logic prove this.' 'Vincere

causam' is an ordinary expression for winning a cause. 'Idem' is

explained by 'tantundem,' the same in degree of guilt.

117. _sacra divum legerit._] 'Legere' is not uncommonly used in the

sense of robbing. Hence our word 'sacrilege.'

119. _Ne scutica dignum_] The epithet 'horribili' belongs to 'flagello,'

which was a severer instrument than the 'scutica,' and was sometimes

constructed with horrible cruelty, and fatal in its application. The

'scutica' had but one thong, of leather. 'Ferula' was a switch, usually

from the vine. The Latin derivatives from σκῦτος are short in the first

syllable. There are other instances (as 'anchŏra' from ἄγκῡρα, 'crĕpida'

from κρηπίς, etc.) in which the quantity of the Greek vowel is changed

in the Latin.

120. _ut ferula caedas_] The rule in respect to verbs of fearing is that

"the Latin inserts a negative where the English has none, and _vice

versa_," that is, 'vereor ne' means 'I fear it will'; 'vereor ut,' 'I

fear it will not.' There is no deviation from the rule here; for the

position of 'ut' makes it independent of 'vereor.' 'For that you should

beat,' or 'as to your beating with a switch one who deserves to undergo

a severer flogging, of this I have no fear.'

122. _Furta latrociniis_] This is not strictly a technical distinction,

nor is 'latrocinium' a technical term. All robbery was 'furtum,' whether

attended with violence or not; but Horace means to distinguish between

thefts without violence and robbery with violence ('rapina'). 'Cum

dicas,' 'though you do say.'

124. _Si dives qui sapiens est,_] The word 'regnum' turns the discourse

to another doctrine of the Stoics not connected with the main subject of

the Satire, namely, that the sage is the only rich, capable, handsome

man, and a king. The absurdity of the doctrine, which is repeated in

Epp. i. 1. 107, consists not so much in the statement that the wise

man's intelligence contains in itself the germ of all practical

knowledge, and that such knowledge is power, as in the limitation of

wisdom to the pale of a sect, and the attempt to give a practical

application to a notion of this kind.

127. _Chrysippus dicat:_] The later Stoics looked to Chrysippus as the

founder of their philosophy; but he adhered, with little essential

deviation, to the doctrines taught him by his master Cleanthes, and

Cleanthes was a devoted disciple of Zeno. He was born at a town in

Cilicia, B.C. 280, and was a very voluminous writer. 'Inquit' means that

some Stoic says this, including from 'non nosti' to 'sapiens,' and after

'qui?' to 'sic rex' (v. 133). What he means to affirm in reply to the

taunt 'cur optas quod habes?' is, that a man may be, in the Stoic sense,

a king, and yet not be in a condition to exercise authority, as an

artisan or a singer may still be great in his calling, even when he has

laid aside the practice of it.

_crepidas--soleas_] 'Crepida' (κρηπίς) was a low shoe or slipper copied

from the Greeks and worn in undress: 'solea' was a plain sandal fastened

over the instep by a strap, and worn by men as the 'sandalium' was worn

by women. The 'soccus' was not materially different from the 'crepida,'

and the 'Gallica,' adopted from Gaul, was like the 'solea.' None of

these were walking shoes ('calcei') fit for wet or dirty roads, but were

ordinarily worn only in the house.

129. _Hermogenes_] This person has been confounded with Tigellius, whose

death is mentioned in the second Satire, and whose character is

described at the beginning of this. Hermogenes is also called Tigellius

in S. 4. 72; 10. 80, 90. But as he is always spoken of as alive, it is

impossible he can be Tigellius the Sardinian, to whom there are no

grounds for giving the name Hermogenes, though the Scholiasts give it

him. Hermogenes Tigellius was a teacher of music (S. 10. 90), and

(whether ironically or not it is not easy to say) Horace calls him a

first-rate singer here, and implies as much in S. 9. 25. But he had a

contempt for him in other respects as appears from S. 4. 72; 10. 17

(where he calls him a coxcomb); and 10. 79 (where he introduces him with

a fool for his friend or parasite). He may have had some private pique

against him.

130. _Alfenius vafer,_] Who Alfenius was, is very doubtful, and the

reading 'sutor' is not quite certain. Some editions have 'tonsor.' From

'erat' it has been inferred that Alfenius was dead when the Satire was

written. It merely means, that, though he threw up his trade, he still

continued to be a 'sutor.'

133. _Vellunt tibi barbam_] The Romans of this period did not usually

wear beards. But those who affected philosophy let theirs grow, and may

have been hooted and insulted by the boys in the streets for doing so

(see S. ii. 3. 17).

137. _Ne longum faciam:_] The chief subject of the Satire is a

censorious temper. To this Horace returns, and says that, as long as he

can live on terms of mutual indulgence with his friends, the Stoics and

their crabbed doctrines are nothing to him: he will be happier than all

the self-styled kings in the world.

_dum tu quadrante lavatum_] 'Quadrante lavari' (Juvenal, S. vi. 447) was

an expression equivalent to taking a public bath, because a 'quadrans'

was the ordinary fee paid by each visitor. But it may be inferred from

Horace's words, that they who paid this sum were not the richer sort of

bathers; for he seems to say, 'While you, a fine king as you are, go and

bathe for a quadrans.' The rich may perhaps have paid more, and had more

privacy and better bathing and attendance. The 'quadrans,' which was the

fourth of an 'as,' and therefore the sixty-fourth part of a 'denarius,'

after the reduction of the 'as' to one sixteenth of that coin, was of

the value of about half a farthing of English money, taking the value

of the 'denarius' at 8½_d_. The Romans were great bathers.

139. _Crispinum_] See S. i. 1. 120, n. The bodyguards of kings were

called 'stipatores.' Horace therefore uses the word ironically in that

sense.

SATIRE IV.

Here again Horace is at pains to defend himself from the charge of

malevolence. This charge, no doubt, was loudly brought against him by

those who were or thought themselves the objects of his satire; and he

attributes it, as well as the neglect his poems experienced compared

with the inferior poetry of the day and the old poetry of Lucilius, to

the jealousy and fears of the multitude, every man apprehending that he

may be attacked next; and also in some measure to a false taste, which

preferred a wordy, flowing style to the terseness and accuracy of his

own. His object is to contrast his own style and pretensions with those

of Lucilius and of the Crispinuses and Fanniuses of the day, as well as

to quiet the apprehensions of his friends, and disarm the malignity of

his enemies. Everybody must admire the way in which he takes occasion,

from the necessity of self-defence, to pay a tribute of grateful

affection to his father's memory; and it would be difficult to find a

more pleasing picture of paternal solicitude and sound sense, as applied

to a boy's education, than Horace has drawn in the latter part of this

Satire.

1. _Eupolis atque Cratinus Aristophanesque_] He begins by describing the

character of Lucilius as a satirist, and says he followed in the steps

of the old Greek comedians. The Greek comedy was divided by the

Alexandrine grammarians into three periods, the Old, the Middle, and the

New. The three persons here named were the chief poets of the Old

Comedy. Cratinus was the eldest of the three, and died B.C. 422, when

Aristophanes was a young man. He was the last of that period. The other

writers of the Old Comedy, whom Horace alludes to with respect, are very

little known to us. Horace fixes on the Comoedia Prisca, because the

subsequent phases of the Greek Comic Drama were not of the same

personally satirical cast, the license granted to the old writers having

been taken away by law. The words 'poëtae' and 'virorum' are used

emphatically, as below in S. 10. 16: "Illi scripta quibus comoedia

prisca viris est."

5. _multa cum libertate notabant._] During the period of the Old Comedy,

the law of Athens did not interfere with the poet's liberty of speech,

except upon two occasions, when psephisms were passed prohibiting the

introduction upon the stage of living characters as objects of satire by

name,--a restriction of no great force, since the substitution of a

feigned name, slightly altered from the true, would make the allusions

equally intelligible and more ridiculous. Neither of these psephisms

lasted more than a couple of years. See S. i. 6. 14, n., on 'notare.'

6. _Hinc omnis pendet Lucilius,_] 'Hinc' means 'upon them,' as 'unde' is

elsewhere used with reference to persons. What Horace says of Lucilius

is briefly this: that his whole strength was laid out on the satirizing

of vice in the persons of living characters, that he especially imitated

herein the writers of the Old Comedy, only changing their metre; that he

was funny ('facetus') and acute ('emunctae naris'), but harsh in his

style of versification; wordy and sometimes vulgar, in consequence of

the haste with which he wrote and his impatience of the trouble of

correcting. He adds below (S. 10. 3), that the most idolatrous admirer

of Lucilius could not deny that his style was uncouth. He there also

adds, that Lucilius loved to mix up Greek words with his own language

(v. 20), that he was good-tempered, notwithstanding his satirical vein

(v. 53), and again that he was very unreserved and frank (S. ii. 1.

30-34). The fragments of Lucilius that have come down to us are too

short to form a very accurate opinion upon, but in some points, at

least, (such as the absurd mixture of Greek and Latin,) they bear out

Horace's statements.

7. _Mutatis tantum pedibus_] The writings of Lucilius appear to have

been very early divided by the grammarians into thirty books, of which

two thirds were written in hexameter verse, and the rest in the iambic

and trochaic measures. That Lucilius imitated the comedians in all but

their measures, cannot be true. The character of their plays could not

be transferred to satirical poems like his, though some of their

features might suit, as their coarseness and personalities.

8. _Emunctae naris,_] 'Emunctae naris' is one who has his nose well

wiped, and is therefore no driveller. Phædrus explains it in his

description of Æsop (1. iii. f. 3, v. 14):--

"Aesopus ibi stans naris emunctae senex,

Natura nunquam verba cui poterit dare."

'Emungere' is used by the comic writers for 'cheating,' as among other

places (see A. P. 238) in the fragment from the Epiclerus of Cæcilius

quoted by Cicero de Am. 26. "To wipe a man's nose for him, is, to imply

that he is a driveller who cannot do it for himself, and hence it means

to 'outwit' and to 'cheat' him." (Long in loco.) Others explain

'emunctae naris' as 'keen-scented,' like a hound, which is wrong.

10. _versus dictabat_] See S. 10. 92, n. The words 'stans pede in uno'

mean with the utmost facility, or 'standing at ease,' as we might say.

Others explain 'stans pede in uno' to mean within the time a man could

stand on one foot. The other is right.

11. _Cum flueret lutulentus_] 'Lutulentus' combines two notions,

dirtiness and obscurity. Lucilius may have imitated the obscenity of the

old comedians; and in this, as in other respects, his verse may have

been like a muddy stream. The word, no doubt, comprehends defects of

taste as well as style.

12. _piger scribendi ferre laborem,_] 'Piger ferre' is a Greek

construction, common in the Odes, but not so in the language of the

Satires. (See C. i. 1. 18, n.) In C. iv. 14. 22, we have 'impiger' in

the same construction.

14. _Crispinus minimo_] See S. i. 1. 120, n. 'Minimo me provocat,' 'he

offers me the greatest odds,' literally, 'he challenges me at the

smallest amount' to be staked on my side, while he puts down a large one

on his. The mention of the negligent way in which Lucilius wrote, leads

on to the mention of small poets of the day, Crispinus and Fannius. See

Introduction.

15. _Accipiam tabulas;_] This is nothing more than a polite challenge to

see which could write most verses in a given time. 'Take tablets if you

please, and I will take them too.' The omission of the personal pronoun

before 'accipiam' to express antithesis, is nothing in familiar talk,

where there could be no mistake. 'Custodes' are umpires to see that

there is no foul play.

18. _raro et perpauca loquentis._] 'The gods have done me a kindness in

making me of a poor and unpretending disposition, that speaks but

seldom, and very little at a time.' This is Horace's reply to the

challenge, which he declines.

19. _At tu conclusas_] Persius imitates this, S. v. 10.

21. _Beatus Fannius_] This Fannius is spoken of in another place (S. i.

10. 80) as a contemptible person, and a parasite of Hermogenes Tigellius

(S. 3. 129, n.). It appears probable, from Horace's words, that he had

his admirers, as rant and emptiness will always have, and that they

made him a present, by way of a testimonial as it is called, of a set of

handsome 'capsae' and a bust. The 'capsa' was a round box, suited to

hold one or more rolled volumes. The larger sort was called 'scrinium.'

22. _cum mea nemo_] See Introduction. That Horace wrote many pieces

which have not been preserved, appears clear from this passage and v.

71, sqq.

23. _vulgo recitare timentis_] See note on v. 73. The usage which leaves

the personal pronoun to be inferred from the possessive, is common both

in Greek and Latin. (See C. iii. 22. 6.) Compare Ovid (Heroid. v. 45):

"Et flesti, et nostros vidisti flentis ocellos." 'Timeo' and 'metuo' do

not govern an infinitive mood in the prose writings of Horace's day.

'Vereor' is used in that construction.

24. _sunt quos_] 'There are some who are by no means pleased with this

sort of writing, as being for the most part worthy of censure

themselves.' As to 'sunt quos,' see C. i. 1. 3, n. He seems to have

particular persons or classes in view.

26. _Aut ob avaritiam_] 'Laborare ob' is an unusual construction, and

the sentence begins with one form of expression and ends with another.

'Ambitio' generally had an epithet of a strong kind applied to it.

Horace has 'prava,' 'inanis,' 'mala,' 'misera'; and Cicero (De Off. i.

26) says, "Miserrima est omnino ambitio honorumque contentio." The

practice, therefore, seems to have been habitual, which, if we consider

the evils that arose out of personal ambition, and the eagerness with

which places of honor were sought at all times of the Republic, is not

surprising.

28. _Hunc capit argenti splendor;_] Cups and other vessels curiously

wrought in silver and Corinthian bronze, and very costly (such as

Juvenal describes, S. i. 76), were among the many objects of

extravagance at Rome. The exaggerated admiration of the persons Horace

alludes to, for such works of art, might be comparatively harmless, if

it did not lead them into dishonest ways of acquiring them, and

beggaring their families, as Albius did, of whom we know nothing. His

son is mentioned below (v. 108), as living in want through his father's

extravagance. 'Stupet,' with the ablative, occurs below (S. 6. 17); and

'torpere,' an equally strong word, is used in the same connection in S.

ii. 7. 95.

29. _Hic mutat merces_] See C. i. 31. 12, n.

_surgente a sole_, etc.] This means from east to west ("ad ortus Solis

ab Hesperio cubili," C. iv. 15. 15). 'Mutare merces' can hardly be

applied to any but a mercator. 'Mala' means dangers and hardships.

34. _Foenum habet in cornu;_] A law of the XII. Tables gave an action to

any man who was injured by a vicious animal. It became customary,

therefore, that any ox or other animal of vicious propensities should be

marked in such a way as to warn passengers, and enable them to get out

of its way. Hence the proverb, "He has a wisp of hay on his horn."

37. _a furno_] 'Furnus' is the bakehouse, to which the lower sort of

people, old women and children, carried their bread to be baked. 'Lacus'

were tanks distributed in all parts of the city, into which water was

conveyed from the aqueducts, and to which poorer persons resorted who

could not afford to have water laid on at their houses.

38. _Agedum,_] 'Dum,' as an enclitic, signifies 'awhile'; 'agedum,'

'come a moment.'

39. _Primum ego me illorum_] 'Primum' means 'in the first place'; before

I begin, let me dispose of the fallacy which classes writers like myself

among poets (the word assumed above, "Omnes hi metuunt versus, odere

poëtas," v. 33). This question occupies twenty-four verses, after which

he returns to the main point, which is the odium attaching to writers of

Satire. The dative is commonly used after 'licet esse,' 'datur esse,'

etc. See S. i. 1. 19; 2. 51. A. P. 372.

40. _concludere versum_] This expression is repeated below (S. 10. 59:

"si quis pedibus quid claudere senis").

42. _Sermoni propiora:_] 'Sermoni' means common conversation. Hence the

name 'Sermones' given to the Satires and Epistles.

43. _os Magna sonaturum,_] This form does not appear elsewhere in this

word. Cicero uses 'praestaturus,' and Sall. (Jug. 47) 'juvaturus.'

Horace has 'intonata' in Epod. ii. 51. See Virg. (Georg. iii. 294):

"Nunc veneranda Pales, magno nunc ore sonandum." The attributes of a

poet, which Horace considers essential, are genius, inspiration, and

dignified sentiments, and language suited to high subjects.

45. _Idcirco quidam_] 'In reference to this, certain persons have raised

the question whether a comedy was or was not a poem': "utrum comoedia

esset poëma necne esset." This is a grammarian's question, and depends

upon the definition assumed for a poem, in which, however, imagination

is generally supposed to have a conspicuous place, and this would

exclude the comedies of Plautus and Terence, and their Greek originals

of the New Comedy, from the title of poetry. But the same rule would

exclude much more that has passed for poetry, with less pretension to

the name even than Horace's Satires, or the Heautontimorumenos. 'Quidam'

signifies the grammarians of Alexandria.

48. _Differt sermoni_] 'Discrepare,' 'dissidere,' 'distare,' 'differre,'

Horace uses with the dative (see C. i. 27. 5, n.), but the two last also

with the ablative and 'ab.' "It must not be supposed, however, that

'from' can in any way be the signification of the dative," which remark

Professor Key applies to the analogous construction in use by the poets

with verbs of taking away.

_At pater ardens_] Demea in the Adelphi of Terence, and Plautus's

Theuropides are instances in point. 'At,' which usually in such places

introduces an objection, here seems to be the remark of one who supposed

that the fury and ranting of the enraged father in the comedy might be

supposed to partake of the fire of poetry. But Horace disposes of the

objection very easily. Any father who had such a son as Pomponius, for

instance, a dissolute youth (of whom we know nothing more), would

probably storm at him in much the same terms that the man on the stage

uses. It was the aim of the New Comedy, which the Roman writers

followed, to put real life upon the stage by means of a plot natural and

probable, and to represent men and women as they were seen and heard

every day, in which it differed essentially from the Old Comedy, a mere

vehicle for political and personal satire.

54. _puris--verbis,_] 'Puris' corresponds to 'inornata' (A. P. 234). It

means plain language, free from any mixture of trope or other ornament.

See Terence (Heaut. Prol. 44):--

"Si quae laboriosa est ad me curritur:

Si lenis est ad alium defertur gregem.

In hac est pura oratio."

So Cicero (In Verr. ii. 4. 22) speaks of "purum argentum," plate with

the ornamental work taken off. He says it is not enough (to constitute a

poem) that it should be written throughout in plain language, which, if

you take to pieces, it will be found that any father in common life

expresses his wrath in the same terms as the father in the play.

56. _His ego quae nunc,_] 'From these verses that I now write and

Lucilius wrote formerly, if you take away certain times and measures

(measures regulated by beating time), and change the position of the

words, you will not (as you would if you broke up such a verse as the

following, Postquam, etc.) find the members of the poet thus torn to

pieces.' That is, his language would be unintelligible, or there would

be no more of the poet left.

60. _Postquam Discordia tetra_] The Scholiasts imply that this is a

verse of Ennius, but they do not say from what poem it is taken. Virgil

(Aen. i. 294) has "claudentur belli portae." As to the position of

'non,' see S. 6. 1.

63. _alias justum sit necne poëma,_] The question he has been discussing

since v. 38, namely, whether he and such as he are or are not properly

called poets, is not resumed, though we may perceive that Horace does

not consider that his arguments have quite settled it. He goes on to

show that the public have no reason to be afraid of him.

65. _Sulcius acer Ambulat et Caprius_] These persons are said by the

Scholiasts to have been public informers, or else 'causidici,'

'pleaders,' and Horace may mean that they have made themselves hoarse

with roaring in the courts. The 'libelli' they carried were their

note-books. 'Ambulat' signifies their strutting through the streets with

the consciousness that men were afraid of them. 'Delatores,'

'informers,' were more common in after years, but they were sufficiently

abundant in Horace's time. Cælius and Birrus are said by Acron to have

been profligate youths, meaning probably that they were young men of

fortune, who had run through their money and had taken to robbing.

69. _Ut sis_] 'Say that you are.' Horace says he is not like the

informers, going about seeking whom they may charge, and no one with

clean hands need be afraid of him.

71. _Nulla taberna meos habeat_] In the next place, he has no wish to

see his books in the shops and thumbed by the vulgar. The 'taberna' was

sometimes under a porticus, in which case the titles of the books for

sale within were hung upon the columns ('pilae') in front. Horace

alludes to this when he says (A. P. 372), "Mediocribus esse poëtis. Non

Dii, non homines non concessere columnae," which means that indifferent

poets would not be patronized by the booksellers. 'Habeat' expresses a

wish. On Hermogenes Tigellius, see S. 3. 129, n.

73. _Nec recito cuiquam_] Nor does he go about reciting his works in

public. This practice grew to be an intolerable nuisance in the course

of time. Persons who had money and dabbled in literature inflicted their

productions upon their clients and others, whom they bribed to listen

and applaud them. What Horace goes on to complain of are silly people

reciting their own verses in public places (the forum and the baths) to

chance acquaintances, or even strangers, and annoying the neighbors

while they gratified themselves. Round the baths were spaces called

'scholae.' On these, people sat or walked about, and conceited authors

could tease their acquaintance and the strangers that were compelled to

listen to them, and in the act of bathing they could do the same.

77. _haud illud quaerentes,_] 'Illud' is thus used commonly to introduce

something about to be mentioned.

78. _Laedere gaudes, Inquit,_] Horace has said, that, even if he does

write or recite, it is only in a private way, and no one therefore need

be afraid of him. He now disposes of the charge of writing with

malicious intent. 'Studio' is used adverbally, 'of set purpose in your

malignity you do it.'

80. _Est auctor quis denique eorum_] 'Quis' may be taken as an

interrogative or an enclitic. It is not easy to decide. As to 'auctor,'

see C. 1. 28. 14, n.

84. _commissa tacere Qui nequit;_] This, which is too commonly softened

into a weakness, the inability to keep a secret, Horace very justly

marks as one of the most prominent signs of a mischievous character. See

C. iii. 2. 25, n. On 'Romane,' see C. iii. 6. 2, n.

86. _Saepe tribus lectis_] Four persons on each 'lectus tricliniaris'

would be an unusually large party at one table. Three on each was the

usual number when the table was full. Respecting the arrangement of the

guests, see S. ii. 8. 20, n.

87. _E quibus unus amet_] 'Amet' is used in the same sense as in "umbram

hospitalem consociare amant" (C. ii. 3. 10). 'Quavis' is 'qua ratione

vis.' 'Qui praebet aquam' is an uncommon expression, but it seems to be

used for the host "qui aquam temperat ignibus." See C. iii. 19. 6, n. On

'verax Liber,' see C. i. 18. 16; iii. 21. 16; Epod. xi. 14. Epp. i. 18.

38; 5. 16. A. P. 434.

92. _Pastillos Rufillus olet,_] This verse is quoted from a former

Satire (2. 27) only to show the innocent subjects with which Horace's

satire dealt, and he goes on to show that his satire has none of the

malignity which is common in society. 'Pastillus' is a diminutive form

of 'panis,' and signifies 'a small roll,' whence in a derived sense it

came to mean small balls of perfume. Who Rufillus and Gargonius may have

been, we cannot tell.

94. _De Capitolini furtis_] Petillius Capitolinus was charged, according

to some stories, with stealing the golden crown from the statue of

Jupiter when he was in charge of the Capitol. That he was tried on some

serious charge and acquitted, and that the verdict did not escape

scandal, is clear from the context. See also S. 10. 26. The nature of

the accusation must remain a matter of doubt. We may also gather that he

was a person of influence from v. 97, which he must have been, if he was

acquitted, or supposed to have been acquitted, through the corruption of

the jury.

95. _ut tuus est mos:_] 'In your peculiar way,' that is, sarcastically.

99. _Sed tamen admiror,_] There is sarcasm in this, which Horace calls

'succus loliginis,' the dark secretion of the cuttle-fish, black and

malignant. 'Aerugo mera,' nothing but copper-rust, that eats into

character and destroys it.

102. _ut si quid_] There is a little obscurity in the construction, but

the sense is plain. 'I promise, as I truly can, if I can promise of

myself aught else with truth.' 'Promitto, ut vere possum si aliud quid

vere de me promittere possum.'

104. _hoc mihi juris_] 'So much liberty as this';--'hoc jus' would not

do.

105. _insuevit pater optimus hoc me,_] 'Suesco' and its compounds have

an active as well as a neuter signification, taking usually an

accusative of the person and dative of the thing, which order is

inverted in Virg. (Aen. vi. 833): "Ne, pueri, ne tanta animis assuescite

bella." See below, S. ii. 2. 109: "Pluribus assuerit mentem corpusque

superbum." I am not aware of any instances of a double accusative after

'suesco' except this. The construction is that of the Greeks, who said

ἐθίζειν τί τινα. 'Notando' has something of the technical sense. The

father taught his son to avoid vices, and he did so by branding them in

each instance by means of examples, which he says was the origin of his

tendency to satire. See S. i. 6. 14, n., on 'notare.'

108. _quod mi ipse parasset:_] Horace's father had lived a life of

frugal industry, and, in addition to any 'peculium' he may have laid by

as a 'servus,' he made enough money by his occupation of 'coactor' (S.

6. 86) to purchase a farm of no great value at Venusia, to pay for his

son's education at Rome, and enable him to continue it at Athens.

109. _Albi ut male vivat filius,_] See above, v. 28, n. This person, of

whom nothing is known, is to be distinguished from the coxcomb in the

sixth Satire (v. 30). Scetanius (otherwise Sectanius) is not more known

than Barrus. Trebonius was the name of a plebeian gens of some

distinction, but which of them Horace alludes to, it is impossible to

say.

115. _Sapiens vitatu quidque petitu_] 'The philosopher may give you good

reasons as to what is best to be avoided and what to be sought; I am

satisfied if I can maintain the practice of my fathers,' etc. Horace's

father had no mind to refine upon the foundation of morals, nor any

pretension to a philosophical view of these matters. He knew that right

was right and wrong was wrong, and followed the beaten track, and would

have his son do the same. Horace expresses the same below, S. 6. 82,

sqq. The whole of the passage there should be compared with this. The

elder Horace was no doubt a plain, sensible man. As to 'sapiens,' see C.

i. 34. 2.

121. _Formabat_] This is Horace's usual word for education. C. i. 10. 2:

"Qui feros cultus hominum recentum Voce formasti." See C. iii. 24. 54,

n.

123. _Unum ex judicibus selectis_] It was the duty of the Prætor Urbanus

annually to select a certain number of persons whose names were

registered in the Album Judicum Selectorum, and from whom were chosen by

lot the 'judices' for each trial. It is uncertain whether at this time,

or by a subsequent 'lex' of Augustus, their functions were extended to

civil as well as criminal proceedings. The number of these 'judices'

varied. By the 'lex Servilia Glaucia Repetundarum' it was fixed at 450.

The law that was in force at the time Horace refers to was the 'lex

Aurelia,' by which the Judices Selecti were made eligible from the

Senators, Equites, and Tribuni Aerarii. Horace's father, as plain men

are wont, looked up with reverence to the body in whom were rested such

high functions; but the office was not an enviable one, nor always most

purely exercised. See C. iv. 9. 39, n. As to 'auctor,' see above, v. 80.

126. _Avidos_] This signifies 'intemperate,' as in C. i. 18. 11.

129. _Ex hoc ego sanus_] Horace says that, owing to his father's

training ('ex hoc'), he had been kept in a sound and healthy state, and

preserved from those vices which in their worst form bring destruction,

but which in a moderate degree may be overlooked. He implies that in

this venial form he is liable to such faults; but even from this smaller

measure, time, the candor of friends, and reflection will deduct a good

deal. The sentence is a little irregular, but sufficiently intelligible.

'Consilium proprium' is the counsel a man takes with himself when he

reviews his life, and is bent upon correcting the errors of it. This

sort of reflection a man may pursue, if he be in earnest, either as he

lies on his bed (see below, S. 6. 122, n.), or as he walks abroad, alone

among crowds. By 'porticus' Horace means any one of the public

porticoes, covered walks, of which there were many at Rome, and which

were usually crowded by persons of all sorts, resorting thither for

exercise, conversation, or business.

137. _olim_] See C. ii. 10. 17, n.

139. _Illudo chartis._] This means, 'I put it down in my notes by way of

amusement.' As to 'chartae,' see S. ii. 3. 2, n.

141. _Multa poëtarum veniat manus_] Horace, in winding up his discourse,

stops the lips of his opponents with a sally of good humor, which they

would find it hard to resist. He says, if they will not make excuses for

this little sin of his (that of taking notes of his neighbors' vices),

he will bring a host of sinners (poets) as bad as himself, and, like the

proselytizing Jews (S. 9. 69, n.), they will attack them till they have

made converts and poets of them all. 'Plures' signifies any number more

than one, as in Epp. i. 5. 28, "Locus est et pluribus umbris." 'Multo

plures sumus' means 'there are many besides me.'

SATIRE V.

In the spring of the year B.C. 37, M. Antonius brought over an army to

Italy, and a fleet of 300 ships (Plut. Ant. c. 35): ἔκ τινων διαβόλων

παροξυνθεὶς πρὸς Καίσαρα, says Plutarch. He pretended, Dion says, to

come for the purpose of helping to put down Sextus Pompeius, his real

object being rather to see what was going on, than to take any active

part. He came to Brundisium, but the people would not let him come into

the harbor (according to Plutarch), and he therefore went on to

Tarentum. Negotiations were carried on between the two rivals (Cæsar

being at Rome) through agents employed by both, but without effect, till

Octavia undertook to mediate between her husband and brother, and was

finally successful in reconciling them. It has been supposed, with every

probability, that the mission which Horace accompanied was sent by

Augustus to meet Antonius on his expected arrival at Brundisium, on this

occasion.

Horace started from Rome with only one companion, Heliodorus the

rhetorician (v. 2), and these two travelled together three days and one

night, about fifty-six miles, till they reached Tarracina or Anxur,

where, by appointment, they were to meet the official members of their

party. These were Mæcenas and Cocceius, who had been employed in

negotiating the first reconciliation between Augustus and Antonius (B.C.

40), and Fonteius, an intimate friend of the latter. Three days

afterwards, they met at Sinuessa Horace's three most intimate friends,

Plotius Tucca, Varius, and Virgil; one of whom, Varius, kept them

company only for six days, and left them, for reasons which are not

mentioned, at Canusium (v. 93). The rest of the party went on together

till they reached Brundisium, seventeen days after Horace had left Rome.

The route they took was not the shortest or the easiest, which lay

through Venusia and Tarentum. They preferred taking the northeastern

road, which strikes across the country from Beneventum, and, reaching

the coast at Barium continues along the shore till it comes to

Brundisium. They were evidently not pressed for time, and probably took

the road they did because it passed through Canusium, whither one of the

party was bound. Mæcenas made his journey as agreeable as, under the

circumstances, it could be, by taking with him such companions; and they

all appear to great advantage in Horace's good-humored diary. There was

no restraint between the patron and his friends, and it is very pleasant

to contemplate their affection for him and one another.

It is probable that, before Horace returned to Rome, he visited Tarentum

and his native place, Venusia, through which he would naturally pass. He

seems to have had in mind the description by Lucilius of a journey he

took to Capua, of which three or four verses only have been preserved

(see note on v. 6).

1. _Egressum magna me excepit Aricia_] They left Rome by the Porta

Capena, between Mons Aventinus and Mons Cælius, in the southern quarter

of the city. Aricia (La Riccia), one of the most ancient towns of

Latium, was sixteen miles from Rome. It was situated on the side of a

hill, sloping down to a valley called Vallis Aricina, through which the

Appia Via passed. This part of the road is still in good preservation.

The citadel was placed on the top of the hill (Strabo, v. p. 239), and

on that spot stands the modern town. Aricia was a considerable town in

Horace's time, and for some centuries after. Cicero calls it

"municipium--vetustate antiquissimum, splendore municipum honestissimum"

(Phil. iii. 6). Its neighborhood to Rome, and accessible position,

contributed to its prosperity, which was assisted by its association

with the worship of Diana Aricina, who had a temple among the woods on

the small lake (Lacus Nemorensis), a short way from the town, probably

on the site of the modern town Nemi. The wealthy Romans had villas in

the neighborhood.

By 'hospitio modico' Horace means an indifferent inn; but 'hospitium' is

not the Latin for an 'inn,' which was called 'caupona,' or 'taberna,' or

'diversorium,' and its keeper 'caupo.' The inns at the different stages

on the great roads were never very good, the chief reason being that

travellers of any importance usually found friends at the principal

towns, who entertained them.

2. _rhetor comes Heliodorus,_] Horace jocularly exaggerates the merits

of this Greek. Nothing is known of him from other sources. Appii Forum

was thirty-nine miles from Rome, and was so called by Appius Claudius,

surnamed Cæcus, who in his censorship (A.U.C. 441) constructed the Via

Appia and the great aqueduct which bore his name. Some ruins of this

town are said by Walckenaer still to exist. Its modern name is Borgo

Lungo. The participle 'differtus' means 'full,' and is formed as from

'differcio,' which verb is not found. 'Differtus' occurs below (Epp. i.

6. 59). 'Malignis' belongs to 'cauponibus' in the same sense as

'perfidus' (S. 1. 29). 'Nautae' were the boatmen who plied on the canal

mentioned below (v. 7, n.). It was to Appii Forum that some of the

Christians, when they heard of St. Paul's approach, went, from Rome, to

meet him. Others met him at a place called Tres Tabernae (La Castella),

which was about seven miles from Aricia, and sixteen from Appii Forum.

Horace must have passed through this town without stopping. It was a

well-known place, and from it a Christian bishop took his title, "Felix

a Tribus Tabernis."

5. _Hoc iter_] i.e. the journey from Rome to Appii Forum, which was

usually made in one day, they took two to accomplish. 'Praecinctus' is

opposed to 'discinctus,' and means 'one well girt,' εὔζωνος, and ready

for active exertion, running, etc. Horace uses the word more literally,

S. ii. 8. 70: "ut omnes Praecincti recte pueri comptique ministrent."

The Asiatics tuck up in their girdles their long garments, when they are

preparing to run or walk quick. Hence such expressions as we meet with

in Scripture, "Gird up the loins of your mind." 'Succinctus,' 'tucked

up,' is the more usual word.

6. _minus est gravis Appia tardis._] Horace means, that the Via Appia

was less fatiguing to the slow traveller than to the quick; that it was

a rough road, over which the slower you went, the less unpleasant was

the journey. This road was constructed with a foundation of large

squared blocks of basaltic stone, over which was laid a coating of

gravel, until the Emperors Nerva and Trajan laid it with silex,

according to an inscription found on a mile-stone in the neighborhood of

Forum Appii. Horace speaks elsewhere of the traveller "qui Romam Capua

petit imbre lutoque Adspersus" (Epp. i. 11. 11). In one of the verses of

the Satire of Lucilius, mentioned in the Introduction, he says,

"Praeterea omne iter est labosum atque lutosum."

7. _Hic ego propter aquam,_] At Appii Forum they were to embark at night

in a boat that was to carry them by canal to Tarracina. A party were

waiting at the same inn to go with them, and Horace waited with

impatience till they had done supper. These he means by 'comites.' This

canal was constructed by Augustus. There are still traces of it to be

seen. It was nineteen miles long, and was called in consequence

Decennovium. The road may have been defective hereabouts, as it was the

general practice of travellers to exchange it for the canal, and to make

the journey by night.

9. _Jam nox inducere terris_] This is a parody of the heroic style,

unless it be taken from some poet, as Ennius.

12. _Huc appelle!_] "Put in here, and take us on board!" cries a

servant. "How many more?--you'll swamp the boat!" says another to the

boatman, who wants to get as many as he can. The bank is crowded; the

passengers all want to be attended to at once. The collection of the

fare and putting-to the mule being accomplished, Horace goes on board.

The boat starts, and he lies down to sleep, disturbed much by the

mosquitos and the croaking of frogs. The boatman and one of the

passengers, half drunk, sing songs till the one drops off to sleep, and

the other, having a mind to do the same, stops the boat, turns the mule

out to graze, lays himself down and snores till the dawn of day, when

one of the passengers wakes, starts up in a passion, and falls foul of

the boatman and the poor mule, who is put to again, and a little after

the fourth hour they reach their destination, a temple of Feronia, about

seventeen miles from the place where they embarked. 'Cerebrosus' is an

old word signifying 'choleric.' 'Dolare' is properly to turn a piece of

wood with an axe, 'dolabra.' 'He rough-hewed him with a cudgel.' It is

only here used in this sense. Feronia was a goddess, worshipped

originally by the Sabines. On the site of the temple near which Horace

and his party disembarked, there now stands an old tower, bearing the

name Torre Ottofacia. Horace says they only washed their hands and face,

which would be no little refreshment after a night spent in a

canal-boat.

25. _Millia tum pransi tria repimus_] Three miles farther, on the top of

a steep ascent, stood the town of Tarracina (Terracina), which by the

Volscians was called Anxur, by which name it is always mentioned by the

poets. The winding of the road up the hill, and the difficulty of the

ascent, explains the word 'repimus.' The old town of Tarracina was built

on the top of the hill, but this site was afterwards abandoned, and a

new town built on the plain below, close upon the shore, which is the

site of the modern Terracina. It was in Horace's day, and had been for a

long time, and long continued to be, a town of great importance, as it

was one of great antiquity. The buildings of white marble, perhaps, gave

it the appearance described in 'late candentibus.' The same appearance

is observed still in the modern town. After leaving the boat, the party

lunched before they proceeded. The 'prandium' was a light meal, usually

eaten about noon, but sometimes earlier, as probably was the case in

this instance.

27. _Huc venturus erat_] See Introduction. L. Cocceius Nerva was a

friend of M. Antonius, and was among those whom Augustus found in

Perusia when he took it (B.C. 41). He offered these persons no

indignity, but made friends of them, and Cocceius seems to have become

especially intimate with Augustus, without betraying his friendship for

M. Antonius.

29. _aversos soliti componere amicos._] After the taking of Perusia, war

was threatened between Augustus and Antonius, which was averted by an

arrangement made through the medium of Mæcenas, on the part of Augustus,

and of Cocceius and Pollio, on the part of Antonius. This is what Horace

alludes to.

30. _nigra meis collyria lippus_] 'Collyrium,' an ointment for sore

eyes, was composed of juices expressed from the poppy and various

shrubs, as the lycium, glaucion, acacia, hypocystis, etc. The etymology

of the word is not known.

32. _Capitoque simul Fonteius,_] Not much is known of C. Fonteius

Capito. He was deputed by Augustus on this occasion, as being a

particular friend of M. Antonius, who afterwards, as Plutarch relates

(Anton. 36), sent him, while he was in Syria, to fetch Cleopatra thither

from Egypt. The expression 'ad unguem factus' is taken from the craft of

the sculptor, who tries the surface of his statue by passing the nail

over it; if the parts be put perfectly together, and the whole work well

finished, the nail passes over the surface, and meets with no

obstruction. See Persius, S. i. 64. Compare also A. P. 294. Below (S.

ii. 7. 86) the perfect man is described as

"in se ipso totus, teres atque rotundus,

Externi ne quid valeat per leve morari,"

which is like the description of the text, though the metaphor is not

quite the same.

33. _non ut magis alter_] This is equivalent to 'quam qui maxime' in

prose.

34. _Fundos Aufidio Lusco praetore_] They arrived at Tarracina about

noon, and there the principal personages met them. At Tarracina they

slept, and proceeded next morning to Fundi (Fondi), sixteen miles

farther to the northeast of Tarracina. Fundi was situated on the north

shore of a lake, which was called after it Fundanus; and also Amyclanus

from an old Greek town Amyclæ, the existence of which was only

traditional when Horace wrote, but is occasionally mentioned by the

poets. Fundi was one of that class of towns called 'praefectura,' which,

instead of having the administration of its own affairs, was governed by

a 'praefectus' sent annually from Rome by the Prætor Urbanus. At this

time the 'praefectus' was one Aufidius Luscus (not otherwise known), an

upstart whom Horace calls Prætor by way of ridicule. The officers of the

other municipal towns were allowed to wear the 'toga praetexta,' the

'toga' with a purple border (Livy xxxiv. 7), but the 'praefecti' were

not, and yet Luscus wore it. The 'latus clavus' was a broad purple

stripe down the front of the tunic, and was a badge that belonged only

to senators. 'Prunae batillum' was a pan of hot coals, which may have

been used for burning incense or otherwise in connection with sacrifice.

But its use is uncertain. Aufidius, it appears, had been a 'scriba' or

clerk, probably in the prætor's office,--such a situation as Horace held

at this time in the quæstor's. Persons in that capacity had

opportunities of pushing their fortunes if they managed well, and the

honors of Luscus are spoken of as 'praemia,' rewards of service rendered

to his master.

37. _In Mamurrarum_] Disgusted with the officiousness of the promoted

scribe, the party move on, in the course of the day, to Formiæ (Mola di

Gaeta), about twelve miles farther, where the road, having taken an

upward bend from Tarracina to Fundi, goes straight down from thence to

the coast, where Formiæ was situated at the head of the Sinus Caietanus.

Its supposed identity with the Læstrygonia of Homer has been noticed

before (C. iii. 16. 34, n., and 17, Int.). As the scene of Cicero's

frequent retirement, and his death, it is a place of much interest. Its

wines Horace mentions more than once. He here calls it the city of the

Mamurræ,--a family of respectability in this town. When the party got to

Formiæ, having travelled upwards of twenty-five miles, they were tired,

and resolved to pass the night there. Licinius Murena (C. ii. 10, Int.),

having a house at this place, gave them the use of it, but as he was not

there himself, and probably had no establishment in the house suitable

to the entertainment of such guests, Fonteius Capito invited his fellow

travellers to dine with him. He therefore appears to have had a house at

Formiæ likewise.

40. _Sinuessae_] Leaving Formiæ next day, the party set out for

Sinuessa, eighteen miles distant. The road crossed the Liris (C. i. 31.

7) at Minturnæ, and went down the coast till it reached Sinuessa, the

most southerly of the Latin towns. The site is now called Monte Dragone

(Cramer). It was on the sea, and said to have been founded on the ruins

of the Greek city Sinope. Strabo (v. 234) derives its name from the

Sinus Vescinus on which it stood. Plotius Tucca appears to have been a

native of Cisalpine Gaul. He was associated with L. Varius Rufus by

Virgil, who loved them both, as the executor of his will, and he was

employed in the task of editing the Æneid after his death. Nothing more

is known of him, but what we gather from this passage and S. i. 10. 81,

that he was one of Mæcenas's friends, and on intimate terms with Horace.

As to L. Varius, see C. i. 6. 1. S. i. 10. 44.

45. _Proxima Campano ponti_] After Sinuessa, the Appia Via continued to

take a southerly direction, and crossed the Savo (Savone) about three

miles from that town, and just within the borders of Campania. That

river was crossed by a bridge bearing the name Pons Campanus, near which

was a small house erected for the accommodation of persons travelling on

public business, where there were officers appointed to supply them with

ordinary necessaries. Hence they were called 'parochi,' from the Greek

παρέχειν. In this house the party passed the night.

47. _Hinc muli Capuae_] When it reached the right bank of the Vulturnus,

four miles below the Savo, the Appia Via turned, striking inland along

that bank of the river, which it crossed at the town of Casilinum, where

Hannibal met with stout resistance from the Romans who garrisoned it

after the battle of Cannæ (Liv. xxiii. 17). This is perhaps the site of

the modern Capua. About two miles farther on the road, which now took a

southeasterly direction, lay Capua, on the site of which is the modern

village Santa Maria di Capoa. There the party arrived 'betimes,'--in

time probably for dinner, after which meal Mæcenas and others of the

party went to play at ball, while Horace, whose sight, and Virgil, whose

digestion, interfered with that amusement, went early to bed. Virgil is

said to have had uncertain health, and to have suffered frequently,

either from toothache, headache, or complaints of the stomach.

50. _Hinc nos Cocceii_] The road, continuing in a southeast direction,

passed through two small Campanian towns, Calatia (Le Galazze) and Ad

Novas (La Nova), but the usual halting-place after Capua was the town of

Caudium, which was the first Samnite town on the Appia Via, and was

situated at the head of the pass called the Furcæ (or Fauces) Caudinæ,

celebrated for the surprise and capture of the Roman army by C. Pontius,

in the second Samnite war, B.C. 321. At Caudium, Cocceius had a handsome

house, and Horace marks its situation by saying it lay beyond the public

tavern. The town was twenty one miles from Capua.

51. _Nunc mihi paucis_] The scene that follows represents a scurrilous

contest between two parasites, whom Mæcenas carried with him for the

entertainment of himself and his party. The description begins with an

invocation of the Muse, after the fashion of the Epic poets. Sarmentus

was an Etrurian by birth, and originally a slave of M. Favonius (well

known in the civil wars, and put to death by Augustus after the battle

of Philippi). On the confiscation of the property of Favonius, Sarmentus

passed by public sale into the hands of Mæcenas, who gave him his

liberty. He then obtained the office of 'scriba' in the quæstor's

department, and affected the position of an Eques. He was brought to

trial for pretending to a rank he had no claim to (perhaps under the law

of Otho), and got off only by the favor of the judges, and by the

accuser being put out of the way. When old, he was reduced to great

poverty through his licentiousness and extravagance, and was obliged to

sell his place as 'scriba.' When persons taunted him with this, he

showed his ready wit by replying that he had a good memory; by which

probably he meant that he had no occasion to write anything down, for he

could carry it in his head. It appears that at the time Horace wrote he

was free, and held his scribe's office, though he continued to attend

Mæcenas, for his adversary says, though he was a scribe, he was in fact

only a runaway, and still belonged to his mistress, the widow of

Favonius (v. 66), which is only a joke that would amuse Mæcenas, who had

bought and manumitted Sarmentus. When Horace says that Messius was of

the noble blood of the Osci, he only means, by way of joke, to say that

he was of old and high descent. Perhaps he also alludes to the scar on

his temple, which indicated the disease called Campanian (the Campanians

were of Oscan descent), of which we are told that it consisted of great

excrescences over the temples like horns, which used to be cut out, and

left a scar. The Oscans also were the authors of the 'Atellanae

fabulae,' which were full of broad raillery and coarse wit, which may

have something to do with Horace's joke. 'Cicirrhus' is a nickname from

κίκιῤῥος, which signifies, according to Hesychius, 'a cock.' With these

explanations most of the allusions will be intelligible.

58. _Accipio, caput et movet._] Messius accepts Sarmentus's joke as a

challenge, and shakes his head fiercely at him, on which Sarmentus takes

him up and pretends to be alarmed. The wild horse to which Messius is

likened is the unicorn, an imaginary animal described by Pliny as a

very terrible beast.

63. _Pastorem saltaret_] That he should dance the Cyclops' dance, in

which the uncouth gestures of Polyphemus courting Galatea were

represented. See Epp. ii. 2. 125. Ovid (Trist. ii. 519) uses 'salto' in

the passive voice: "Et mea sunt populo saltata poëmata saepe."

64. _larva_] The Greek actors always wore masks on the stage suited to

the character they were performing. The Romans adopted them about B.C.

100. They were called πρόσωπα by the Greeks, and 'personae' or 'larvae'

by the Romans. As to 'cothurnus,' see C. ii. 1. 12, n.

65. _Donasset jamne catenam_] See Epp. i. 1. 4, n.

67. _Nihilo deterius_] 'Nihilo' is to be pronounced as a dissyllable,

like "vehemens et liquidus" (Epp. ii. 2. 120).

68. _una Farris libra_] The allowance of 'far' to each slave was four or

five 'modii' by the month, and it was served out to them monthly, or

sometimes daily (Epp. i. 14. 40). That allowance would give three pints

a day, which Messius considers would be three times as much as Sarmentes

could possibly require, so he could not better himself by running away.

The 'far' was otherwise called 'adoreum' (C. iv. 4. 41, n.), and seems

to have been the same as the Greek ζειά or ὄλυρα. The nature of this

grain is not exactly known. That two persons above the condition of

slaves should be found in waiting on any man, great or otherwise, for

the purpose of entertaining him with such low buffoonery as the above,

seems surprising to us; but we know that there was no personal

degradation to which this class of people, called 'parasites' (diners

out), would not demean themselves for the pleasure of a good dinner and

the company of the great. The entertainment of these persons would serve

to keep the conversation from turning upon politics, which, as the

deputies from both sides were now together, it was desirable to avoid.

71. _Beneventum,_] The Appia Via took a northeast turn from Caudium, for

ten miles, till it came to Beneventum (Benevento), a very ancient town,

by tradition said to have been founded by Diomed, and the name of which

was originally, when the Samnites had it, Maleventum, or some name that

sounded so like Maleventum to a Latin ear that the Romans thought fit to

change it (for good luck) to Beneventum. Thither the party proceeded

next day, and put up at an inn, when the host nearly set fire to his

house through carelessness in roasting some indifferent thrushes for

their dinner. 'Hospes paene arsit,' 'the host nearly got himself on

fire,' means that he nearly burnt the house down, as the context shows.

The expression is the same as in Aen. ii. 311. "Jam proximus ardet

Ucalegon." The position of 'macros' is a little careless.

78. _quos torret Atabulus_] This was a cold wind, said to be peculiar to

Apulia. 'Torret' is a word which applies to the effect of cold, as well

as heat. 'Atabulus' is generally looked upon by the commentators as the

Sirocco, a hot land wind. But it came directly off the sea from the

east, and Pliny speaks of it as a winter wind.

79. _Nunquam erepsemus_] This is one of the many abbreviated forms

Horace uses. See C. i. 36. 8, n., and to the examples there given add

the present, and also 'surrexe,' 'divisse,' 'evasti.' 'Vixet,' in Aen.

xi. 118, is a like contraction of the same tense as 'erepsemus.' Horace

says that they would never have got out of these hills (the range that

borders Samnium and separates it from Apulia) had they not found an inn

at the town of Trivicum (Trevico), at which they were able to put up for

the night. He means that the next stage, which was twenty-four miles

farther on, would have been too long a journey. Horace had been familiar

with these mountains in his early childhood, for they overlooked his

native town. 'Notos' refers to these early reminiscences. Trivicum was

probably on a cross road (Cramer, ii. 259) which lay between the two

branches of the Appia Via, one of which took the most direct course from

Beneventum through Venusia to Tarentum and Brundisium, and the other

took a more northerly course across the Apennines, near Equus Tuticus;

and then, striking directly eastward till it arrived very near the

sea-coast, near Cannæ, proceeded down the line of coast till it reached

Brundisium.

81. _camino._] See Epod. ii. 43, n.

86. _rhedis,_] See S. ii. 6. 42.

87. _Mansuri oppidulo_] It appears probable that the road on which

Trivicum lay, entering Apulia about ten miles from that town, passed

through or near the Apulian Asculum (Ascoli), and it is in that

neighborhood that the little town with the unrhythmical name, at which

the party stopped after Trivicum, is supposed to have stood. Of its name

we must be content to be ignorant.

91. _Nam Canusi lapidosus,_] In a plain between the hills and the right

bank of the Aufidus, about twelve miles from its mouth, stood the town

of Canusium (Canosa), one of the ancient Greek settlements of Apulia.

This town and others in Apulia (Venusia and Brundisium among them), and

in other parts of Eastern Italy, were represented to have been founded

by Diomed, when, after the Trojan war, he was driven to the coast of

Apulia, and hospitably entertained and presented with land by Daunus,

its king. His name was retained by the islands now called Tremiti, but

by the ancients Diomedeæ. Many remains found among its ruins testify to

the former importance and wealth of Canusium. The present town stands on

a height where the citadel stood, and contains not above 300 houses. A

supply of good water was brought into this town by Hadrian, the emperor.

That Apulia was not well watered, has been observed before (Epod. iii.

16, n.). The turbid waters of the Aufidus must have been unfit for

drinking. The bread of Canosa is described by modern travellers to be as

bad as ever. It is accounted for by the softness of the millstones.

91. _aquae non ditior urna_] The only way of taking this regularly is to

make 'ditior' agree with 'locus,' 'which place, being not richer in

water (than the last) by a single pitcher, was built by brave Diomed.'

So Orelli takes it. The construction is not very agreeable; but to avoid

it we must suppose great irregularity.

93. _Varius_] See above, v. 40, n.

94. _Rubos_] This town of the Peucetii retains its name under the form

Ruvo, and was thirty miles from Canusium. The road from Canusium was

called Via Egnatia, from the town it led to. A modern traveller

describes the remains of it for twelve miles from Canosa as paved with

common rough pebbles, and passing over a pleasant down.

96. _ad usque_] See S. i. 1. 97, n.

97. _Bari moenia piscosi;_] Barium still retains its name Bari,

occupying a rocky peninsula of a triangular form, about a mile in

circumference. It was an important town on the coast, and a municipium.

Its distance from Rubi was twenty-two miles, "a most disagreeable stony

road through a vine country," and half-way there lay the town Butuntum

(Bitonto). There was a harbor here formerly, but there is scarcely any

now.

_Gnatia_] This was perhaps the local way of pronouncing Egnatia. It was

another seaport town, and thirty-seven miles from Barium. Between them

lay formerly two small forts called Turris Juliana (Torre Pellosa) and

Turris Aureliana (Ripagnola), the first eleven miles and the second

twenty miles from Barium. Of Egnatia nothing important is recorded. Its

ruins are still in existence near Torre d'Agnazzo, six miles from the

town of Monopoli. Horace says it was built under the displeasure of the

Nymphs, because the water was so bad, and it is so still according to

the statements of travellers. 'Lymphae' and 'Nymphae' are essentially

the same word, but Nymphs are not elsewhere called Lymphæ. These Nymphs

are the Naiades, who protected rivers and fountains. See C. i. 1. 22, n.

100. _Judaeas Apella,_] The majority of the Jews at Rome were freedmen,

and 'Apella' was a common name for 'libertini.' Their creed was a

superstition of the most contemptible kind, in the eyes of a Roman; and

a Jew was only another name for a credulous fool. The Jews returned

their contempt with hatred, which showed itself in a turbulent spirit

that made them very troublesome. Horace intimates that he had learnt

from the school of Epicurus that the gods were too happy to mind the

small affairs of this world, which he expresses in the words of

Lucretius (vi. 57): "Nam bene qui didicere deos securum agere aevum."

See C. i. 34. 2, n., and the Introduction to that Ode.

104. _Brundisium_] From this abrupt conclusion, we may judge that Horace

had got tired of his journal as well as his journey. Brundisium

(Brindisi) was for centuries the most important town on the eastern

coast of Italy, chiefly through the convenience of its position for

communicating with Greece, and the excellence of its harbor. Its

distance from Egnatia was thirty-five miles. There was a station named

Speluncæ (now Grotta Rosa) midway, where the party may have halted one

night, and which Horace, having nothing he cared to tell us about it,

has passed over in silence.

SATIRE VI.

In addition to the obloquy brought upon him by his Satires, Horace,

after his intimacy with Mæcenas had begun to be known, had to meet the

envy such good fortune was sure to excite. His birth would furnish a

handle for the envious, and he was probably called an upstart and hard

names of that sort. In this Satire, which is nothing but an epistle to

Mæcenas, he spurns the idea of his birth being any objection to him,

while, at the same time, he argues sensibly against men trying to get

beyond their own legitimate sphere, and aiming at honors which are only

attended with inconvenience, fatigue, and ill-will. This Satire, besides

the good sense and good feeling it contains, is valuable as bearing upon

Horace's life. His introduction to Mæcenas is told concisely, but fully,

and with much propriety and modesty; and nothing can be more pleasing

than the filial affection and gratitude shown in those parts that relate

to his father, and the education he gave him. He takes pleasure in

referring whatever merits he might have to this good parent, as he did

in the fourth Satire.

The Satire, then, may be supposed to have been written chiefly for the

purpose of disarming envy, by showing the modesty of the author's

pretensions, and the circumstances that led to his intimacy with

Mæcenas. The views of public life which it contains were no doubt

sincere, and the daily routine described at the end was better suited to

Horace's habit of mind than the fatigues and anxieties of office. There

is not the least appearance in any of his writings of his having been

spoiled by his good fortune and by his intercourse, on terms of rare

familiarity, with Augustus, Mæcenas, and others; and probably malignity

never attacked any one less deserving of attack than Horace.

1. _Lydorum quidquid Etruscos_] On Mæcenas's connection with Etruria,

see C. i. 1. 1, n. The legend of the Lydian settlement of Etruria is

first mentioned by Herodotus (i. 94), as a tradition current among the

Lydians themselves. The tradition was, that on one occasion, when Lydia

was suffering from famine, the king, Atys, divided the people into two

equal parts, of whom one remained at home, and the other took ship and

made the coast of Etruria, and there settled, under Tyrrhenus, the son

of Atys. Horace and Virgil (Aen. ii. 781) both adopted this story, which

was familiar to men of learning, and perhaps believed by many. 'Lydorum

quidquid,' 'all the Lydians that ever inhabited,' etc., is like Epod. v.

1: "At, o deorum quidquid in caelo regit."

3. _avus tibi maternus_] It seems from inscriptions to have been the

practice of the Etrurians for men to be distinguished by the name of

their mother, as well as their father.

5. _naso suspendis adunco_] This the Greeks expressed by μυκτηρίζειν. It

is taken from that instinctive motion of the features which expresses

contempt. How to account for it may not be easy, though it is so common.

The expression 'naso suspendere' Horace may have invented. It occurs

nowhere else, except in Persius (S. i. 118). It is repeated below, S.

ii. 8. 64: "Balatro suspendens omnia naso." 'Ut' occurring twice in

these two lines introduces confusion. The second means 'as for

instance.'

6. _libertino patre natum._] The difference between 'libertus' and

'libertinus' is, that the latter expressed a man who had been

manumitted, the former a freedman in his relation to the master who had

given him his freedom. The son of a 'libertinus,' born after his

father's manumission, and all other persons born free, were 'ingenui';

and Horace says that Mæcenas, though he would not take into his intimacy

a freedman, made no inquiry as to the parentage of any one born free,

but would make him his friend if he deserved it.

9. _Ante potestatem Tulli_] Horace here follows the legend which made

Servius Tullius the son of a slave-girl, and himself a slave in the

palace of King Tarquinius (see Livy, i. 39). On this account his reign

was ignoble, while in true nobility it was surpassed by none of the

others. Another legend (which Ovid follows, Fast. vi. 627, sqq.) makes

Tullius the son of Vulcan; but his mother is there also a slave, having

been taken captive at Corniculum, a city taken by Tarquinius Priscus.

12. _Laevinum, Valeri genus_] The Valeria gens was one of the most

ancient in Rome, and embraced some of the most distinguished families,

among others that of Publicola, the earliest member of which mentioned

in history is Valerius Publicola, the colleague of Brutus after the

expulsion of the kings. The family of Lævinus was another distinguished

branch of the same gens. The Lævinus in the text is said to have been a

man of abandoned character, so bad that even the populace, who were not

easily deterred from conferring their honors upon the vicious, could not

be prevailed on by admiration of his high ancestry to advance him beyond

the quæstorship; that is to say, he never held a curule office. As to

'genus,' see C. i. 3. 27. On 'unde,' which is equivalent to 'a quo,' see

C. i. 12. 17, n.; ii. 12. 7. 'Fugit' is the historic present, as it is

called.

14. _pluris licuisse,_] 'Licere' is 'to be put up for sale,' and its

correlative term is 'liceri,' 'to bid for an article at a sale by

auction.' 'Notare' is to set a bad mark upon, to brand, and was

technically applied to the censors (see note on v. 20). 'Judice quo

nosti' is an instance of attraction, which figure the Romans borrowed

from the Greeks, but did not use so commonly.

17. _titulis et imaginibus._] These were inscriptions, and waxen busts,

recording the distinctions of any member of a family who had borne a

curule office.

_quid oportet Nos facere_] Horace means to say, that those who by

education and profession and experience were very far removed from the

common people, ought to judge differently from them, and better. In this

number he places himself. 'Longe longeque' is not an uncommon phrase.

See Cicero (De Fin. ii. 21), and Ovid (Met. iv. 325). The repetition is

only analogous to many others in the Latin language, as 'etiam atque

etiam,' 'nimium nimiumque,' 'magis magisque,' etc.

19. _Namque esto_] He goes on to show, that though the value set upon

titles and birth by the populace might be exaggerated, yet the other

extreme is not to be allowed; and that he who seeks to push himself

beyond his sphere, might be justly rebuked for his presumption.

20. _Quam Decio mandare novo,_] P. Decius Mus, who devoted himself to

death for his country at the battle of Vesuvius, in the Latin war, B.C.

340, was the first consul of his family. He held the office with T.

Manlius Torquatus in that year. After the curule magistracies were

opened to the plebeians, an order of nobility sprung up among

themselves, based upon the holding of these offices. Those families of

which any member had ever held a curule office were 'nobiles,' the rest

'ignobiles,' and he in whose person such dignity was first attained was

called, originally no doubt through the contempt of the patricians, but

afterwards conventionally by all, 'novus homo.' The Decia gens was

plebeian.

_censorque moveret Appius_] The Appius who is here taken as the type of

severe censorship is Appius Claudius Caecus, the constructor of the road

and aqueduct that bore his name (see S. 5. 2). He was made Censor B.C.

312. It was the province of the Censors, till that office was merged in

the imperial power, to supply vacancies in the senate from the list of

those who were eligible, who were all citizens of at least equestrian

rank, of not less than a certain age (which is not known exactly but it

was between thirty and forty), and those persons who had served in the

principal magistracies. But they could also, in revising the list of

senators at the beginning of their censorship, degrade those who had

previously been in the senate, as well as exclude such as by their

official rank were entitled to be senators. This they did, at their own

discretion, for various offences by which 'ignominia' was liable to be

incurred, or from the senator having been chosen improperly. They

effected this exclusion merely by marking the name, and their mark was

called 'nota censoria,' and the act itself, 'notare.' Horace, therefore,

means that if he, through the favor of Mæcenas or other means, sought as

a freedman's son to reach the dignity of a senator, and succeeded, the

censors, if they did their duty strictly, would degrade him. The censor

Appius, however, is notorious for his laxity in having chosen, for party

purposes, the sons of freedmen, and other unqualified people, into the

senate. But he was harsh and arbitrary in the exercise of his office,

and his name was proverbial in connection with the censorship, which is

enough to account for his appearance here. There was no money

qualification for the senate, but only one of rank. 'Movere' is the

technical word for degrading a senator, and those who were degraded, or

not admitted, were called 'praeteriti senatores' from the circumstance

of their being merely passed by when the lists were made out, and their

names not appearing, which would prevent them from acting.

22. _in propria non pelle quiessem._] This is the old story of the ass

in the lion's skin.

23. _Sed fulgente trahit_] This verse may or may not be taken from some

heroic poem. It is introduced humorously, and yet with a serious

meaning. 'Let the populace set their hearts upon rank and descent, and

let the censors make that their standard for the senate, yet the humbly

born may have their honors as well'; that is, the honors that arise from

virtue and genius. The picture of Glory mounted on her car is repeated

in Epp. ii. 1. 177, where the epithet 'fulgente' is exchanged for

'ventoso,' 'fickle as the winds.'

24. _Quo tibi, Tilli,_] This person is said to have been a senator, and

to have been degraded by Julius Cæsar, as being of Pompeius's party, but

reinstated after Cæsar's death, and made a military tribune. Whether or

not he is different from the person mentioned below, v. 107, it is not

easy to say.

25. _fierique tribuno?_] Each legion in the Roman army (the number

varied at different times, but at Philippi there were nineteen on each

side, each legion consisting of about 6,000 men, rather less than more)

had six tribunes (the post Horace held in the army of Brutus), who were

their principal officers. The military tribunes of the first four

legions were entitled to sit in the senate. (See Epod. iv. 15, n.) As to

the 'latus clavus,' see note on the 34th verse of the last Satire.

'Quo,' 'to what purpose.' (See C. ii. 2. 9, n.)

27. _Nam ut quisque insanus_] The senators' 'calceus,' an outdoor shoe,

was fastened by four thongs ('nigris pellibus'), two on each side, which

went spirally up to the calf of the leg ('medium crus'). These thongs

were called 'corrigiae,' and were black. The shoe itself appears to have

varied in color.

30. _quo morbo Barrus,_] His disease was a thirst for admiration among

women. He was a man of bad passions, it is said. But we do not know much

about him. He need not be identified with the man in S. 4. 110. A

foul-mouthed person of the same name occurs in the next Satire (v. 8).

34. _Sic qui promittit_] This refers to the promises of candidates for

office, and the three principal magistracies are implied: the city

prætorship, in the words 'urbem sibi curae'; the consulship, in

'imperium et Italiam'; and the ædileship, in 'delubra deorum,' because

it was the duty of the ædile to attend to the temples and other public

buildings.

38. _Syri, Damae, aut Dionysi_] These were common names of slaves. The

practice of executing criminals by throwing them from the Tarpeian Rock

(part of the Mons Capitolinus) was not common in the latter period of

the republic. It was never applied to slaves, who were put to death,

chiefly by crucifixion, outside the city on the Esquiliæ. (See Epod. v.

99, n.) Cadmus is said to have been a public executioner of that day.

40. _At Novius_] The upstart who is supposed to be addressed in the

previous lines, is a plebeian tribune, and he here affirms that, if his

birth is low, that of his colleague Novius (who may be anybody, see note

on S. 3. 21) is still lower. Freedmen, and persons following low trades,

were admitted into the senate, and forced into high magistracies by

Julius Cæsar, and it was not till some years after this Satire was

written that Augustus purged the senate of these members. The words

'gradu post me sedet uno' may be a metaphor taken from the theatre, of

which the first fourteen rows were assigned to the Equites (Epod. iv.

15, n.).

41. _Hoc tibi Paullus Et Messalla_] These were names belonging to two of

the most distinguished families of Rome, the Æmilia and Valeria. Horace

introduces the name Messalla probably out of compliment to his friend

Corvinus, for whom he wrote C. iii. 21. As to 'hoc,' in the sense of

'propter hoc,' see above, S. 1. 46, n. The same person who puts the

question 'tune Syri, etc.?' is here supposed to rejoin, saying, that,

though this worthy tribune has a colleague a degree less illustrious

than himself, he need not think himself a Paullus; and besides, though

Novius be his inferior in one way, he beats him in strength of lungs,

"and that is what we like," where the speaker ironically puts himself

for the people.

43. _Concurrantque foro tria funera,_] These would be public funerals,

'funera indictiva,' at which the corpse of the deceased was carried in

procession from his house, with the noise of trumpets and horns and

fifes; and women ('praeficae') singing dirges; and 'mimi,' dancers and

stage-players, who recited passages suited to the occasion, and

sometimes acted the part of merry-andrews, mixing mirth with woe; and

after these came men who represented the ancestors of the deceased,

wearing masks suited to each character; and then the corpse on an open

bier, which was followed by the relations and friends, all dressed in

black. They went thus in procession to the Forum, when the bier was set

down, and one of the relations pronounced a funeral oration, after which

the body was taken up again, and the procession went on, with the same

noisy accompaniments, to the place without the city (intramural burials

were forbidden by the laws of the Twelve Tables) where the body was

first to be burnt, and then buried. The idiom 'magna sonabit' occurs

above, S. 4. 43, 'os magna sonaturum.'

48. _Quod mihi pareret_] See above, on v. 25.

49. _forsit_] This word is compounded of 'fors sit.' Whether it occurs

elsewhere, or whether the passages in which it is supposed to occur are

correctly copied, is doubted. Horace says, it might be that people had

cause to grudge him the honorable post of military tribune, because he

was not qualified for it; but no one could deny that he deserved the

friendship of Mæcenas, because he was so particular in choosing only the

deserving. 'Prava ambitione' means low flattery, to which Mæcenas would

not listen.

52. _Felicem dicere_] 'Felix' is 'lucky.' Horace means he did not owe

his introduction to Mæcenas to his luck, but to his friends. As to

'hoc,' see above, v. 41, n.

55. _Virgilius, post hunc Varuis_] See S. 5. 40, n.

56. _singultim_] Catching his breath, as a nervous man might.

59. _Satureiano_] A fine horse, bred in the pastures of Saturium in

Calabria, near Tarentum. The lengthening of the antepenult is required

by the metre.

64. _sed vita et pectore puro._] 'Not as being the son of a

distinguished father, but because my life and heart were pure.'

68. _aut mala lustra_] 'Bad haunts.' Horace repeatedly introduces 'aut'

after 'neque,' twice repeated. Other passages are C. iii. 23. 5; S. i.

9. 31; ii. 1. 15; 2. 22. The construction with 'nec' and 'et' is of the

same kind, and has been noticed before.

71. _macro pauper agello_] This small farm of his father's, at Venusia,

was confiscated during the time he was with the army of Brutus and

Cassius.

72. _Noluit in Flavi ludum_] His father, who knew the value of a good

education, and formed a right estimate of Horace's abilities, would not

send him to a small provincial school, kept by one Flavius, where

nothing but arithmetic was taught, but took him for his education to

Rome, where, though Horace complains that the teaching lay chiefly in

figures, and the pursuits of a practical life (Epp. ii. 1. 103, sqq.; A.

P. 325, sqq.), there were means of acquiring a knowledge of literature

and the arts, for those who chose to take advantage of them. Ovid in

like manner was sent from Sulmo, his native town, to Rome (Trist. iv.

10. 16). 'Magni,' 'magnis,' may mean 'big,' 'coarse,' contemptuously, or

they may mean 'important,' as centurions and their sons might be in a

small municipal town.

74. _Laevo suspensi loculos_] This verse is repeated in Epp. i. 1. 56.

Each boy went to school with a bag, in which he carried his books and

pens, and perhaps his 'calculi,' or pebbles used in calculation.

'Tabulam' probably signifies the wooden tablet covered with wax, for

writing upon. These country schoolboys did for themselves what at Rome

was done for boys of good birth by slaves, 'capsarii.'

75. _Ibant octonis_] The Ides were eight days (inclusive) after the

Nones, and hence I imagine the epithet 'octonis.' 'Aera' means the

teacher's fee, which appears to have been paid monthly.

76. _Sed puerum est ausus_] At what age Horace was sent to Rome he does

not inform us, but it is probable he went when he was about twelve years

old.

77. _Artes quas doceat_] In the earlier days of Roman history, the

education of a boy was of the simplest kind, consisting chiefly of

reading, writing and arithmetic. 'Calculator' and 'notarius' continued

until the time of Martial to be names for a schoolmaster; and, as

observed before (v. 72, n.), the majority of boys learned little more

than the above, even in Horace's time. When Cicero was a boy, the

learning of the Twelve Tables formed a necessary part of education.

Freer intercourse with Greece and the Greek towns of Italy brought a

more liberal class of studies to Rome, where Horace says he studied

Homer (Epp. ii. 2. 41, sq.). Rhetoric was a branch of study much pursued

by the young Romans; poetry likewise, and the philosophy of Greece.

Their studies commenced at an early age, at first under the teaching of

their 'paedagogi,' and afterwards (till they assumed the 'toga virilis,'

and in some cases longer) at the 'ludi literarii,' private schools which

they attended as day scholars.

79. _In magno ut populo,_] 'So far as one could see me in such a busy

crowd.'

81. _custos incorruptissimus_] The 'paedagogus' ('custos'), whose office

was of late growth at Rome, and borrowed from Greece, had the same

functions as the παιδαγωγός among the Greeks, and was a slave, as there.

He was continually about the boy's person, and went with him to his

masters. This task Horace's father, who could have had but few slaves,

and had none whom he could trust with such important duties, performed

himself. Besides the 'paedagogus,' as observed above (v. 74, n.), other

slaves went with the boy, to carry his bag, etc., and to give him

consequence.

86. _praeco--coactor_] The first of these functionaries was a crier,

either at auctions (one of his duties being to induce persons to attend

and buy, see A. P. 419), or in courts of justice, or the public

assemblies. There was a 'praeco' at all punishments and executions, to

declare the crime of the offender (Epod. iv. 12, n.); also town-criers,

who cried lost property, as with us. There were other kinds of criers.

Which class Horace refers to, we cannot tell. Nor is it decided what

class of 'coactores' his father belonged to. There were persons employed

by the 'publicani' to collect the revenue, and who were called

'coactores.' The person who collected the money bid at an auction, was

also a 'coactor,' and, generally, persons employed to collect money bore

that title. It is probable that the 'coactores' of the first class made

a good deal of money. Matthew the Apostle was one, and he was rich. It

is generally believed that the elder Horace belonged to the second of

the above classes, and some color is given to this by the association of

the word with 'praeco.' But Suetonius, or the author of Horace's life

attributed to him, says that he was in the employ of the 'publicani.'

87. _at hoc nunc_] 'Hoc,' in the sense of 'propter hoc,' ἐπὶ τούτῳ, is

commonly used by Horace. See in this Satire, vv. 41 and 52. It is also

common in Cæsar.

89. _Nil me poeniteat sanum_] 'I hope while I have my senses I may never

be ashamed.' Horace uses this mode of expression elsewhere, as in the

last Satire, v. 44, and S. ii. 3. 322.

90. _dolo_] 'Dolus' is used like 'fraus' in C. i. 28. 30, for a fault

generally: 'dolo suo,' 'by his own fault.'

93. _Et vox et ratio:_] 'My language and my judgment.'

94. _A certis annis_] 'From any given period.' He means that, at all

times from his cradle upwards, his father had been to him all that a

father could be. 'Legere ad fastum,' to choose with reference to

ambition whatever parents each man might desire. We know nothing of

Horace's mother, whom he probably lost in very early life; but he here

intimates his respect for her memory, as well as his father's.

97. _Fascibus et sellis_] The 'fasces' were bundles of sticks, with or

without an axe in the middle, which were carried before the consuls and

prætors by lictors. The 'sella curulis' was a chair ornamented with

ivory, the use of which during the republic was confined to the consuls,

prætors, curule ædiles, and censors.

98. _fortasse_] The Greeks used ἴσως this way, where a certain and not a

doubtful proposition is intended.

101. _salutandi plures,_] This means, that in order to preserve his

position he must sell his independence, bowing to persons he would not

otherwise notice, and paying visits of ceremony early in the morning,--a

trouble that Horace would feel more than most men. He must also, he

says, hire one or two persons to go about with him in the character of

clients; he must buy a number of horses and slaves of the lower sort.

103. _plures calones_] 'Calones' were properly slaves who went with the

army, carrying the heavier part of the soldier's accoutrements. But the

word was also applied to domestic slaves employed on menial work.

104. _ducenda petorrita_] The 'petorritum' was a four-wheeled carriage,

said to have been introduced from Gaul beyond the Alps.

_curto Ire licet mulo_] It is impossible to do more than conjecture what

Horace means by 'curto.' Probably a stout, short-bellied animal is

intended, an ugly beast.

105. _usque Tarentum,_] Along the most frequented of all the roads, the

Via Appia, and to the farthest part of Italy, carrying his portmanteau

behind him. Public officers could not go beyond a certain distance from

Rome, without the permission of the senate.

107. _Tilli,_] See v. 24. He appears to have been a parsimonious person,

going into the country with no company of friends, but only five slaves

to attend him (see note on S. i. 3. 11), carrying a jar of their

master's cheap wine. The Via Tiburtina left Rome by the Esquiline gate,

and bore that name as far as Tibur, whence the Via Valeria completed the

communication with Aternum on the Hadriatic.

111. _Millibus atque aliis_] See note on S. ii. 3. 197.

112. _quanti olus ac far;_] Horace means that he lounges in the market

and talks freely to the market people, without fear of lowering his

dignity, or being remarked.

113. _Fallacem Circum_] The Circus Maximus was said to have been built

by Tarquinius Priscus for races and athletic exhibitions. Different

writers mention that fortune tellers and other impostors resorted to the

Circus, and gave it a bad name; but it was also frequented by

prostitutes in vast numbers, who lined the vaults under the 'cavea,' and

carried on their vile trade there, and was surrounded with shops

established for the benefit of the spectators. The Circus Maximus was

called Circus κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν. When there were no races or games going on,

it was probably frequented as a lounge by all manner of people; but

probably men of consequence did not care to be seen there among the

vulgar, at such times. The Forum was not frequented in the evening by

the richer class of people, who were then eating their dinner. Horace

liked to stroll out at that hour, and take his light meal afterwards,

and to stop and hear what the fortune-tellers had to say for themselves.

Respecting these persons, see C. i. 11.

115. _Ad porri et ciceris_] This Pythagorean meal of leeks, pulse, and

fritters, was partly perhaps matter of choice, and partly of necessity.

Horace was poor at this time, and his health was indifferent. A

vegetable diet was and is much more common in Italy than with us, and

probably the most luxurious of the Romans, when by themselves,

frequently abstained from meat. A dish of 'cicer,' ready boiled, was

sold in the streets for an as, in the time of Martial (i. 104. 10).

'Laganus' is described by the Scholiasts as a flat, thin cake, fried and

eaten with condiments. It was sometimes fried under roast meat or fowls,

so as to get their dripping, and so would be like our Yorkshire pudding.

Horace had no doubt the plainer sort.

116. _pueris tribus,_] This number was the lowest, probably, that at

that time waited on any person who had any slaves at all. (See above, on

v. 107.) 'Lapis albus' was a small side-table of white marble. The

wealthy Romans had a great variety of tables of the handsomest sort in

their dining-rooms, for exhibiting their plate. (See below, S. 2. 4, n.;

and above, S. 3. 13, n.) All the plate Horace had to show was two cups

and a cyathus (C. iii. 19. 12), and these it is probable were usually

empty. The 'echinus' is a vessel nowhere else mentioned by that name,

and is variously interpreted as a salt-cellar (in the shape of an

'echinus' or sea-hedgehog), a glass bottle, a leather bottle, and a

wooden bowl in which to wash the cups. 'Paterae' were broad, flat,

saucer-shaped cups, and were much used in libations. 'Guttus' was a

long, thin-necked bottle, from which wine or oil was poured very slowly,

drop by drop. It was also used in libations, and these two vessels, as

here joined, have reference to the practice of offering a libation at

every meal to the Lares. See C. iv. 5. 34, n. These were of the

commonest earthenware which came from Campania. See S. ii. 3. 144.

120. _obeundus Marsya,_] Horace says he goes to bed without the nervous

feeling that he must be up early to go to the Forum, where a statue of

Marsyas was erected near the Rostra. Marsyas was a fabulous person, who

was said to have challenged Apollo to play the lyre against his flute.

Apollo, having gained the victory, caused Marsyas to be flayed alive.

Marsyas or Silenus was the symbol of a city having the Jus Italicum, one

part of which was a free constitution of its own. It would therefore

appear in the Forum as the symbol of free jurisdiction. The only

representations of Marsyas that remain, exhibit him either in the agony

of punishment, or in the suspense that preceded it. Wherefore "a Marsyas

countenance" was synonymous with dejection and ill-humour; and Horace

seems to indicate that his face was distorted, and ascribes it

humorously to his detestation of the younger Novius, who is said to have

been a usurer.

122. _Ad quartam jaceo;_] The first hour he considers late enough for

any man to sleep (Epp. i. 17. 6). Sometimes he got up early and went out

to walk (S. 9); but as a general rule he remained in bed till the fourth

hour, after which he got up and took a stroll, as he had done the

evening before; or else, after reading and writing (or thinking, as he

says S. 4. 133) by himself ('tacitum') and in bed, as much as he felt

inclined, he anointed himself with oil, and went to the Campus Martius

to get some exercise. The Romans rubbed oil on their limbs, either

before swimming in the Tiber (C. iii. 12. 7, S. ii. 1. 8), or before

their more violent exercises (C. i. 8. 8, sqq.). The parsimonious Natta,

who robbed the lamps to oil himself, was probably a person of good

family, that being the cognomen of the Pinaria gens, one of the oldest

patrician families in Rome.

125. _Ast ubi me fessum_] When the sun began to get hot about noon, and

Horace was tired with his game, he went to the public baths to bathe,

which was usual after playing, and then took a light luncheon (see above

S. 5. 25, n.), after which he lounged at home till evening, when he went

out for his stroll perhaps, and came home again to his supper, as he

told us before. 'Lusum trigonem' was a game of ball only mentioned

elsewhere by Martial. The players, as the name implies, were three in

number, and stood in a triangle. Their skill appears to have been shown

in throwing and catching the ball with the left hand.

127. _quantum interpellet_] 'As much as would prevent me from going all

day on an empty stomach.' The prose construction would be 'interpellet

quin,' or 'quominus,' or 'ne durem.'

131. _Quaestor_] The office of 'quaestor,' which was at one time a high

magistracy, when the 'quaestores' had charge of the 'aerarium' or public

treasury, was at this time one of little weight. Its functions were not

clearly defined. Horace was a scribe in the quaestor's office, which

perhaps leads him to speak of a quaestor. The office was high enough for

the occasion.

SATIRE VII.

The subject of this Satire is a dispute between Rupilius Rex, one of the

officers on the staff of Brutus, and a merchant named Persius, of

Clazomenæ (a town on the gulf of Smyrna), arising, it may be supposed,

out of some money transactions. Horace treats the matter much in the

same way as the dispute got up between the two parasites for the

amusement of Mæcenas and his friends at Caudium (S. 5. 51, sqq.). He no

doubt had some reason for disliking Rupilius, which the Scholiasts

supply, whether with any sufficient authority it is impossible to say.

They tell us that this man's native place was Præneste (which may be

gathered from v. 28); that he was banished from that town by his

fellow-citizens; that he then served in Africa in the army of Attius

Varus, proprætor of Cn. Pompeius; that he was received into favor by

Julius Cæsar and made Prætor; that after Cæsar's death he was

proscribed by the Triumvirs, and joined the army of Brutus. Finally,

that he was disgusted at Horace, a man of low birth, being made a

military tribune, and continually insulted him, which indignities Horace

retorted in this Satire. Persius, the Scholiasts say, was born of a

Greek father and a Roman mother. Beyond this, which may or may not be

true, we know nothing about him but what we gather from this Satire,

that he was a wealthy man, and carried on a large business of some kind

at Clazomenæ. The dispute arose when Brutus and his army were in Asia

Minor, which was in B.C. 43-44 (see note on v. 18). How soon afterwards

the Satire was written, it is impossible to say; not long, probably. It

may have been made on the spot, and shown to those who would find most

amusement in it, in the camp.

1. _Proscripti Regis Rupili_] The Rupilia gens was a plebeian family of

no great note in Rome. The only one of the name who was distinguished

was P. Rupilius, consul in B.C. 132, and the following year proconsul in

Sicily. He was the intimate friend of Lælius and the Younger Scipio

(Cic. de Amicit. 27). As to Rupilius Rex and Persius, see Introduction.

By 'proscripti' it is perhaps intended to compare this Rex with the last

of the Reges, Tarquinius. If so, the play upon the name is repeated in

the last line. See note.

2. _Hybrida quo pacto sit Persius ultus,_] 'Hybrida' applies to all

cross-bred animals, and was used for a man one of whose parents was a

Roman and the other a foreigner.

3. _Omnibus et lippis notum et tonsoribus_] The apothecaries' and

barbers' shops were constantly crowded with idlers, who had nothing to

do but to gossip about the news of the hour. With the barbers it has

been so in all ages and countries. The Romans were commonly afflicted

with weakness of the eyes, and this caused the apothecary to be as much

mixed up with idlers as the barber.

7. _Confidens tumidusque,_] See C. iii. 4. 50, n.

8. _Sisennas Barros ut equis_] Of Sisenna and Barrus nothing is known;

but it may be conjectured, from this place, that their names were

proverbial for foul-mouthed, abusive persons. The plural number is used

here for the singular, according to a usage common to all languages. So

Virg. Georg. ii. 169: "Haec Decios, Marios, magnosque Camillos,

Scipiadas duros bello." Cic. Cat. Maj. 6: "Fabricii Curii Coruncanii."

See also above, C. i. 12. 37, where Scauros is probably put for the best

of that family, M. Æmilius. 'Equis albis' is equivalent to 'fleet

horses,' according to that line of Virgil in which he describes the

horses of Turnus, "Qui candore nives anteirent, cursibus auras" (Aen.

xii. 84). The expression 'equis praecurreret albis' is proverbial, 'he

would soon outstrip them.'

9. _Postquam nihil inter utrumque Convenit,_] When they found they could

not settle their quarrel privately, they went before the prætor (v. 18).

The digression that intervenes is a comparison between such disputants

and the warriors of the Iliad. When men fall out, says he, they fight

after the fashion of two brave heroes engaged in a deadly feud, even as

Hector and Achilles, who hated each other so mortally, and were so

exceedingly brave, that they could not be separated when they came

together in conflict till one or other was killed; or else they behave

as when two cowards meet, and both are glad to give way; or as when the

strong meets the weak, Diomed meets Glaucus, and the weak gives in, and

humbles himself before his enemy.

11. _inter Hectora--atque inter Achillem_] This repetition of 'inter' is

not uncommon. See Cic. Lael. c. 25: "Contio--judicare solet quid

intersit inter popularem civem, et inter constantem, severum, et

gravem." See Epp. i. 2. 11. 'Animosum' belongs to 'Achillem,' 'atque'

being often put by Horace after the first word of its clause. See Epod.

xvii. 4. S. i. 5. 4; 6. 131.

15. _vexet_] The meeting between Glaucus and Diomed, in which the former

loses heart and gives up his arms to his adversary, is related in Hom.

Il. vi. 234, sqq. On 'ultro,' see C. iv. 4. 51, n.

18. _Bruto praetore tenente_] Brutus was 'praetor urbanus' in the year

B.C. 44, when Cæsar was killed; and in the course of the same year he

left Rome for the purpose of taking possession, as proprætor, of the two

provinces of Macedonia and Bithynia, which had been assigned him by the

senate, who revoked his appointment before he had reached his province,

and assigned it to M. Antonius, and he made it over to his brother

Caius. Brutus, however, in defiance of the senate, took possession of

the province of Macedonia, and retained it after the formation of the

coalition between Augustus and M. Antonius. Being then at war with the

senate, he led his troops into Asia Minor as into a foreign country, and

overran Lycia, and dealt with Asia as his own province. Proceeding

through the country he probably held 'conventus' (see below, v. 22) at

particular places, for the purpose of hearing disputes as proprætor; and

it was at such a gathering at Clazomenæ that this cause of Persius and

Rex was heard. Horace calls Brutus 'praetor,' though he was not entitled

strictly to the name, particularly in respect to the province of Asia,

which had never been assigned him. He called himself at this time

'imperator,' as appears from coins still existing.

20. _Compositum melius cum Bitho Bacchius_] 'Compositum' agrees with

'par' understood, that word being used as a substantive for 'a pair,'

both in the singular, as here, and the plural, as Cic. Lael. c. 4: "Ex

omnibus seculis vix tria aut quattuor nominantur paria amicorum." Bithus

and Bacchius are said to have been gladiators of great repute, who,

after having in their time killed many antagonists, finally killed each

other. As to 'in jus,' see S. 9. 77.

22. _ridetur ab omni Conventu;_] 'Ridetur' is used impersonally.

'Conventus' was a meeting, at fixed times and places, of the inhabitants

of a province before the prætor or governor, for the purpose of settling

disputes and transacting business. The name was also applied to certain

districts out of which such meetings were composed.

23. _laudatque cohortem:_] The official staff of a provincial governor

was called his 'cohors' and 'comites.' See Epp. i. 3. 6; 8. 2, 14. The

lower officials, who did not belong to the 'cohors,' but were a good

deal about the person of the governor, Cicero speaks of as those "qui

quasi ex cohorte praetoris appellari solent" (Ad Qu. Fr. 1. i. Ep. 1. c.

4, where see Long's note). 'Comes' was retained as a title of honor

during the empire, and has survived to the present day in the word

'count.'

25. _canem_] The 'dog-star,' as opposed to the 'stellae salubres.'

'Excepto Rege' shows that Rupilius belonged to the 'cohors,' and

therefore held a post of trust about Brutus.

27. _fertur quo rara securis._] Between precipitous banks covered with

trees, where the axe seldom comes, from their inaccessible position.

28. _Tum Praenestinus_] See Introduction. 'Salso multoque fluenti'

means, as he went on with his bitterness, pouring on like a full stream.

His abuse is salt, the other man's vinegar.

29. _Expressa arbusto_] 'Drawn from the vineyard.' The illustration

Horace chooses for the abuse which the enraged Rupilius hurls back

('regerit') upon his antagonist, is that which the vine-dresser retorts

upon the passenger, who provokes him, in the first instance, by calling

to him "Cuckoo!" but who is fain to retreat before the storm of foul

language the vine-dresser returns him, still however calling as he

retires, "Cuckoo, cuckoo!" He was considered a tardy person who had not

got his vines trimmed by the arrival of the cuckoo, and the joke

consists in the passenger telling the vine-dresser that the cuckoo was

coming, and would find his trees unpruned, which was as much as to call

him a lazy fellow. The Greeks had a proverb to the same effect, and

modern travellers observe similar practices among the Neapolitan

peasantry now. In 'vindemiator' the third syllable coalesces with the

fourth. See C. iii. 4. 41, and add S. i. 8. 43; 5. 67; ii. 2. 21; 3.

245. Epp. ii. 2. 120. 'Invictus' means one who could not be beaten with

his own weapons of abuse.

32. _Italo perfusus aceto,_] 'Pus,' 'venenum,' 'sal,' 'acetum,' are all

words well chosen for describing the poisonous character of these men's

malice.

34. _qui reges consueris tollere,_] The man plays upon the name of

Brutus, alluding to him whom the prætor claimed for his ancestor, L.

Junius Brutus, who helped to expel the last of the kings. See note on v.

1.

SATIRE VIII.

On the outside of the city walls, in front of Mons Esquilinus, lay the

Campus Esquilinus, in which was a public burial-ground for the poorest

of the people, and the Sestertium or place of execution for slaves and

others of the lower sort, whose bodies were left unburied, for the dogs

and vultures to prey upon (see Epod. v. 100). This place, which must

always have been a public nuisance and a source of malaria, was given

(as some say) by a decree of the senate to Mæcenas, or else purchased by

him, cleared, drained, and laid out in gardens, in which he afterwards

built a handsome house. (See C. iii. 29. Epod. ix. 3. S. ii. 3. 309.)

His example was afterwards followed by a member of the house of Lamia,

in whose gardens Caligula was buried. (Suet. Calig. c. 59.) The

following Satire was suggested by a figure of Priapus set up in

Mæcenas's garden. The god is represented as contrasting the present

state of the ground with what it once was, by which a compliment is

conveyed to Mæcenas for his public spirit in ridding the city of such a

nuisance. Priapus is also made to complain of the trouble he has, in

keeping the ground clear of trespassers, but more particularly of the

witches, who, having formerly carried on their practices among the tombs

and bones of the dead, continued to haunt the scene of their iniquity.

This is introduced for the purpose of dragging in the woman whom Horace

satirized under the name of Canidia (v. 23, sqq.). The description is in

some parts very like that of the fifth Epode, and the two may have been

written about the same time.

1. _inutile lignum,_] The uselessness of the wood of the fig-tree was

proverbial. Hence σύκινοι ἄνδρες meant men fit for nothing. Priapus was

a rural divinity, borrowed by the Romans from the later mythology of the

Greeks. He was the protector of flocks, fields, and gardens, and

symbolized the fertility of nature generally. His images were made in a

rough fashion, and the ancients had but little respect for him, unless

it were those of the lowest sort; though Horace, who treats him so

contemptuously here, speaks of him elsewhere (Epod. ii.), in conjunction

with Silvanus, as receiving the sacrifice due to him. No one could

better have appreciated than a Roman of Horace's way of thinking,

whether, in respect to this deity or any other, the ironical description

of the prophet Isaiah (xliv. 9-20), which may be referred to with

advantage. There is no smoke in the whole of that description more

severe than Horace's "incertus scamnum faceretne Priapum Maluit esse

deum." The figures of Priapus were generally busts, but sometimes they

were full length, of the kind Horace describes. Usually they held a

sickle or a club in their right hand, by way of frightening thieves, and

a wisp of straw, or something of that sort, to frighten the birds.

6. _importunas volucres_] Virgil applies the same epithet to destructive

birds "Obscoenaeque canes importunaeque volucres" (Georg. i. 470). The

word is used with a variety of meanings, to reduce which to one

character we must know more than we do of its etymology.

8. _Huc prius angustis_] See Introduction. The poor people were buried

in ill-dug graves, which had the name 'puticuli,' probably a form of

'putei.' The manner of their funeral is here stated with painful satire.

The poor wretch is neglected by his master; and a fellow-slave, out of

his 'peculium,' goes to the expense of hiring ('locabat') 'vespillones'

(common corpse-bearers, νεκροφόρους) to carry him out on a bier to the

public burial ground, where his corpse was tossed naked into a pit into

which other corpses had been tossed before. This scene could not have

occurred in all its particulars very often, since every master was bound

by law to bury his slave, and if any one did it for him, he was entitled

to recover the cost of the funeral from the master of the slave. The

'vilis arca' was called 'sandapila,' a bier of narrow dimensions.

11. _Pantolabo scurrae Nomentanoque nepoti:_] As to these persons, see

note on S. 1. 101. In consequence of their extravagance, Priapus

foretells they will come to a pauper's funeral.

12. _Mille pedes in fronte,_] This public burial ground was 1,000 feet

in breadth and 300 in depth. 'In fronte' means facing the public road,

the Via Tiburtina (6. 108), or the Via Praenestina, one of which, or

both, must have passed very close to it. (See Cæsar, B. G. ii. 8, and

Mr. Long's note.) It was usual to engrave on monuments the following

letters, H. M. H. N. S., which stand for "Hoc monumentum heredes non

sequitur", or H. M. AD H. N. TRANS. The words were sometimes given at

full length. Sometimes EX T. (ex testamento) were inserted between H.

and N. Such sepulchres were called 'sepulcra familiaria'; those that

were built for a man and his heirs were called 'hereditaria.' Horace

writes as if there were a stone ('cippus') which defined ('dabat') the

extent of this burial ground and bore the inscription usual on private

monuments, H. M. H. N. S., which is obviously only a satire. The words

could only apply to a private place of burial. All he really means is,

that a space of ground of the extent he mentions was marked off for the

burial of these poor people.

14. _Nunc licet Esquiliis_] The whole of the Esquiline or fifth region

of Rome was called Esquiliæ. This, from having been an eye-sore and a

plague-spot, became a healthy and pleasant residence. Suetonius tells us

that Augustus, when he was ill, went to Mæcenas's house in the Esquiliæ,

to recruit (Octav. c. 72). The 'agger' here referred to was a raised

terrace, commenced by Servius Tullius, and continued by Tarquinius

Priscus, being in all about twelve stadia in length, and about fifty

feet in breadth. Here the Romans walked in cold weather to get the sun,

and had a full view of the pestilent plain which Mæcenas converted into

a paradise. Juvenal calls it 'ventosus' (S. viii. 43). 'Quo' is used in

the sense of 'ex quo.'

17. _Cum mihi non tantum_] 'Cum' is thus connected with what goes

before. Priapus says the locality is now made healthy, and the citizens

may take their walk without being sickened with the sight of bones

bleaching upon the plain, whereas his vexations still remain,--the

driving away of thieves and wild animals, which still frequented the

spot, and, yet worse, the punishment and scaring away of the witches,

who there continued to carry on their abominable practices. We may

suppose that, though the place was cleared, the witches still continued,

from habit, to haunt the scene of their iniquities, and that the 'fures'

and 'ferae' are the depredators that came to rob the gardens which were

the god's particular care. There is no other instance of 'suetus' being

used as a trisyllable. Lucretius so uses 'suevit' (vi. 854): "Qui ferri

quoque vim penetrare suevit."

23. _Vidi egomet nigra_] The god proceeds to relate a scene that

happened before the tombs were cleared away (v. 36), in which the

characters introduced are the notorious Canidia, of whom we have seen

enough in the Epodes, and Sagana, who is associated with her in Epod. v.

25, sqq. Their appearance and behavior are much the same as there.

_nigra succinctam vadere palla_] The 'palla' was the upper garment worn

by women out of doors, as the men wore the toga. (See S. 2. 29, n.) Here

'succinctam' signifies 'expeditam,' 'swift in her movements,' as in

Epod. v. 25. It is equivalent to 'praecinctis' in S. 5. 6, where see

note. It occurs again, S. ii. 6. 107.

25. _Cum Sagana majore_] 'Majore' probably signifies that Sagana was

older than Canidia.

27. _pullam_] Æneas offers a black lamb to Nox and Terra (Aen. vi. 249):

"Ipse atri velleris agnam Aeneas matri Eumenidum magnaeque sorori Ense

ferit." Tibullus uses the same word as Horace (i. 2. 61):--

"Et me lustravit taedis et nocte serena

Concidit ad magicos hostia pulla deos."

28. _confusus_] 'Poured and stirred.' Compare Tibull. (i. 2. 45):--

"Haec cantu finditque solum, Manesque sepulcris

Elicit, et tepido devocat ossa rogo."

29. _Manes_] See Epp. ii. 1. 138, n.

30. _Lanea et effigies erat, altera cerea:_] The meaning of the woollen

image, which was to punish the waxen one, is not very clear. The wax was

to melt, and, as it melted, so was the lover to consume in the fires of

love.

32. _servilibus--modis._] There was scarcely any imaginable form of

cruelty to which slaves were not liable, through the caprice of their

owners, and this of roasting or half roasting alive may have happened to

more than one poor wretch of this class.

34. _serpentes--Infernas errare canes,_] Snakes in her hair, round her

waist, and in her hand for a whip, are insignia always to be found in

the representations of Tisiphone. Virgil mentions the infernal hounds as

howling at the approach of Hecate (Aen. vi. 257): "Visaeque canes

ululare per umbram, Adventante Dea." She was worshipped under three

forms, as Luna in heaven; as Artemis (by the Greeks) or Diana (by the

Romans) upon earth; and as Proserpina in Tartarus. In the first and last

of these forms she was invoked by witches. Here it is in her infernal

character.

36. _sepulcra._] These were great barrows formed by the burial of a

number of corpses in one pit (v. 8, n.).

39. _Julius et fragilis Pediatia_] The connection between these persons,

Julius and Pediatius, is stated to have been of a kind not mentionable.

Julius may have been a freedman of the dictator, C. Julius Cæsar, and

the other person is said to have been a Roman eques. The feminine

termination is affixed to his name to indicate that he was addicted to

the vilest practices. Of Voranus nothing is known; but he was some

notorious thief.

41. _resonarent triste et acutum,_] This corresponds with Virgil's

description (Aen. vi. 492), "pars tollere vocem Exiguam."

43. _cerea_] The last two syllables coalesce. See S. 7. 30, n.

45. _Furiarum_] Horace calls the two witches Furies, by a way of

speaking common to all times since the decline of the reverential

feeling which made the Greeks shrink from mentioning the name of these

σεμναὶ θεαί. Before Euripides, no writer would have made so free with

the name of the Erinnyes. He applies it to Helen (Orest. 1390, περγάμων

Ἀπολλωνίων Ἐρινύν), and to Medea (Med. 1260, ἔξελ᾽ οἴκων τάλαιναν φονίαν

τ᾽ Ἐρινὺν ὑπ᾽ ἀλαστόρων).

48. _caliendrum_] This is variously stated to be a wig, or a cap, or

some ornament for the head. The etymology is uncertain.

50. _Vincula_] These may mean love-knots, or long grass woven into

chains for refractory and faithless lovers.

SATIRE IX.

This Satire, which is justly popular for its humor and great dramatic

power, has an historical value as showing, undesignedly, but more

clearly than almost any description could do, the character of Horace.

It puts the man before us as in a picture.

He represents himself as sauntering alone and early on the Sacra Via,

when a person he knew no more than by name, a forward coxcomb, comes up

familiarly and falls into conversation with him, to his great annoyance,

for he wanted to be alone, and knew the fellow's character, which was

probably notorious. Horace does his best to shake him off, but he is too

amiable to cope with the effrontery of his companion, whose object is to

get, through Horace, an introduction to Mæcenas. The man's vulgarity and

want of tact are conspicuous throughout the scene, while Horace exhibits

in every part good breeding and an amiable temper, and though he is

tried to the utmost by reflections on his patron and his friends, he is

incapable of saying a rude word, is taken off his guard continually, and

is amusingly conscious of his inferiority to the man of insolence on his

own ground. The effect of this picture is heightened by the

introduction, towards the end of the scene, of Fuscus Aristius, an old

friend of the poet, and a man of the world, who, like Horace understood

character, but had that sort of moral courage and promptitude which his

friend wanted. The readiness with which he takes up the joke and enters

into Horace's absurd position, and the despair to which his desertion

reduces the poet, are highly ludicrous. After various ineffectual

attempts to get rid of the man, Horace is at last delivered by one who

seizes upon the intruder and carries him off to appeal before the prætor

on some suit he has against him.

1. _Ibam forte via Sacra,_] Horace does not mean that it was his custom

to stroll on the Sacra Via, especially at that hour in the morning,

about eight o'clock (v. 35); but that, when he walked, his mind

generally diverted itself with trifles, being of an easy turn, and

having few anxieties to trouble it. On the Via Sacra, see Epod. iv. 7,

n., vii. 8, n.

4. _Quid agis,_] See Epp. i. 3. 15.

5. _Suaviter ut nunc est,_] 'Pretty well as times go'; by which he means

nothing at all, not caring what he answers, but annoyed at the

forwardness of his assailant. 'Cupio omnia quae vis' is a common

formula of politeness.

6. _Num quid vis? occupo._] 'Num quid vis quin abeam?' 'Is there any

thing else I can do for you before I go?' Professor Key (L. G. 1183)

quotes this phrase from Terence (Ad. ii. 2. 39), and adds in a note,

"This or a shorter form, 'numquid vis'? was a civil mode of saying

good-by." 'Occupo' means 'I anticipate him before he has time to speak.'

10. _Dicere nescio quid puero,_] When the Romans walked abroad even for

a stroll on the most ordinary occasions, they had one or more slaves

with them. They were a particular class in the 'familia,' and called,

from their occupation, 'pedisequi.'

11. _O te, Bolane, cerebri Felicem!_] The meaning of 'cerebri' is seen

in the adjective 'cerebrosus' noticed above (5. 21). Horace, remembering

an acquaintance of quick, strong temper, envies him that quality, for he

is too mild to shake off his companion. Who Bolanus was, is unknown. It

was a cognomen of one at least of the families at Rome, and derived from

Bola, a town of the Æqui.

18. _Trans Tiberim--cubat is_] 'Cubat' means that his friend is lying

sick. (See Sat. ii. 3. 289, and Epp. ii. 2. 68.) Julius Cæsar had some

pleasure-grounds, which he bequeathed to the Roman people, on the right

bank of the Tiber, a long way from the Sacra Via.

22. _non Viscum pluris amicum,_] Who Viscus was it is impossible to say

with certainty. The name occurs in S. 10. 83, where there are two; and

in S. ii. 8. 20, where mention is made of Viscus of Thurii. The name is

always associated with Varius, concerning whom see S. 5. 40, n.

25. _Hermogenes_] See S. 3. 129, n.

28. _Felices! nunc ego resto._] This and what follows must be supposed

to have been uttered inwardly. He wishes himself dead. The witch's

prophecy is only an absurd notion suggested by his present position.

'Confice' means 'despatch me,' 'finish me.' It is a technical word for

the transaction and completion of business. As to the Sabine witches,

see Epod. xvii. 28, and on 'urna,' see C. ii. 3. 25, n. As Fate, so the

witch shakes her urn, and the lot or name of this or that person falls

out, on which she pronounces her prophecies. All the three words,

'divina,' 'mota,' 'urna,' are in the ablative. 'Quandocunque' has

sometimes, but rarely, the sense of 'aliquando,' 'some time or other,'

which is its meaning here.

35. _Ventum erat ad Vestae,_] They had now had an hour's walk, and,

having passed through the Forum, were approaching the Tiber, not far

from which, and to the west of Mons Palatinus, stood the temple of

Vesta, with the Atrium Numæ and Lucus Vestæ attached (C. i. 2. 16, n.).

The temple of Vesta was near one of the courts of law where the man had

to make his appearance, or forfeit his 'vadimonium.' It was now past the

third hour, when the business of the courts commenced.

36. _casu tunc respondere vadato_] The expression 'vadari aliquem' means

to require 'vades,' 'sureties,' of a party. The corresponding term is

'vadimonium promittere,' which is said of him who gives 'vades.' The

'vadatus' therefore was the plaintiff in an action, in which the hero of

this Satire was defendant. He had entered into an engagement

('vadimonium') to appear on a certain day to answer to the action, and

if he failed he would lose his cause, forfeit the amount of his

'vadimonium,' and be liable to be arrested in satisfaction of the

remainder of the debt, if that were not covered by the 'poena

desertionis' deposited when the 'vadimonium' was entered into. The

amount of this was sometimes equal to the sum in dispute, sometimes only

one half. 'Litem' means the amount claimed by the plaintiff, as in a

criminal action it was the amount of damages assessed under a 'litis

aestimatio.'

38. _Si me amas,--hic ades._] "'Adesse' is a word of technical use to

accompany a person to court, there to give him your aid and advice."

(Long on Cicero in Verr. ii. 2. 29.) 'Hic' shows they were within sight

of the court to which the speaker points.

39. _Aut valeo stare_] 'Stare' here means 'to stop.'

40. _quo scis._] See v. 18.

41. _Tene relinquam an rem._] On the use of 'ne--an,' see Key's L. G. §

1423, b. 'Res' is technically used here and elsewhere (in legal formulæ)

as an equivalent for 'lis.'

43. _Maecenas quomodo tecum?_] He asks abruptly, "How do you and Mæcenas

get on together? a shrewd man, and does n't make himself common. No man

ever made a better use of his opportunities. Could you not introduce me

to him? I should be very happy to play into your hands, and, if I am not

very much mistaken, we should soon push aside your rivals." 'Paucorum

hominum' means a man of few acquaintances, as in Terence (Eun. iii. 1.

18):--

"Immo sic homo est

Perpaucorum hominum. _Gn._ Immo multorum arbitror

Si tecum vivit."

46. _Magnum adjutorem_] 'Ferre secundas' and 'adjutor' are scenic terms,

and are said, the first of the δευτεραγωνιστής (see Epp. i. 18. 14), the

other of all the subordinate players. 'Hunc hominem' is the Greek τόνδ᾽

ἄνδρα. 'Tradere' is a conventional term for introductions, and

'submovere' for the duty of the lictor in clearing the way (see C. ii.

16. 10).

48. _Non isto vivimus_] Horace indignantly declares that these are not

the terms on which they live with Mæcenas, intriguing and jostling one

another to get the first place in his favor.

53. _Sic habet._] This is a literal adaptation of oὕτως ἔχει.

54. _Velis tantummodo: quae tua virtus,_] This is said ironically. 'You

have only to desire it, and of course, such is your virtue, you will be

sure to gain your point and Mæcenas is a man who may be won, and for

this reason (because he likes to be won) he is difficult of access at

first.' On the construction 'quae tua virtus,' see Key's L. G. 1131.

56. _Haud mihi deero:_] The man professes to suppose Horace is serious,

and takes him at his word.

59. _deducam._] "Haec enim ipsa sunt honorabilia quae videntur levia

atque communia, salutari, appeti, decedi, assurgi, deduci, reduci,

consuli" (Cic. de Senect. c. 18). To attend upon a person when he leaves

home is 'deducere'; 'reducere' to accompany him on his return. Great

men, when they went out of doors, were usually accompanied by friends,

while numbers of parasites and expectants followed their steps, and were

eager to be seen by them and to be known to have been in their company.

61. _Fuscus Aristius_] See Introduction, and C. i. 22.

62. _Unde venis? et Quo tendis?_] This was a common mode of salutation.

See S. ii. 4. 1, "Unde et quo Catius?"; Virg. Ecl. ix. 1, "Quo te,

Moeri, pedes? an, quo via ducit, in urbem?"

64. _lentissima brachia,_] 'Arms that had no feeling.' Fuscus pretends

not to perceive his friend's hints, pulling his toga, pressing his arm,

nodding and looking askance at him.

65. _Male salsus_] 'The wicked wag,' as we should say.

69. _tricesima sabbata:_] It is probable that Aristius Fuscus knew very

little about the Jews, and invented the thirtieth Sabbath on the spot. I

do not find that it is made out on any authority that the Jews had any

Sabbath that they called the thirtieth. The plural σάββατα is commonly

used by the writers of the New Testament for the Sabbath day. But among

many superstitions prevalent, especially among women and persons of

nervous habit and of the lower orders (see S. ii. 3. 291, n.), curses

denounced upon the transgressors of the Sabbath, which the Jews, who

were zealous in making proselytes, propagated among them, were objects

of terror to many.

72. _Huncine solem Tam nigrum surrexe_] 'Huncine' is compounded of the

pronoun, the demonstrative enclitic 'ce' (for 'ecce,' 'behold'), and the

interrogative enclitic 'ne' (Key's L. G. 293). As to 'surrexe,' see S.

i. 5. 79; and Terence (Ad. iv. 2. 22), "Non tu eum rus hinc modo Produxe

aiebas?"

76. _Licet antestari?_] This word signifies the calling a by-stander to

witness that there was nothing illegal in the conduct of the plaintiff

in such a case as the above, and that the defendant had resisted, and

that force was necessary. The process was by touching the ear of the

person whose testimony was asked, who could not be compelled to be a

witness; but after he had consented, he was bound to appear and give

evidence if required. Horace was only too glad to help in the forcible

removal of his persecutor, and gave his ear with all readiness. The

parties begin to wrangle: a crowd of idlers of course forms round them,

and Horace makes his escape. By 'vero' he means 'in good earnest.'

77. _Rapit in jus;_] 'In jus vocare' is a technical expression having

reference to the first step in a civil action when both parties appeared

before the prætor or other magistrates having 'jurisdictio,' with the

view of fixing a day for the commencement of the trial. On this occasion

the 'vadimonium' above described was entered into. 'In jus vocare,'

therefore, being the first step, could not follow upon the neglect of

the 'vadimonium' by Horace's companion; and the 'adversarius' in this

case cannot be the plaintiff in the other (v. 36), unless Horace is

speaking loosely.

SATIRE X.

The line of self-defence Horace took in the fourth Satire (see

Introduction, and v. 6, n.) led him into a criticism of Lucilius, which

gave a fresh handle to his adversaries, who professed an admiration for

that poet, but admired him for his worst faults of taste, and especially

for his combination of Greek words with his mother tongue,--a practice

the affectation of which no one would more instinctively feel and

condemn than Horace. Horace adheres to his criticism, and says, if

Lucilius had lived, he would have been the first to find faults in his

own style, and to correct it.

1. _Nempe incomposito_] See Introduction.

3. _At idem_] "'At' denotes rather addition than opposition. It is

commonly employed after a concession" (Key's L. G. 1445). The concession

here is in 'nempe.' 'You say, and I admit it, still in the same Satire I

praised him.'

4. _defricuit_] This word is nowhere else used in this sense. It means

'to give a hard rub,' as we say. There are other vulgarisms in our own

language akin to this expression.

6. _Et Laberi mimos_] Laberius was the most distinguished writer of this

particular kind of play that we know of. He died the year before the

battle of Philippi, A.U.C. 711, and therefore before this Satire was

written. The Roman mimes were, in the time of Laberius, represented in

the theatres with the regular drama. They were a combination of

grotesque dumb-show, of dances by men and women, of farcical

representations in verse-dialogue, of incidents in low and profligate

life, and of grave sentiments and satirical allusions interspersed with

the dialogue. Augustus was a great patron of these licentious

representations. See Tac. Ann. i. 54.

9. _Est brevitate opus,_] The want of this quality in Lucilius he

condemns in S. 4. 9, sqq.

11. _modo tristi_] 'Tristi' signifies 'serious.'

12. _Defendente vicem_] 'Supporting the part,' like "fungar vice cotis"

(A. P. 304), and "Actoris partes chorus officiumque virile Defendat" (v.

193). On 'modo,' see S. 3. 12. The combination Horace commends is that

of the orator sternly or gravely rebuking vice, of the humorous satirist

('poëtae') broadly ridiculing it, and of the polished wit, who, instead

of throwing himself with all his strength upon his victim, substitutes

sarcasm for invective, and lets his power be rather felt than seen. Of

these three, the gravity of stern reproof Horace estimates lowest,

saying that ridicule generally settles questions, of however grave

importance, better and more decisively than severity.

15. _secat res._] 'Secare' is used in the sense of 'decidere' in Epp. i.

16. 42. Cicero (De Or. ii. 58) says, "Est plane oratoris movere

risum,--maxime quod tristitiam ac severum mitigat et relaxat odiosasque

res saepe quas argumentis dilui non facile est joco risuque dissolvit."

16. _Illi scripta quibus_] See S. 4. 2, n. 'Hoc stabant,' 'stood on this

ground,' as 'hinc pendet,' S. 4. 6.

18. _Hermogenes_] See S. 3. 129, n. 'Simius iste' probably means

Demetrius, whom we meet with below (v. 79) as an abuser of Horace and

(v. 90) as a trainer of 'mimae,' like Hermogenes, with whom he is

associated. We know nothing more of him. His only skill was to sing the

love-songs of Calvus and Catullus, who were favorite poets of the last

generation, and great friends.

20. _quod verbis Graeca Latinis_] This is a new fault in the style of

Lucilius, not before mentioned. See the note on S. 4. 6.

21. _Seri studiorum!_] This phrase represents the Greek ὀψιμαθεῖς. In

'quine putetis' the interrogative enclitic is somewhat redundant, but

not more than in many other instances, as S. ii. 2. 107, and 3. 295,

317.

22. _Rhodio quod Pitholeonti_] This person is unknown. His name probably

was Pitholaus; if so, Horace changed that termination in conformity with

the Greek usage, as Τιμόλαος and Τιμόλεων, Μενέλαος and Μενέλεως, &c.,

are different forms of the same word.

24. _ut Chio nota si_] On 'nota' see C. ii. 3. 8. Here the Chian, a

sweet wine, would represent the Greek, as the rougher wine of Campania

would stand for the less polished Latin.

26. _causa Petilli?_] See S. 4. 94, n.

27. _Scilicet oblitus_] The sense of the passage from v. 25 to 30 is

this: "You say that the language is more elegant if it be set off with

Greek. But I ask you yourself, is it only when you are writing poetry,

or when you have on hand a difficult cause, such as that of Petillius?

Would you then likewise, forgetting your country and your birth, while

our great orators Pedius and Messalla are elaborating their speeches in

their pure mother tongue ('Latine'),--would you, I say, prefer mixing up

a foreign jargon with your native language, like a double-tongued man of

Canusium?" He puts the composition of verses on such themes as Lucilius

chose, on a level with the gravity of forensic speaking, and asks why,

if the man would not apply the rule to the latter, he should do so to

the former.

28. _Cum Pedius causas_] Who Pedius was, is quite uncertain; but he must

have been well known as an orator. It is also uncertain whether

Poplicola belongs to Pedius or Corvinus, about whom see C. iii. 21.

Quintilian describes him (x. 1. 113) as "orator nitidus et candidus et

quodammodo prae se ferens in dicendo nobilitatem suam." And Horace

speaks again of his eloquence, A. P. 370. His intimacy with Horace began

in the army of Brutus, and continued unbroken till Horace's death.

30. _Canusini more bilinguis?_] As to Canusium, see S. 5. 91. It was one

of those Greek towns which retained longest and most purely the language

of its founders, as we may suppose from the text.

36. _Turgidus Alpinus_] This is supposed to be a bad poet named M.

Furius Bibaculus, born at Cremona B.C. 102. 'Turgidus' refers to his

person. Horace describes him elsewhere as "pingui tentus omaso" (S. ii.

5. 40), where a bombastic verse of his is quoted, which may account for

his being called familiarly, by his contemporaries, Alpinus. Horace

speaks of his murdering Memnon, and it is generally supposed that this

refers to a translation he made of the Aethiopis of Arctinus, one of the

Cyclic poets, in which Memnon was one of the principal heroes.

37. _Defingit Rheni luteum caput,_] Horace says that Furius, like some

rude artist, had made a figure of Rhenus (the Rhine) with a head of

clay, referring to the statues by which the different river-gods were

represented, and to some description this poet had given of the Rhine,

perhaps in a poem he is said to have written on the Gallic war.

'Defingo' is 'to fashion out,' and differs little from 'fingo.'

38. _Quae neque in aede sonent_] Sp. Mæcius Tarpa was the officer who

licensed plays before they were acted. He is mentioned again in the Ars

Poëtica (v. 387). His duties had previously formed part of the functions

of the ædiles, and it was not till political allusions became common,

and the position of affairs too critical to bear them, that this special

censorship was created. 'Aedes' in the singular signifies 'a temple.'

Temples of Apollo and the Muses are referred to by Juvenal (S. vii. 37)

as the resort of poets, and other temples besides (see Ovid. Trist. iii.

1. 69) had buildings attached where men of letters assembled. In one of

these, therefore, or some building especially consecrated to the Muses,

poets who had plays they wished to get represented recited them,

probably in the presence of Tarpa.

42. _Unus vivorum, Fundani;_] Of this Fundanius, who Horace says was the

only man of the day who could write a comedy in the style of Menander

and that school, nothing whatever is known. He is the narrator of the

scene in S. ii. 8, the supper of Nasidienus. Probably Horace exaggerated

his merits, as well as Pollio's, out of affection for the men. As to

Pollio, see C. ii. 1, Int., and v. 10, n. 'Regum,' such as the "sacra

Pelopis domus" (C. i. 6. 8, n.). 'Pede ter percusso' refers to the

trimeter iambic, the common measure of tragedy.

44. _Ut nemo Varius ducit;_] As to Varius, see the Ode last mentioned,

vv. 8, 11, and S. 5. 40. The derived significations of 'ducere' are

various. As applied to a poem, it is probably taken from the process of

spinning. See Epp. ii. 1. 225: "tenui deducta poëmata filo." See also S.

ii. 1. 4.

45. _Virgilio_] Whether Virgil had at this time published his Georgics

or not is quite uncertain, from the doubt that hangs over both the date

of this Satire and the publication of those poems. But, at any rate,

Virgil had them in hand, and his friends had probably heard a great part

of them recited in private. The Bucolics had been published some time,

and they seem to have been thought well of, though until the Aeneid had

made some progress we have no reason to suppose that Virgil was classed

by his contemporaries with poets of the first rank. 'Facetum' signifies

'elegant,' as in a coxcomb it would be called 'fine,' S. 2. 26.

46. _Hoc erat,_] Horace says, 'Fundanius may write comedy better than

any man living, Pollio tragedy, Varius epics, Virgil pastorals: this

(satire) was what, after Varro and some others had tried it in vain, I

was able to write better than they, though not equal to its inventor'

(Lucilius). Who he means by 'some others,' it is impossible to say.

_Varrone Atacino_] P. Terentius Varro was a poet of the day some years

older than Horace. He was called Atacinus from the Atax, a river of

Gallia Narbonensis, to distinguish him from M. Terentius Varro, who is

sometimes called Reatinus. Different works are attributed to him. His

attempts at satire--in which Horace says, most probably with justice,

that he had failed--are nowhere noticed but here.

53. _Nil comis tragici mutat Lucilius Acci?_] See below, v. 65. Accius

was born B.C. 170, and was a writer of tragedies, chiefly from the

Greek. Cicero and Quintilian speak very highly of him, and the popular

judgment was in his favor. See Epp. ii. 1. 56, and A. P. 259.

55. _non ut majore reprensis?_] 'Not as if he were superior to those he

finds fault with.'

59. _Quid vetat et nosmet_] Horace says he is at liberty to inquire

whether it is not a natural consequence of Lucilius's temperament, and

the character of his subjects, that he wrote verses not more polished

and smooth than might be expected of a man who was content with giving

his lines the proper number of feet, and took delight in stringing

together a vast number of them in the shortest possible time. 'Pedibus

quid claudere senis' explains 'hoc,' 'contented merely with this,' that

is to say, comprising something (that he calls a verse, for there is

contempt in 'quid') in six feet.

61. _Etrusci Quale fuit Cassi_] Of this Cassius we know nothing, and

what Horace says of him is no more than a jocular invention that his

writings were so numerous and worthless that his funeral pile was made

of them and the boxes that contained them.

63. _capsis_] See S. 4. 22, n.

64. _Fuerit_] See S. i. 1. 45.

65. _Comis et urbanus_] 'Agreeable and refined.'

66. _Quam rudis et Graecis_] 'Allow that he is more polished than the

inventor of a rude style of poetry unknown to the Greeks might be

expected to be, and than the mass of the older poets certainly were;

still, if he had lived to this our time, he would have corrected much

that he had written.'

71. _vivos et roderet ungues_] 'And would bite his nails to the quick,'

as men sometimes do when they are thinking very nervously.

72. _Saepe stilum vertas_] 'Stilum vertere' means to erase what had been

written, one end of the iron pen ('stilus') being broad like the end of

a chisel, for the purpose of obliterating the letters made upon the wax

tablet by the sharp end, which they called 'acumen.'

75. _Vilibus in ludis_] Such schools as Flavius's, perhaps, if poetry

was ever taught there, or in those cheap schools in the back streets

mentioned in Epp. i. 20. 18. The word 'dictari' refers to the practice

of the teacher reading out a passage for the pupil to repeat after him,

one of the earliest steps in education being accurate pronunciation. The

words 'canere,' 'cantare,' which are frequently applied to the

recitation of the pupil, show that the modulation of the voice was a

primary consideration in teaching. To help this most probably was one

principal purpose of the master's reciting to his scholars, which was

done quite at the beginning, and probably before the boys could write;

whence Horace says (Epp. ii. 1. 126), "Os tenerum pueri balbumque poëta

figurat." It was a good preparation for their subsequent training under

the teacher of rhetoric. It is a practice which might be more generally

revived, for nothing can be worse than the way in which boys usually

read or repeat their lessons in our schools.

77. _explosa Arbuscula_] This was a celebrated actress in Cicero's time.

As she, when she was hissed off the stage, said she cared nothing for

the rest of the spectators, and was satisfied if she pleased the front

benches (the Equites), so Horace says he only wants to be read in the

better sort of schools, where that class of people sent their sons.

78. _cimex Pantilius,_] This person, if it be a real name, is quite

unknown. A more contemptible animal could not have been chosen to liken

the man to, whether for its odor, its skulking, or its sting. So that

δήγματα κορέων, λαθρόδακναι κόρεες, seem to have been proverbial

expressions for calumny.

79. _Demetrius,_] See above on v. 18; and as to Fannius, see S. 4. 21,

n. On Plotius, see S. 5. 40; and on Valgius, C. ii. 9, Int. He was

consul in B.C. 13. Who Octavius was, we cannot tell. Horace does not

mean Augustus, for, after the death of the dictator, Octavius became C.

Julius Cæsar Octavianus, and could not at this time be called Octavius.

On Fuscus (to whom the epithet 'optimus' belongs), see C. i. 22, Int.,

and S. 9. 61, and Epp. i. 10.

83. _Viscorum laudet uterque!_] If Viscus be the correct reading in S.

9. 22, and S. ii. 8. 20, the persons there mentioned may be one or other

or both of these brothers.

84. _Ambitione relegata_] 'Dismissing flattery.'

85. _tuo cum fratre,_] This may have been Gellius Poplicola, Messalla's

brother by adoption. He was with Brutus and Cassius in Asia Minor; but

left them before the battle of Philippi, and joined M. Antonius, and

commanded the right wing of his army at Actium. If therefore this be the

person Horace alludes to, his acquaintance with him began in Brutus's

camp. He was consul in the year B.C. 36.

86. _Vos, Bibule et Servi,_] This Bibulus was probably the youngest son

of M. Calpurnius Bibulus, who was consul in B.C. 59, and of his wife

Porcia, who afterwards married M. Brutus. He wrote an account of his

stepfather's life, which Plutarch made use of. He must have been still

quite young.

Servius Sulpicius Rufus was a distinguished lawyer and friend of Cicero,

and he left a son named Servius. This son is perhaps the person Horace

refers to. Cicero was very fond of him, to judge by his letters to his

father. He must have been older than Horace, and very much older than

Bibulus.

Furnius was also the son of a friend and correspondent of Cicero, and

was a favorite with Augustus. The epithet 'candidus' applied to him by

Horace shows that he deserved esteem. Shortly after the battle of Actium

he got Augustus to take his father, who had followed M. Antonius, into

favor.

88. _Prudens_] 'Designedly,' 'on purpose.'

91. _Discipularum inter jubeo plorare cathedras._] Their pupils were

chiefly 'mimae,' actresses, but some ladies of birth at this time learnt

singing of professors, and it was not counted much to their praise.

'Jubeo plorare' corresponds to the Greek οἰμώζειν κελεύω, but 'plorare'

represents, not only the above proverbial expression, but the drawling

of the singing-master teaching his pupils sentimental or melancholy

songs. 'Cathedra' was an easy-chair used chiefly by women.

92. _I, puer,_] Authors did not write themselves, but had slaves, called

'pueri a studiis,' or generally 'librarii,' to whom they dictated. See

S. 4. 10. Epp. i. 10. 49; ii. 1. 110. We are to suppose that Horace

extemporized this anathema against Demetrius and Tigellius, and then

told his amanuensis to go before he forgot it and add it to the Satire

as his 'subscriptio'; which in letters was the word 'vale,' or something

civil of that sort.

SATIRES.--BOOK II.

SATIRE I.

C. Trebatius Testa was a jurisconsult of eminence, and a man of honor.

He was in the confidence of Augustus, and was consulted by him on legal

matters. Horace seems to have been well acquainted with him, though he

was many years younger than Trebatius.

Horace pretends to lay before the old lawyer a case for his opinion, and

asks what he had better do to meet the malevolence of his enemies.

Trebatius advises him to cease from writing, which Horace says is

impossible. He was born to write, and must do it. He has no capacity for

heroic subjects, and has a passion for imitating Lucilius, to whom he

pays a graceful compliment by the way. Trebatius warns him that he runs

the risk of being frozen to death by his great friends, or of legal

penalties for libel. But, trusting in the goodness of his cause, he sets

these dangers at defiance, and resolves to indulge his inclination.

1. _Sunt quibus--videor_] Horace had undoubtedly in his mind those

particular opponents, on some of whom he had retorted in S. 10 of the

last book, and, this being the case, the indicative mood is wanted,

rather than the subjunctive, after 'sunt quibus' (see C. i. 1. 3, n.,

and compare S. i. 4. 24). By 'tendere opus' Horace means he is charged

with carrying his work, or straining it, beyond the license properly

allowed to satire. 'Sine nervis' means 'without vigor.' As to 'deduci,'

see S. i. 10. 44, n.

4. _Trebati,_] See Introduction.

7. _Optimum erat:_] Here as below (v. 16) the imperfect indicative is

used where the subjunctive might be expected. The Greeks in similar

cases sometimes used the imperfect indicative without ἄν, where the

usual construction required that word.

_Ter uncti Transnanto Tiberim_] See S. i. 6. 123, n. The language is a

little in the style of a 'lex.' 'Sub noctem' means immediately after

night-fall. See Epod. ii. 44, n. S. ii. 7. 109. Epp. ii. 2. 169. It

appears from Cicero's letters to Trebatius that he was a great swimmer,

and Cicero describes himself as having gone home from his house one

night "bene potus seroque" (Ad Fam. vii. 22). He may therefore have

lived pretty freely.

10. _rapit_] There is force in this word, 'hurries you on like a

torrent.'

13. _quivis_] This corresponds to ὁ τυχών in Greek.

14. _fracta pereuntes cuspide_] Plutarch, in his Life of Marius (c. 25),

relates how, on the occasion of a battle with the Cimbri, he altered the

spears of the soldiers in such a way that they could not be of use to

the enemy. He says that the spear-heads were formerly fastened to the

shaft by two iron nails, and that Marius, removing one, substituted for

it a wooden peg, which would give way when the spear struck the shield,

where it would stick and drag along the ground. From the year B.C. 39 to

31, Augustus was engaged at different times in subduing the Gauls, and

he included his victories over them in the first of his three days'

triumphs, in B.C. 29. (See C. i. 2. 49, n.)

15. _Aut labentis equo_] The Parthians falling under blows inflicted by

the arms of Augustus, is a picture he draws from his own imagination, in

anticipation of future triumphs. But Augustus never engaged the

Parthians in the field. On 'labentis equo,' see C. i. 2. 39, n.

16. _poteras_] See above, v. 7. As to 'fortem,' see what is said of

'Fortitudo' on C. S. 57. Trebatius says, if Horace cannot write of the

victories of Augustus, he may of his virtues, his justice, and moral

courage.

17. _Scipiadam ut sapiens Lucilius_] Virgil uses this form (Georg. ii.

170), "Scipiadas duros bello." As the elder Scipio had Ennius to praise

him (see C. iv. 8), so the younger had Lucilius, who was his intimate

friend, and who served under him in the Numantian war. There is no

necessity for supposing that Lucilius wrote a separate poem on the

exploits of Scipio, though it is not improbable that he did so.

'Sapiens' is applied to the poet as 'doctus' is elsewhere. See note on

C. i. 1. 29. "Haud mihi deero" Horace uses above, S. i. 9. 56.

18. _dextro tempore_] See below, S. 4. 4: "Cum te sic tempore laevo

Interpellarim."

20. _Cui male si palpere_] 'If you stroke him clumsily, he kicks out,

and protects himself on every side.'

21. _Quanto rectius hoc_] Horace says that he may attempt those

subjects, but he must wait for an opportunity. And Trebatius continues,

'How much better is this, than with bitter verses to offend such

wretched creatures as Pantolabus and Nomentanus, by which he only

excites the fears and hatred of every one!'

22. _Pantolabum_] S. i. 8. 11.

24. _Quid faciam?_] 'What am I to do?' says Horace. 'Every man has his

taste, and mine is to string verses together like Lucilius.'

_Milonius,_] This man is said to have been a 'scurra,' a parasite, a low

fellow who has no respect for himself, who lets himself out, at the

price of a dinner, to entertain rich people and their guests with

buffoonery and small talk. Milonius, as soon as the wine got into his

head, would get up and dance before the company, the lowest proceeding

in the eyes of a Roman that could be imagined. 'Icto,' in this sense of

'wine-struck,' does not occur elsewhere. It is a Greek notion.

26. _Castor gaudet equis,_] This difference in the tastes of Castor and

his brother is expressed in one line of the Iliad (iii. 237), Κάστορά θ᾽

ἱππόδαμον καὶ πὺξ ἀγαθὸν Πολυδεύκεα.

27. _quot capitum vivunt,_] Compare "Quot homines tot sententiae: suus

cuique mos" (Phormio, ii. 4. 14.)

28. _claudere_] See S. i. 10. 59.

31. _neque si male cesserat_] 'Never resorting to anything else, whether

matters had gone ill with him or well.'

33. _Votiva--tabella_] On the practice of hanging up a picture in the

temples to commemorate escape from shipwreck, see C. i. 5. 12, n. It was

probably not confined to sailors.

34. _Vita senis._] Lucilius, the date of whose death is not certain, but

who is said to have died in his forty-sixth year, B.C. 103, is here

called old only in point of time, as in Epp. ii. 1. 56, "Aufert Pacuvius

docti famam senis Accius alti"; and above (S. i. 10. 67), "poëtarum

seniorum turba"; and as Aristophanes is called by Persius (i. 124),

"praegrandis senex."

_Lucanus an Apulus anceps:_] See C. iii. 4. 9, n. 'Anceps' is neuter.

'Sub' signifies 'close up to,' where 'sub' has its original meaning

'up,' and "the sense of 'to' belongs to the accusative termination, not

to the preposition." As to 'colonus,' see C. ii. 14. 12, n. 'Romano' is

used for the Romans, as in Epod. vii. 6, and Tac. Ann. xii. 58.

The colony of Venusia was formed in B.C. 291, the last year of the third

Samnite war, when L. Postumius Megellus and C. Junius Brutus Bubulcus

were consuls. The town, which was on the borders of Lucania and Apulia,

belonged to the Samnites, from whom it was taken by Q. Fabius. (Sabelli

was the name given by the Romans to all the tribes which issued from the

Sabine stock, of whom the Samnites were one.) Apulia and Lucania were,

at the beginning of this war, independent states in close alliance with

the Samnites, but after the first year they found it for their interest

to desert those allies, and joined the Romans, with whom they continued

to unite their forces till the end of the war. Horace's supposition that

one or other of those states was meditating or carrying on war with

Rome, is not, therefore, strictly accurate; but they were always very

doubtful allies, and were glad to assist their old enemies the Greek

cities in their resistance to Rome when they called in the help of

Pyrrhus; and it was not till the fall of Tarentum, B.C. 272, that these,

in common with the other southern states of Italy, finally acknowledged

the supremacy of Rome and accepted their freedom from her. It was in

consequence of the commanding position of Venusia, in reference to the

three nations of the Samnites, Apulians, and Lucanians, that the Romans

sent there in the above year (B.C. 291) a colony of twenty thousand

persons. This place was of great use to the Romans in the war with

Pyrrhus. After their reverse at the battle of Heraclea, A.U.C. 474, the

remnant of their army retreated to Venusia, and here many found refuge

after the defeat of Cannæ. The quantity of the second syllable in

Venusinus, Horace makes short here, and in C. i. 28. 26. Juvenal

lengthens it (vi. 167): "Malo Venusinam quam te, Cornelia, mater

Gracchorum," where, as here, the humble inhabitant of Venusia is

contrasted with the proud matron of Rome. 'Quo ne' (v. 37) is an unusual

expression, in which 'quo' is redundant.

39. _Sed hic stilus haud petet ultro_] On this use of 'sed,' see C. iv.

4. 22, n. 'Ultro' means here 'wantonly,' without provocation or cause.

See C. iv. 4. 51, n.

43. _ut pereat_] 'Ut' is an imitation of the Greek use of ὡς, expressing

a wish. He hopes that his adversaries will let him alone, and leave his

sword (that is, his pen) to rust. From 'at ille' the construction is a

little irregular, but the abruptness of the several clauses is well

suited to the occasion: 'but for that man that provokes me, he had

better not touch me, I cry; he'll suffer if he does,' &c.

47. _Cervius iratus--urnam,_] Cervius appears to have been an informer.

He is not the man mentioned in S. ii. 6. 77. 'Urnam' means either the

urn into which the judices put their tablets, or that into which their

names were put for drawing the jury. Either way it is equivalent to

'judicium.'

48. _Canidia Albuti quibus_] Albutius was perhaps a person notorious for

having poisoned somebody, and 'Albuti venenum' may have become

proverbial. We meet with an Albutius below (S. 2. 67), who, from his

character, may have been the same as this.

49. _Grande malum Turius,_] Of this person we know nothing. He threatens

his adversary with an adverse judgment if he ever has a private suit

tried before him.

50. _Ut quo quisque valet_] In what follows it is Horace's purpose to

show that it is a law of nature that every one should use the means of

defence that are given him, and he is only acting on this law when he

employs satire in self-defence. 'Unde' in v. 52 belongs to 'monstratum,'

as, in the next Satire, v. 31, "Unde datum sentis" 'by what suggested if

not from within?' Of Scæva we know nothing. What Horace says is, that he

would, like other animals, resort to the means most natural to him,

which were not violence, to which cowards have an aversion, but poison.

54. _Mirum, Ut neque_] 'Strange! yes, as strange as that the wolf does

not kick, nor the ox bite.'

58. _seu Mors atris circumvolat alis,_] This representation of death

hovering over a man with dark wings, may have been taken from a

painting.

60. _Quisquis erit vitae scribam color_] This loose collocation of words

is not uncommon in Horace. It ought not to be imitated.

_O puer, ut sis_] See Introduction. This sentence illustrates the rule

respecting verbs of fearing, that they "have the subjunctive with 'ne'

if the object be not desired, with 'ut' if it be desired" (Key's L. G.

1186), to which the note is "Observe that the Latin inserts a negative

where the English has none, and _vice versa_."

64. _Detrahere et pellem,_] Compare Epp. i. 16. 44. Each of the

Scipiones had a Lælius for his intimate companion. This is C. Laelius

Sapiens, the friend of P. Scipio Africanus Minor, and well known through

Cicero's treatises 'De Senectute' and 'De Amicitia,' in the former of

which he is a listener, in the latter the principal speaker. As to the

following verse, see C. iv. 8. 18, n. Lucilius was on terms of close

intimacy with these two friends.

67. _Metello_] Q. Cæcilius Metellus had the cognomen Macedonicus given

him, for his successes against Andriscus, the pretender to the throne of

Perseus, king of Macedonia. Horace means to say that Scipio and Lælius

were not offended at the wit of Lucilius, nor feared it might turn upon

themselves, when they saw him attack Metellus. Why he did so is

uncertain.

68. _Lupo_] Who Lupus was is not certain. His name appears in many of

the fragments of Lucilius. The most probable person is L. Cornelius

Lentulus Lupus, who was consul B.C. 156. What he had done to provoke

Lucilius's satire we do not know, but Cicero (De Nat. Deor. i. 23) has

preserved a verse of his in which Lupus is classed with the perjured and

profligate.

_Atqui Primores populi_] 'Atqui,' which is a form of 'at quin,' means

'but he did, did he not?' 'Tributim,' throughout all the tribes: he

attacked the optimates and plebeians, and all without distinction. As to

the tribes, see Epp. i. 6. 52, n. 'Aequus' means 'favorable to.'

72. _Virtus Scipiadae_] On this form, see above, v. 17. See also S. i.

2. 32, n., on the expression 'virtus Scipiadae.' Lælius, as above

mentioned, had the cognomen Sapiens given him, and any one who reads

Cicero's treatise that bears his name will understand Horace's epithet

'mitis.' One of the Scholiasts relates a story of Lælius running round

the dinner-table, and Lucilius pursuing him with a napkin, to flog him.

Lucilius was born B.C. 148, and Scipio died B.C. 129. He was therefore

but a boy when he thus played with these friends; and if, as Horace's

language implies, he wrote satires in Scipio's lifetime, they were

probably the more intemperate sallies of youth. But Horace may be

mistaken. The fare of these great men was of the simplest kind. (See

note on S. i. 6. 115.)

75. _Infra Lucili censum_] Horace had before intimated (v. 34, n.) that

he, a poor man's son, born in a provincial town, was not to be compared

with Lucilius, a Roman citizen, who was rich, and had a fine house in

the Forum.

78. _nisi quid tu,_] This is equivalent to saying, 'This is what I

think, Trebatius; but I shall be glad to defer to your opinion if you

differ from me.'

79. _nihil hinc diffindere possum._] The meaning of 'diffindere' is not

quite clear. Perhaps it has the same sense as 'secare' above (S. i. 10.

15, and Epp. i. 16. 42); that is, 'to decide.' If so, Trebatius says he

cannot decide the question from the premises Horace has put before him

('hinc').

80. _Sed tamen_] By the XII. Tables, the writing of scurrilous verses

was among the few offences that were punishable with death. See Dict.

Antt., Art. 'Injuria,' and compare Epp. ii. 1. 153. There was a 'lex

Cornelia de injuriis,' which probably included the offence of writing

scurrilous verses. When Trebatius says there is 'jus judiciumque,' he

means that there is law, and also there are legal proceedings, for this

case. 'Ne forte' is used as in C. iv. 9. 1, where see note, and compare

Epp. i. 1. 13; 18. 58; ii. 1. 208. 'Sanctarum' is a participle, 'quae

sanciuntur.' 'Sancire legem' was to affix the penalty to a 'lex,' and so

give it effect. See Cic. de Am. c. 12.

85. _latraverit,_] 'Latro' is used as a transitive verb in Epod. v. 58,

and Epp. i. 2. 66, and so it is here, 'What if one barks at a man who

deserves rebuke, he himself being untainted?'

86. _Solventur risu tabulae,_] The 'tabulae' are the tablets ('tabellae

judiciariae') by which the judices declared their votes, and Trebatius

probably means to say, that the votes of the judices will be decided by

the amusement of the scene, or else that the severity of their votes

will be melted by it; that is, that the matter will be treated as

unworthy of serious consideration; the judices will laugh at the joke,

and acquit the defendant.

SATIRE II.

The object of this Satire is to teach the advantages of moderate eating.

Of Ofella, the person into whose mouth Horace puts the chief part of his

precepts, we know no more than we may gather from the Satire

itself,--that in Horace's youth he was the owner of an estate near

Venusia, and that his property was taken from him and made over to one

of the veteran soldiers, named Umbrenus (v. 133), and that he afterwards

rented, as 'colonus,' a farm on that estate which was once his own. This

transfer took place, in all probability, when the troops returned to

Italy after the battle of Philippi, B.C. 42, at which time (among

several other districts) the Venusinus ager was distributed among the

soldiers. It has been supposed that Horace visited his native place, and

renewed his acquaintance with Ofella, on his return from Brundisium.

(See Introduction to S. i. 5, sub fin.) The old man, unchanged by the

reverses of fortune, industrious and uncomplaining, exhorting his sons

to frugality and contentment, is a pleasant picture, and helps by

contrast to illustrate the gluttonous and luxurious habits of the city.

2. _quae praecepit Ofella_] See Introduction.

3. _abnormis sapiens, crassaque Minerva,_] A man wise without rule, and

of plain mother wit. Cicero (De Amicit. c. 5) uses the expression

"agamus pingui Minerva" as a proverbial one. Minerva was the goddess of

wisdom, and 'crassa Minerva' therefore means, proverbially, a coarse

kind of wisdom.

4. _inter lances mensasque nitentes_] The wealthy Romans had already

learned to fill their rooms with costly furniture, and to make a display

of their plate, whether in the shape of useful or ornamental vessels.

Very much of the plate thus displayed was of foreign manufacture, and

very costly, and much of it was of great antiquity, and a good deal

taken from Greek and Asiatic temples, and brought to Rome by various

conquerors (Marcellus and Mummius in particular), by extortionate

governors, or by the travelling 'mercatores,' who thus brought home the

proceeds of the goods they took abroad. The dishes of the rich were very

generally of silver, so that the 'lances' here mentioned would be, not

only those which appeared for show, but those also in which the viands

were served. 'Lances' is here used as a generic name for dishes; but

there were particular names, as 'patina,' 'catinus,' 'scutula,'

'gabata,' 'paropsis,' all of different shapes and for different uses.

There appears to have been no article in which the Romans showed more

extravagance than their tables; and Pliny relates of Cicero that he gave

a million sesterces for a table of the sort called 'orbes.' These

consisted of single slabs, sometimes of great diameter.

9. _Corruptus judex._] Horace likens the man whose judgment is biassed

by a fine table and good dinner, to a judex who has been tampered with.

(See C. iv. 9. 39, n.)

_Leporem sectatus equove_] There is some confusion raised in this long

sentence by the introduction of the words 'pete cedentem aëra disco.'

Horace means at first to say, "When you have tired yourself with hunting

the hare, with riding an unbroken horse, or (supposing the rougher

sports are too much for you) with ball-play or throwing the discus, and

are dry and hungry, then see if you will despise the commonest food, and

call for rich mulsum." Instead of which he says: "After hunting the hare

or wearying yourself with riding, or if (supposing you are only

accustomed to Greek sports, and the Roman are too much for you)

ball-play occupies you or the discus, then throw the discus, but when

fatigue shall have banished fastidiousness, and you are dry and hungry,

then see if," etc.

10. _Romana--Militia_] This is a way of expressing Roman sports.

11. _seu pila velox_] The ball play, which was so common an amusement in

one shape or other among the Romans, was introduced from Greece, though

the Romans had varieties perhaps of their own invention.

13. _Seu te discus agit,_] The throwing of the discus likewise was of

Greek origin, and belonged to the heroic age. It had no resemblance to

the quoit, by which name it is sometimes rendered, but was a round flat

plate of metal or stone, sometimes nearly a foot in diameter.

14. _Cum labor extuderit_] 'Extundo' is nowhere else used in this sense,

but it is a very apt word for the occasion. Hunger beating

fastidiousness out of a man represents the power of the one, and the

contemptible character of the other, very well.

15. _nisi Hymettia mella Falerno_] This constituted the drink called

'mulsum,' οἰνόμελι, which was commonly drunk at the preparatory course

called 'gustus' or 'promulsis' (see S. i. 3. 6, n.), the former name

being taken from the dishes that were eaten as a whet to the appetite,

and the latter from the mulsum that was taken with them. The use of the

strong Falernian wine for this mixture, in which the usual proportion

was four of wine to one of honey, is condemned below, S. 4. 25.

16. _promus_] This was one of the 'ordinarii' or upper domestic slaves,

whose duty it was to take charge of the wine-cellar and larder. He was

hence called 'cellarius,' also 'procurator peni,' 'steward of the

provisions.' Another name he bore was 'condus,' because he had to take

into store ('condere') the provisions that were left or brought in for

consumption, and, as the same person who locked up also took out the

provisions ('promere'), both names were united in one, 'conduspromus.'

17. _hiemat mare:_] 'Hiemat' is copied from the Greek χειμάζεται.

18. _Latrantem stomachum_] Compare 'iratum ventrem' (S. ii. 8. 5). A

hungry man is vulgarly said to "have a wolf in his belly," to this day.

19. _Qui partum?_] The subject is only to be gathered from the context.

'Whence do you suppose this appetite springs, or how is it obtained?'

20. _pulmentaria quaere_] The Scholiasts tell us a story of Socrates,

that, when he was taking a long walk, he accounted for his activity by

saying ὄψον συνάγω, 'I am getting sauce for my dinner.' See Epp. i. 18.

48.

21. _ostrea Nec scarus_] These were all served up with the 'gustus,' to

stir up the appetite. Oysters were eaten raw or dressed. The 'scarus'

was a fish not known in these days. It was rare, even among the Romans,

and imported from the Ægean Sea. Martial says it was good for the

stomach, but of poor flavor. The 'lagois' is described by the Scholiast

as 'a bird of the color of a hare'; beyond which we know nothing about

it. 'Ostrea' is here used as a dissyllable. Of the other things of which

the 'promulsis' usually consisted, some are given below (S. 8. 8, sq.).

The peacock was a dish lately introduced when Horace wrote.

23. _posito pavone_] 'Ponere,' for putting on the table, occurs below

(S. 4. 14).

24. _tergere palatum,_] 'To wipe the palate,' is a novel expression.

25. _vanis rerum,_] See C. iv. 12. 19, n.

28. _Cocto num adest_] The 'm' is pronounced with the following word, as

is common in Terence.

30. _deceptum te petere!_] The infinitive 'petere' expresses a feeling

of indignation. This infinitive is dependent on some such phrase as

'credendum est.' The sense is as follows: "To think that, although in

the quality of the flesh there is no difference, you should prefer the

pea-fowl to the other, deluded by the superiority of its beauty." 'Hac'

refers not to the bird last mentioned, but to that which the speaker

prefers, or is defending; just as we have 'his' and 'illis' changing

places below (36, 37).

31. _Unde datum sentis_] The sentence goes on thus 'Be it so: grant that

you may be taken in by the eye, in the matter of the bird with a fine

tail; but what sense can tell you whether such and such a fish was

caught in the Tiber or in the open sea, between the bridges or at the

mouth of the river?' This is not a very well chosen question. That part

of the river which is meant by 'inter pontes' lay between the Pons

Fabricius, which joined the Insula Tiberina with the left bank, and the

Pons Sublicius, and between these bridges the Cloaca Maxima emptied

itself. Here the stream was more than usually rapid, and 'jactatus,'

'tossed,' expresses this. It would not require a very keen epicure to

distinguish a fish caught in those waters; and the fish taken at sea, if

it was the same fish, would be out of season and coarse. The 'lupus' is

said to have been of the pike kind.

33. _Ostia sub Tusci?_] 'Sub' with the accusative, in phrases of place,

seems to have the meaning it has in phrases of time, 'immediately after'

(see Epod. ii. 44, n.); so that 'sub ostia' would be 'immediately on

entering the mouth.' But it usually in these phrases follows a verb of

motion and means 'close up to'; and if it be so understood here, the

verb of motion must be supplied, 'as you approach close up to.' The

Tiber is called 'Tuscus amnis,' as (C. i. 20. 5) it is said to be

Mæcenas's 'paternum flumen,' because it rises in Etruria.

34. _Mullum_] The mullet was a fish in high estimation for a great

number of years. Martial speaks of one of two pounds as the least that

should be put upon a fine dish. This, Pliny says, was a size it rarely

exceeded. Juvenal tells a story of a man who bought a mullet of six

pounds, at a thousand sesterces for each pound (iv. 15). The bearded

mullet, as it was called, was held in highest esteem. Horace says the

man is mad to admire a mullet of three pounds, since to be served up it

must be divided into as many separate dishes (see Epp. i. 18. 48, n.).

36. _Quia scilicet illis_] 'Illis' does not refer to the more remote

object here, but to the nearer, as in v. 29 (see note). 'His' refers to

the mullet.

40. _At vos, Praesentes Austri,_] 'Now may ye, O potent south winds.'

'At' is a particle of exclamation, when a sudden emotion is expressed,

as mentioned above (Epod. v. 1). The winds are invoked as deities. As to

'praesens' in this application, see C. i. 35. 2.

41. _quamquam_] 'Though I need not invoke your help; for the boar and

the fresh turbot lose their flavor, when the stomach is gorged and seeks

stimulants.'

42. _rhombus_] This fish, if it was the turbot, was not less esteemed by

the Romans than by ourselves. The finest were caught in the Hadriatic,

near Ravenna, whence the fish that caused such a sensation in Juvenal's

story (iv. 37, sqq.) he calls "Hadriaci spatium admirabile rhombi." But

it is not certain that we know what fish is meant by the 'rhombus.'

Respecting 'rapula' and 'inulae,' see below, S. 8. 51. On the use of

eggs at the 'promulsis,' see S. i. 3. 6. The sense in which Horace uses

the words 'pauper' and 'rex' is nowhere more marked than here (see C. i.

1. 18, and C. i. 4. 14).

47. _Galloni praeconis erat acipensere_] This person, who lived in the

time of Lucilius and was noticed by him, is said to have introduced the

'acipenser,' which fish is said to be a sturgeon. In respect to

'praeconis,' see S. i. 6. 86, n.

50. _auctor docuit praetorius._] It is said one Rufus was the first to

bring into fashion the eating of young storks. When he lived, it is

impossible to say. He must have served the office of prætor, from the

epithet Horace gives him. The stork went out of fashion, as Ofella

predicts; and though gulls did not take its place, cranes came into

vogue. See S. ii. 8. 87. As to 'auctor,' see C. i. 28. 14, n. The word

'edixerit' is a play upon the 'edictum' of the 'praetor.'

52. _pravi docilis_] 'Ever ready to learn what is bad.' The construction

is like 'docilis modorum,' in C. iv. 6. 43. 'Pravus' signifies

'crooked,' as opposed to 'rectus,' 'straight'; and so 'pravum

detorseris,' below (v. 55), is literally 'turn yourself awry.' 'Pravis

talis' (S. i. 3. 48) are 'crooked ankles.'

53. _Sordidus a tenui_] Horace goes on to show that moderation is not

meanness, and that propriety lies in a middle course.

55. _Avidienus,_] This man was a miser, but nothing more is known of

him. He was 'a dirty dog,' and so the name Canis was properly applied to

him.

58. _defundere_] 'Diffundere' means, as mentioned before, to draw wine

from the 'dolium' into the 'amphora,' 'testa,' or 'cadus,' (all the same

kind of vessel,) in which it was kept till it was fit to drink. When

poured thence into the 'crater,' to be mixed for drinking, it was said

to be 'defusum.' This miser's wine was of a poor kind, probably not fit

to be bottled in the first instance, but only to be drunk from the

'dolium.' He bottled it, and did not produce it for consumption till it

was turned ('mutatum').

59. _licebit Ille repotia_] On 'licebit,' see Epod. xv. 19. 'Repotia'

was a 'coena' sometimes given, the day after marriage, by the husband. I

am not aware that any explanation of the custom is to be met with. The

marriage-dinner was given by the husband. As that was usually a scene of

nothing but unrestrained merriment, perhaps the religious ceremonies,

required properly to inaugurate the new life of the married couple, and

to propitiate the Penates and Lares, were usually deferred to this day;

and the sobriety of the 'repotia' was probably designed to make amends

for the license of the 'coena nuptialis.' The Romans observed their

birthdays with religious accuracy. See note on C. iv. 11. 8.

61. _albatus_] They took care on every holiday to have their togas

especially clean. The ordinary toga was not dyed. The natural whiteness

of the wool was increased by the process of cleaning, in which it was

rubbed with different kinds of fuller's earth ('creta fullonis'), and

also exposed to steams of sulphur, which removed stains of any kind.

'Albatus,' therefore, signifies in a toga which has just come from the

'fullo.' It was usual for persons who were canvassing for offices to

have their toga unusually whitened with an extra supply of 'creta,'

whence they were called 'candidati.'

_cornu ipse bilibri_] The 'cornu' was the horn vessel in which the oil

was kept. Instead of having a cruet or small vessel suited to the dinner

table, such as wealthy people usually had of silver and others of

cheaper material, he would bring down the big horn, and with his own

hand ('ipse'), lest others should be too liberal, drop the smallest

quantity of oil upon the cabbage, while of his old vinegar, which would

turn his guests, if he had any, from the dish, he was free enough.

64. _aiunt._] τὸ λεγόμενον, 'as the saying is.' It was perhaps a common

proverb to express a dilemma, though not now met with elsewhere.

65. _Mundus erit qua non_] 'A man will be decent so far as ('qua') he

does not offend by meanness, and is on neither hand sordid in his way of

living.'

67. _Albuti senis_] See S. ii. 1. 48, n. The Scholiasts say the savage

old man used to flog his slaves before they did wrong, "because," said

he, "when you do wrong I may not be at leisure to flog you." 'Dido,' 'to

distribute,' is different in sense and etymology from 'divido.' The

latter is connected with 'iduo,' 'idus' (C. iv. 11. 16, n.), the former

with 'do.' 'Dido' is commonly used by Lucretius.

68. _ut simplex Naevius_] Of Nævius nothing is known. 'Simplex' is

ironical. A story is told by Plutarch, in his Life of Julius Cæsar (c.

17), of Valerius Leo, who put before the dictator some asparagus covered

with ointment instead of oil. Such 'simplicity,' amounting to an

indifference to the decencies of life, and a want of consideration for

others, which some people almost look upon as a virtue, Horace very

properly describes as a great vice.

70. _Accipe nunc_] Horace now goes on to show the advantage of moderate

living, especially as connected with health.

73. _Quae simplex olim tibi sederit;_] 'Which, before you mixed it with

other things (while it was 'simplex'), remained quiet upon your

stomach.'

76. _Lenta--pituita._] The tough mucus secreted by the intestines. The

first and third syllables of 'pituita' are long, the second, therefore,

here coalesces with the third.

77. _Coena--dubia?_] This expression is copied from Terence, and means

such a good dinner that you cannot tell what to eat first. Phorm. ii. 2.

28.

79. _Atque affigit humo_] Debauchery not only affects the body, but

depresses the spirit, and unfits it for the duties of life. The

expression 'affigit humo' reminds us of the words of David, "My soul

cleaveth to the ground." The same sense, though in a different

connection, is conveyed by Cicero's words (De Senect. c. xxi.): "Est

enim animus caelestis ex altissimo domicilio depressus et quasi demersus

in terram, locum divinae naturae aeternitatique contrarium," which

serves also to illustrate 'divinae particulam aurae.' This expression

may have been taken from some old writer.

82. _ad melius poterit transcurrere_] 'May betake himself to better

fare.' As to 'quondam,' see C. ii. 10. 17, n.

87. _mollitiem,_] 'Indulgence,' which, as applied to youth, must be

understood in a bad sense; but to age or sickness in a good, as that

which infirmity or disease requires.

89. _Rancidum aprum_] What Horace means to say is, that their hospitable

forefathers, rather than eat their boar by themselves, while it was

fresh, would keep it till it was high, in case a stranger should drop in

to eat of it with them.

93. _tellus me prima_] See S. i. 3. 99.

94. _Das aliquid famae_] 'I suppose you allow something to good report,

seeing that more welcome than music it comes to the ear of man. If so

(he goes on), consider that these luxuries are as discreditable as they

are noxious. Also, they leave you without friends, and will bring you to

penury.'

95. _patinaeque_] The 'patina' was a covered dish in which meats were

brought in hot from the kitchen. 'Patruus' was as proverbial a name for

tyranny on the male side of the family, as 'noverca' on the female. See

C. ii. 12. 3. S. ii. 3. 87.

99. _As laquei pretium._] This was a proverb, or became so after Horace.

_Jure, inquit, Trausius_] The glutton is supposed to answer, 'This sort

of language is suited to Trausius: but to one who is as rich as I am, it

does not apply.' Of Trausius the spendthrift, nothing is known. All we

have to infer is, that he lived profusely upon small means, and ruined

himself, which the speaker considers himself too rich ever to do.

'Vectigalia' is used for a private fortune, in C. iii. 16. 40. Its use

is appropriate here, in connection with 'regibus.'

101. _Ergo Quod superat_] 'But if you have more than you want, cannot

you find better objects to spend it on?'

103. _indignus_] This has the same sense as 'immeritus' (C. iii. 6. 1,

and elsewhere), 'innocent.' Forcell. gives other examples. As to the

state of the temples and their restoration, see C. ii. 15, Introduction,

and note on C. iii. 6. 1.

106. _Uni nimirum_] "He hath said in his heart, I shall not be moved,

for I shall never be in adversity" (Ps. x. 6), is very like the argument

Horace puts in his rich man's mouth,--the man whose fortune was large

enough for three kings. He argues that he is so rich that he never can

be otherwise. As to 'nimirum,' see Epp. i. 9. 1, n.

107. _Uterne Ad casus dubios_] On 'ne,' see S. i. 10. 21, and with

'dubios' compare C. iv. 9. 36.

111. _aptarit_] 'Has fitted on his armor,' as it were.

112. _Quo magis his credas,_] He brings forward Ofella, as an instance,

in particular, of the way in which a man who has been frugal in

prosperity can meet the reverses of fortune.

113. _latius_] This word is used as 'angustius' in the opposite sense.

It means 'more profusely.' I am not aware that it is so used anywhere

else. 'Metato in agello' is the farm which has been marked out by the

public surveyor ('metator'), and assigned to Umbrenus. (See

Introduction.) This participle is used passively in C. ii. 15. 15.

'Fortem' has been explained in the note on C. S. 58, and for 'colonum,'

see C. ii. 14. 12, n. As 'colonum' signifies a tenant, 'mercede'

('rent') is only added to give additional force to the contrast. It

makes rather a clumsy sentence. Farms were held either on payment of

rent, or of a certain part of the produce of the land; but 'merces'

could not mean the latter. A 'colonus' who held on the latter terms, was

called 'partiarius.' 'Temere' signifies that which is done without

consideration, because habitually done.

116. _luce profesta_] 'Profesti dies' were working days, as opposed to

'festi' or 'feriati' (S. 3. 144, sq.). 'Profestis' is opposed to

'sacris' in C. iv. 15. 25.

119. _operum vacuo_] Compare C. iii. 17. 16, "operum solutis," and A. P.

212, "liberque laborum."

120. _bene erat_] 'We made ourselves happy.' See C. iii. 16. 43.

122. _cum duplice ficu._] Some take this for a large coarse kind of fig

('marisca'), double the size of an ordinary one. Others take it for a

fig split in two, and so dried. It is possible Horace may mean two figs.

123. _Post hoc ludus erat_] "After this we amused ourselves by drinking

with 'culpa' for our 'magister,' or 'rex bibendi,' συμποσίαρχος" (C. i.

4. 18, n.). It appears that they agreed between themselves as to some

mode of drinking, and established a penalty for the transgression of it,

which transgression ('culpa') was to do that which at drinking parties,

where a president was appointed, he might do arbitrarily; that is,

either mulct a guest of a cup of wine, or make him drink an extra cup,

or anything else he chose, as a fine for misbehavior. In short, Ofella

means it was a quiet and primitive sort of way of proceeding, unlike the

new fashion introduced from Greece, and followed in fine houses, of

having a symposiarch to preside (S. ii. 6. 69, n.).

124. _Ac venerata Ceres ita_] On this use of 'veneror,' see C. S. 49, n.

'Ita' introduces the object of the prayer. It is usually followed by

'ut' introducing a condition. But as with 'sic,' that is not always the

case. See note on C. i. 3. 1.

127. _parcius--nituistis_] 'Have ye been in worse condition, less sleek

and fat?' 'Ut,' 'ever since,' as "Ut tetigi Pontum vexant insomnia"

(Ovid, Trist. iii. 8. 27). 'Propriae' signifies one's own in perpetuity,

as below (v. 134), "erit nulli proprius"; and S. ii. 6. 5. Aen. (i. 73):

"Connubio jungam stabili propriamque dicabo."

131. _vafri_] The law was as plain as its subjects admitted, though to

ignorant people it must often have appeared subtle, and that is the

meaning of 'vafri.'

133. _Umbreni_] See Introduction.

SATIRE III.

This Satire appears to have been written during the Saturnalia, in the

month of December, B.C. 32. The year before, Agrippa had been Ædile, and

his ædileship is alluded to in v. 185. It was written at Horace's

country-house, not long, it may be supposed, after it was given him. He

was improving the house at the time, as we may infer from v. 308. The

Satire is general, taking in the leading vices and follies of human

nature,--ambition, avarice, extravagance, lust, superstition, which are

brought together with some ingenuity.

One Damasippus, a man who had wasted a good fortune in speculating as an

amateur in all sorts of costly articles, particularly works of art, in

which he was held to be a connoisseur, is introduced in a new character,

as a Stoic philosopher, reproving Horace for his laziness, and urging

him to write. He relates the story of his own conversion to philosophy,

which was this. When he had lost all his fortune, and was hopelessly

involved with money-lenders, and found himself laughed at and called

madman wherever he went, he grew desperate, and was going to throw

himself into the Tiber, when he was arrested by Stertinius, an oracle of

the Stoics, who remonstrated with him and consoled him, and at the same

time armed him against his enemies (v. 297) with a long homily, in the

course of which he proved that all the world, but the good and wise,

were as mad as he was. In this discourse he enumerates the chief

features of this universal madness, and this forms the bulk of the

Satire.

Of Damasippus very little is known. But he was a real person, though

perhaps a little before Horace's day. Why Horace should have chosen this

man as the mouth-piece of his Satire does not appear. Damasippus says

himself, it is true, that, having ruined his own affairs, he had nothing

to do but to attend to the affairs of others; which Horace interprets to

mean, that he had taken to giving advice when it was not asked (see v.

27, n.).

Stertinius appears to have been an authority among the Stoics of the

day. The Scholiasts tell us he wrote 220 books on the doctrines of that

school. Damasippus calls him (v. 296) "sapientum octavus." His books, if

he ever wrote them, have not rescued him from oblivion. Horace mentions

him again, in Epp. i. 12. 20, as the representative of the sect.

The discourse of Stertinius turns upon this dogma, that every man in the

world, high or low, is mad, except the sage (see note on v. 46). Cicero

has argued the same doctrine of the Stoics in his Paradoxa (iii. ὅτι πᾶς

ἄφρων μαίνεται), but he does not go very deep into the subject, or throw

much light upon it.

2. _Membranam poscas,_] Horace speaks of parchment ('membrana') only

twice (A. P. 389), 'charta,' which means the Egyptian papyrus, being his

usual equivalent for a book. From the thin coats of the papyrus the name

'liber' was derived, and parchment was less generally used in Horace's

day than the papyrus; though that material was also commonly employed.

'Texere chartam' is a common expression for putting the pieces of the

papyrus together. 'Retexere scripta,' therefore, means to take to pieces

or tear up what is written, or to take out leaves and substitute others,

with different writings upon them.

3. _vini somnique benignus_] This is a Greek construction 'freely

indulging in wine and sleep.' 'Dignum sermone' means 'worthy of being

talked about.'

4. _At ipsis Saturnalibus_] The use of 'at' in replies is common. 'But,

say you, while the Saturnalia were going on, you ran away to this place'

(his farm); i.e. that he might write something worth reading. 'Well,

then,' Damasippus proceeds, 'since you have kept yourself sober, give us

something equal to what you have led us to expect.' The Saturnalia was

celebrated on the 17th of December, to represent the liberty of the

golden age of Saturn (S. ii. 7. 4, "libertate Decembri"), and therefore

one of its chief features was the license granted, for the one day that

the feast lasted, to slaves. They had all the mockery of freedom for a

few hours, which they spent, like their betters, in rioting. The feast

belonged more to the country than the town, and was properly a farmers'

festival. But it was attended with greater disturbances in the city; and

one who wanted to be quiet at that time would be glad to retire to the

country.

6. _Nil est:_] 'It's no use,' as if Horace were preparing an excuse.

7. _calami,_] The reed used by the Romans for writing appears to have

been precisely the same as the 'kulum' now used throughout the East.

Like the papyrus, it was chiefly brought from Egypt, and, when cut and

ready for use, differed scarcely at all from the pens we employ. As the

bad workman finds fault with his tools, the poet is supposed to get in a

passion with his pen and beat the wall by his bedside, because his ideas

would not flow fast enough. He who was unfortunate was said to have been

born when the gods were angry; here Damasippus adds, 'and the poets

too.' Compare S. ii. 7. 14.

9. _minantis_] 'Promising.' So the Greeks sometimes used ἀπειλεῖν. And,

on the other hand, 'promittere' is used in the sense of 'minari.'

10. _tepido_] Horace was delicate, and disliked the cold, and in the

winter was glad to retreat to his country-house, where he could get

plenty of wood and a good fire. (See Epp. i. 7. 10, sq.) But his

residence in the valley of the Licenza was itself sheltered, and

probably at some seasons warmer than Rome.

11. _Quorsum pertinuit stipare Platona Menandro,_] 'Quorsum' is a

contraction of 'quo versum,' 'to what point turned or tending.' Plato

was a comic writer, and a rival of Aristophanes. As to Eupolis, see S.

i. 4. 1, n., and for Archilochus, see Epod. vi. 13, n.

13. _virtute relicta?_] I have more than once had occasion to remark,

that the notion of perseverance is involved in the Roman 'virtus' (see

C. S. 59), and it is so here, being opposed to 'desidia' (v. 15). But it

means more, for it implies moral courage and a strong will, which were

in great esteem among the Romans. Damasippus supposes the poet to be

consulting his ease and his cowardice at the same time; and says, if he

thinks to silence jealousy by ceasing to write, he will only find

himself the object of contempt; and if he means to be idle now, he must

be content to lose the reputation won in his better days of energy. As

to Siren, see Epp. i. 2. 23.

16. _Damasippe,_] See Introduction. Horace prays, in the words of a

common formula, that Heaven will send Damasippus, to reward him for his

good advice, a barber to shave his long beard. He may be supposed to

have let his beard grow long, with the affectation peculiar to those who

called themselves philosophers; and Horace means that to be delivered

from that folly would be the best boon that could be bestowed upon him.

(See below, v. 35, and note on S. i. 3. 133.) ἐκ πώγωνος σοφοί was the

Greek way of representing such persons,--men whose wisdom lay in their

beards.

18. _Janum Ad medium_] There appear to have been three arches dedicated

to Janus in the Forum Romanum, one at each end, and one in the centre,

near to the Arcus Fabianus at the extremity of the Via Sacra. They are

alluded to again, Epp. i. 1. 54: "Haec Janus summus ab imo Perdocet";

i.e. the whole Forum. Near the middle arch were the 'tabernae' of the

principal money-lenders.

20. _Olim nam_] This position of 'nam' is peculiar to the poets. See

below, v. 41, and elsewhere.

21. _vafer--lavisset Sisyphus aere,_] Homer (Il. vi. 153) calls Sisyphus

κέρδιστος ἀνδρῶν. Damasippus says he used, before he lost all his money,

to employ himself in purchasing and reselling all kinds of valuable

property; among the rest, vessels of Corinthian bronze (often, but

improperly, called brass), of such antiquity that Sisyphus, the founder

of Corinth, might be supposed to have used them for washing his feet.

The rage for antiquated pieces of furniture went on increasing, and

appears to have gone to absurd lengths during the empire.

22. _infabre,_] 'In an unworkmanlike manner.' The reverse of this is

'affabre,' used by Cicero (in Verr. Act. i. c. 5). The art of founding

is of great antiquity, though the earliest metal statues were beaten out

of lumps with the hammer. It was a process of much nicety, and the

fitting of the parts required great skill.

24. _unus_] See S. ii. 6. 57; A. P. 32.

25. _Mercuriale_] Damasippus means that his skill in making bargains was

so well known, that he was called, all over the town, a ward of Mercury.

The more usual construction is with the dative. See below, v. 47, n.

'Compita' were those spots where two or more streets converged to a

point, or crossed one another. At these places idlers lounged, and

passengers stopped, if they were so disposed, to offer a prayer to the

Lares publici or Compitales, whose altars were erected there. (See

below, v. 281, n.)

27. _morbi purgatum_] This genitive follows the Greek construction.

Horace calls the man's mania for bargains a disease, and he is surprised

how he ever got over it. 'But,' says he, 'you have only exchanged that

disorder for another (that of giving advice where it is not wanted), as

the patient in a lethargy has been known suddenly to jump up and assault

the doctor. Provided, however, you don't follow his example, be it as

you please.' 'Trajecto' is a medical word. 'Miser' is also said to be a

medical word for 'diseased.' 'Hic' means 'any one,' 'such a one.'

31. _O bone, ne te Frustrere:_] 'My good sir, don't deceive yourself.'

We have 'o bone' below (S. 6. 51). It is like the Greek ὦ ᾽γαθέ.

32. _prope omnes,_] Stertinius would not allow of any exceptions to this

rule (see note on v. 44), and 'prope' therefore may be looked upon, not

as limiting 'omnes,' but perhaps as softening the expression a little.

It is hard to give the word a distinct meaning in C. iv. 14. 20, and

below in the 268th verse of this Satire (see note on the former

passage). The Greeks would use ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν in the same way.

33. _Stertinius_] See Introduction. 'Crepo' is nowhere else used in a

good sense, and it is put into Damasippus's mouth ironically. 'Unde'

means 'from whom,' i.e. Stertinius.

35. _pascere barbam_] See above, v. 17, n. πωγωνοτροφεῖν is a term used

by the later Greek writers. The Pons Fabricius, from which Damasippus

was going to throw himself into the river after he became bankrupt,

connected the Insula Tiberina with the left bank, and was just outside

the walls, facing the south end of the Mons Capitolinus. It had lately

been rebuilt with stone, having been formerly (as may be supposed) made

of wood. There are still ruins of this bridge, which now bears the name

Ponte di Quattro Capi. The Fabricius who built it was Curator Viarum, as

appears by an inscription upon one of the arches.

38. _Cave faxis_] The last syllable in 'cave' used with the subjunctive

(sometimes with and sometimes without 'ut') is always short. 'Pudor

malus' is what the French call 'mauvaise honte.'

40. _insanus haberi._] Those persons who called him a clever fellow as

long as he appeared to be succeeding, now that he had failed called him

a madman. Success was their criterion of wisdom, as it is with most

people. 'Qui vereare,' 'because you are afraid.'

41. _Primum nam inquiram_] 'Nam' is sometimes used to introduce an

explanation, as here and in Epp. i. 1. 76. Compare Cæsar (B. G. iii.

28): "Morini Menapiique longe alia ratione ac reliqui Galli bellum

gerere coeperunt. Nam quod intelligebant maximas nationes quae proelio

contendissent, pulsas superatasque esse, continentesque silvas ac

paludes habebant, eo se suaque omnia contulerunt." (See Key's L. G.

1452.)

42. _pereas quin fortiter_] 'Why you should not resolutely destroy

yourself.'

44. _Chrysippi porticus_] This was the στοὰ ποικίλη or picture-gallery

at Athens, in which Zeno first taught, and from which his followers

derived their name. The Stoics admitted no mean between perfect wisdom,

or virtue, and absolute folly, or vice. The fool, therefore, was a

madman, and he was a fool who was ignorant of the truth: and this maxim

('formula') applies to all men except the sage; the sage, therefore, is

he who is perfectly acquainted with the truth, which is the Stoics'

equivalent for a virtuous man. This theory of virtue led to the doctrine

of punishments ridiculed by Horace in the third Satire of the first

book. The Stoics allowed no gradations of virtue, and therefore admitted

no gradations of punishment. Their notion of a sage altogether was

irrational, because no such being as they imagined a sage to be ever

existed, and they did not suppose it possible he should. Their intention

was good, namely, to put before the world the highest standard of

virtue, wisdom, and self-control, and, by withholding all credit from

any stage short of perfection, to lead men on to desire perfection.

47. _qui tibi nomen Insano_] The dative is right. See above, v. 25, n.

50. _utrique_] Horace uses both the singular and plural of this word.

51. _hoc te Crede modo_] 'Believe yourself to be mad within this limit

(or to this extent), namely, that he who laughs at you is no wiser, and

drags his tail behind him (just as much as you do).'

53. _caudam trahat_] Mischievous boys play tricks upon half-witted

people in the streets, such as tying something behind them to make them

look ridiculous. In some such way the proverb may have arisen.

_Est genus unum_] This is the first class of fools, those who are afraid

where no fear is: the second being those who care nothing for danger.

Compare with this the language of Socrates in Xenophon (Mem. i. 1. 14),

τῶν τε γὰρ μαινομένων τοὺς μὲν οὐδὲ τὰ δεινὰ δεδιέναι, τοὺς δὲ καὶ τὰ μὴ

φοβερὰ φοβεῖσθαι.

56. _varum_] It is not certain whether 'varum' or 'varium' is the proper

reading. 'Varum' signifies that which diverges. See S. i. 3. 47, n.

58. _cum cognatis,_] 'Amica' agrees with 'mater.' It is not a

substantive. The word 'cognatis' embraces all blood relations who can

trace back their origin to a common pair of ancestors.

59. _serva!_] 'Take care!' a word common in the comic writers (see

Forcell.).

60. _Fufius_] Nothing more is known of this actor and of Catienus than

is here mentioned. The ordinary story of Polydorus, the son of Priam, is

that which Euripides relates in the Hecuba, that he was intrusted to the

care of Polymestor, king of Thrace, and murdered by him for his gold.

Another legend (see Dict. Biog. 'Polydorus') makes him intrusted to the

care of his sister Ilione, who was wife of the above Polymestor. She,

for some reason, put him in the place of her own son Deiphilus, and the

latter was brought up as her brother. When the Greeks took Troy, they

required Polymestor to put Priam's son to death, and he accordingly

killed Deiphilus. On this story, Pacuvius founded a tragedy called

Ilione, and in one of the scenes the ghost of Deiphilus is introduced in

his mother's bed-chamber, calling upon her to give his body burial in

these words (preserved in Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 44):--

"Mater, te adpello quae curam somno suspensam levas,

Neque te mei miseret; surge et sepeli natum."

Fufius acted Ilione, and Catienus was Deiphilus. The former was so drunk

that he fell fast asleep, and Horace says, if 200,000 Catienuses had

screamed in his ear, he would not have heard them. His part was to start

up and cry to the vanished ghost, like Hamlet,--"Age, adsta, mane, audi,

iteradum eademmet ista mihi" (Cic. Acad. Prior. ii. 27). Cicero made a

proverb of these words, 'Mater, te appello,' using them in various

illustrations. See his speech Pro Sestio, c. 59.

62. _Huic ego vulgus_] Stertinius goes on to prove that the generality

of men are as mad as the above persons.

63. _Errori similem_] 'Errorem' is understood, and it is governed by

'insanire' as a cognate accusative, 'error' being equivalent to

'insania.' Compare Epp. i. 1. 101.

64. _Insanit veteres_] In the first place, says he, if Damasippus is mad

for buying old statues, is he less mad who trusts him?

65. _Esto!_] εἶεν, 'be it so,' a way of passing on to the disproving of

the proposition by a reductio ad absurdum. 'If I offer you a purse of

money as a free gift,' says Stertinius, 'are you mad if you accept it?

Is not he the fool who rejects the treasure that Mercurius in his bounty

offers, seeing he may never be so kind again?'

68. _quam praesens Mercurius fert?_] This notion appears to be taken

from a painting. It is common, in ancient works of art, to see Mercurius

represented with a purse in his hand, and his wings on his cap or feet,

offering the former, as in haste, to some figure by him.

69. _Scribe decem Nerio;_] These words, to v. 73, are an invective of

the money-lender Perillius against his slippery debtor Nerius. And the

Stoic replies to him in ver. 74 and the two following verses. The sense

is this: 'Make an entry (says Perillius) of ten (minae, or anything

else) lent to Nerius; add by way of security a hundred such bonds as

Cicuta employs, and to this any number of fetters you please (that is,

take what security of him you choose), still the rascal will escape.' To

which the Stoic replies, 'If he is mad who ruins himself and cannot pay

his debts, you are more mad for lending him money which you have no

chance of getting back again.' The banker ('argentarius'), through whom

the money was advanced, would make an entry in his books, which entry

was legal evidence of the debt, but Perillius says that with such a

slippery fellow it would not be sufficient.

Nerius may stand for anybody of this character. Cicuta is said to be a

nickname given to some notorious usurer, for his sour temper. Horace

represents him as a shrewd person to have dealings with; one who, when

he advanced money, looked well to the security, and when he bound a

debtor, tied the knot tight.

71. _Proteus._] For the story of Proteus, see Hom. Odyss. 410, sqq.,

455, sqq. (which Virgil has imitated, Georg. iv. 405, sqq.); Ovid, Fast.

i. 369, sqq.; A. A. i. 761:--

"Utque leves Proteus modo se tenuabit in undas;

Nunc leo, nunc arbor, nunc erit hirtus aper."

72. _rupies in jus_] See note on S. i. 9. 77. 'Malis ridentem alienis'

is a proverbial way of expressing a hypocrite, who puts on a face not

his own. The words are taken, without strict regard to their

application, from the Odyssey (xx. 347), οἱ δ᾽ ἤδη γναθμοῖσι γελοίων

ἀλλοτρίοισι, where the suitors of Penelope laugh when they would rather

have cried, like "Quin et Ixion Tityosque vultu Risit invito" (C. iii.

11. 21). The sense is, that this cunning debtor, when his creditor sues

him, will put on all kinds of characters, tell all manner of lies, get

out of the obligation, and laugh at his creditor, let him do what he

will to bind him.

74. _Si male rem gerere_] See v. 40, n.

75. _Putidius_] This Forcellini explains, I believe correctly, "insanius

et quasi corruptius." As 'scribere' signifies to make an entry,

'rescribere' signifies to cancel the entry, which would be done when the

debt was paid, and not before. 'Quod tu nunquam rescribere possis'

therefore means 'what you can never recover.' 'Dictare' is to dictate

the form of bond for the borrower to write out, or the sum to be entered

in his own books, and either way is equivalent to lending money. When

the unjust steward in the parable told his master's debtor to sit down

quickly and write less than he owed, he was said 'dictare,' and the man

was to write an acknowledgment in the form of a bond.

77. _togam jubeo componere,_] This only means to sit down and composedly

attend to what he is going to say. He turns from Damasippus to an

imaginary mixed audience, and addresses four classes chiefly: that is to

say, the ambitious, the avaricious, the luxurious, and the

superstitious.

83. _Nescio an Anticyram_] On the phrases 'nescio an,' 'haud scio an,'

'I incline to think it is so,' see Key's L. G. 1421. Anticyra was a town

of Phocis on the Sinus Corinthiacus, and was celebrated for the

production of hellebore, a medicine used very generally in cases of

madness. It would seem probable, from ver. 166 and other places, that

patients went to reside at Anticyra sometimes. There were two other

places of the name, one in Thessaly, another in Locris, each of which is

said to have produced hellebore, but see note on A. P. 300. 'Destinare'

is a medical term for prescribing. Stertinius says that he rather thinks

reason would prescribe the whole produce of Anticyra for the covetous,

whom he reckons the worst of the four.

84. _Staberi_] This person is unknown. The exhibition of gladiators was

originally a funeral ceremony, and so continued after the practice

became common as a popular entertainment. After the funeral of a wealthy

man a distribution of meat to the people ('visceratio') was not unusual,

and a public banquet ('epulum') was very common, to which persons of the

highest distinction that the friends could get to attend were invited.

The distribution of corn ('frumentatio') was also a common practice.

This Staberius, who considered it a disgrace for any man to die poor,

willed that the amount of his property should be recorded on his tomb,

and his heredes, if they did not do this, were, by a condition in his

testament, 'damnati,' under a penalty, to celebrate his funeral with

gladiatorial shows and an epulum on a scale to be determined by Arrius,

which would be a costly scale. 'Damnati' is a legal term, and penalties

were common in Roman wills. We must infer from the text that 200 pairs

of gladiators were in Horace's day an extravagant number, but in later

times it would not have been excessive.

86. _arbitrio Arri,_] Quintus Arrius (see below, v. 243) was well known

in his day. He was a man of low character and origin, and rose by

timeserving to honor and wealth. On one occasion he gave an extravagant

funeral entertainment.

87. _Frumenti quantum metit Africa._] This is a proverbial expression.

See C. i. 1. 10.

88. _ne sis patruus mihi._] This is as much as to say, 'Don't dictate or

lay down the law for me.' As to 'patruus,' see C. iii. 12. 3, and above,

S. 2. 97.

89. _prudentem_] Cicero defines 'prudentia' thus: "Sapientis est

providere, a quo sapientia est appellata prudentia." What Staberius

provided for is related in what follows.

90. _summam patrimoni_] It would seem from this as if he had not

increased the property his father had left him, since the amount of his

patrimony was the amount to be engraved on the tomb.

91. _Quoad_] This is to be pronounced as a monosyllable.

93. _perisset_] The pluperfect is properly joined with the imperfect in

this construction. Compare S. i. 6. 79, and Terence, Phorm. i. 2. 69,

"Non si redisset ei pater veniam daret"; and Adelph. ii. 1. 24, "Si

attigisses ferres infortunium." 'Nequior' has irony in it. But

Staberius's doctrine was that goodness was measured by wealth, and that

if he should die poorer by the fourth part of an as, he would, in the

same proportion, be in his own esteem a less virtuous man.

97. _Sapiensne? Etiam, et rex,_] 'Wise? say you. Ay, and a king to boot,

and anything he shall please.' But 'etiam' in replies means 'even so.'

99. _Quid simile isti_] 'But what likeness,' says some one, 'is there

between that person of yours and Aristippus'? If he is mad (the man

means), surely Aristippus is more mad.

100. _Graecus Aristippus?_] Aristippus of Cyrene professed to be the

slave of no passion, while he gratified all. He cared nothing for money,

while he used it for the purpose of sensual indulgence. The story Horace

mentions is derived with little variation from Diog. Laert. (ii. 77).

See Epp. i. 1. 18, n.

103. _litem quod lite resolvit._] Which settles one doubtful point by

raising another. It supposes that the conduct of Aristippus may by some

be considered noble.

104. _Si quis emat citharas,_] Sir Henry Halford relates an instance of

lunacy which illustrates this: "In another well-known case which

justified the Lord Chancellor's issuing a writ 'de lunatico inquirendo,'

the insanity of the gentleman manifested itself in appropriating

everything to himself and parting with nothing. When strongly urged to

put on a clean shirt, he would do it, but it must be over the dirty one;

nor would he put off his shoes when he went to bed. He would agree to

purchase anything that was to be sold, but he would not pay for it. He

was, in fact, brought up from the King's Bench prison, where he had been

committed for not paying for a picture valued at £1,500 which he had

agreed to buy; and in giving my opinion to the jury I recommended them

to go over to his house in Portland Place, where they would find £15,000

worth of property of every description; this picture, musical

instruments, clocks, baby-houses, and bawbles, all huddled in confusion

together on the floor of his dining-room. I need not add, that the jury

found the gentleman insane." (Halford's Essays, p. 63.)

106. _formas_] Here this signifies a shoemaker's last. It is used for

moulds in which castings are made, and would express any shape or block

on which anything is made.

107. _Aversus mercaturis:_] The poets use the dative after verbs,

participles, and adjectives, which signify removal or difference. See

Key's L. G. 987. Compare C. ii. 4. 19: "Tam lucro aversam." 'Istis' (v.

108) is the dative under the same rule. This Latin use accounts for our

own 'averse to.'

115. _Chii veterisque Falerni_] Pliny says, respecting the age of

Falernian, "Falernum nec in novitate nec in nimia vetustate corpori

salubre est. Media ejus aetas a quinto decimo anno incipit." (N. H.

xxiii. 20.)

116. _nihil est,_] 'A thousand,--nay, that is nothing.' He might have

said 'immo.' See S. i. 3. 20, n.

117. _unde-Octoginta annos natus,_] After he has completed seventy-nine

years, that is, in his eightieth year.

118. _stragula vestis,_] The ancients had very expensive coverings for

their beds, which were called 'stragula' or 'stragulae vestes.' They

were usually purple, wide, and sometimes richly embroidered.

121. _morbo jactatur eodem._] That is, madness. The word 'jactari' is

applied medically to the tossing of the sick and writhing of those in

pain.

123. _Dis inimice senex,_] This is an adaptation of θεοῖς ἐχθρός, a

common Greek expression.

127. _perjuras,_] 'Pejerare' is the common form of this word.

129. _servosque tuos quos aere pararis,_] 'Quos aere pararis' shows the

folly of the man who, having laid out his money in the purchase of

slaves, employs himself in breaking their heads with stones. Such a man,

says Stertinius, would be counted mad by acclamation. 'Well, then,' he

adds, to the miser, 'are you not mad, who poison your mother or strangle

your wife, to get rid of the expense of keeping them? Of course not; for

you do it, not at Argos, but at Rome; not in the character of Orestes,

but of a respectable citizen. But do you not believe Orestes was mad

before he killed his mother, and when no one suspected it?' As to 'quid

enim,' see note on S. i. 1. 7.

130. _pueri clamentque puellae:_] "'Que' in the poets is sometimes

placed, not after the second of the two words compared, but after a word

which is the common predicate of both clauses." (Key's L. G. 1441.) In a

note, Professor Key adds, "A construction that probably began with a

repetition of the predicate, 'pueri clament clamentque puellae.'" See

below (v. 157), "furtis pereamque rapinis," and many other instances.

137. _male tutae mentis_] 'Tutus' was in medical language equivalent to

'sanus.' 'Incolumis' is used in the same sense (v. 132).

141. _Hanc Furiam, hunc aliud_] What Horace alludes to when he speaks of

Orestes calling Pylades names, is uncertain. In the Orestes of Euripides

(v. 264) he says to his sister:

μέθες· μί᾽ οὖσα τῶν ἐμῶν ἐρινύων

μέσον μ᾽ ὀχμάζεις, ὡς βάλῃς ἐς Τάρταρον.

_splendida bilis._] 'Splendida' is a redundant epithet. Persius, who

imitates Horace frequently, calls it 'vitrea bilis' (iii. 8). Galen

says, "The black bile is brighter than the blood itself, like the

asphalt from the Dead Sea, which they call Jewish asphalt."

142. _Opimius_] This man, who was 'magnas inter opes inops' (C. iii. 16.

28) is quite unknown except from this description. On the wine of Veii

see note on C. i. 9. 7, and Persius (S. v. 147): "Veientanumque

rubellum." On 'Campana trulla,' see S. i. 6. 118. 'Trulla,' which has

the same element as τρύβλιον, was a drinking cup of some shape. It was

not necessarily of earthen-ware, as here. Cicero (in Verr. ii. 4. 27)

mentions one made of a single precious stone of enormous size, with a

gold handle.

147. _multum celer_] See S. i. 3. 57.

155. _Agedum, sume hoc ptisanarium oryzae._] On 'agedum,' see S. i. 4.

38. 'Ptisanarium' is a diminutive of 'ptisana,' and means a little

broth. Rice was imported from Egypt.

157. _furtis pereamque rapinis?_] See note on S. i. 3. 122, and above,

v. 130. The wretched man, when he hears the price of his food, conjures

up the notion that everybody is conspiring to rob and plunder him.

158. _Quisnam igitur sanus?_] These questions and answers are all

carried on by Stertinius himself. 'Stultus et insanus' means 'he is a

fool, and therefore mad'; not 'he is a fool, and moreover he is mad,'

since folly and madness have already been declared to be identical.

161. _Craterum dixisse putato_] Craterus was an eminent physician of

that day. Cicero speaks of him with confidence as attending the daughter

of Atticus during her illness, B.C. 45. He is mentioned by Persius many

years afterwards as representing the profession (S. iii. 65).

'Cardiacus,' according to Celsus's definition, is "nothing else than

excessive weakness of the body, which, from the stomach having lost its

tone, is wasted with immoderate sweating."

163. _morbo tentantur acuto._] This whole verse is repeated, Epp. i. 6.

28. 'Morbus acutus,' 'an acute disease,' is opposed to 'longus,' 'a

chronic disease.'

165. _porcum Laribus:_] C. iii. 23. 4. 'Let him offer a thanksgiving to

his Lares who have protected him from those vices.'

168. _Servius Oppidius_] This person is unknown, except from this

passage. He lived at Canusium, a town of Apulia (see S. v. 5. 91, n.).

Horace says he was rich even with two farms, according to the standard

of incomes in the old times. As to the form 'divisse,' see S. 1. 5. 79.

This story serves to connect the subject of avarice with that of

ambition, which is the next form of madness and profligacy which

follows.

171. _talos,--nucesque_] The 'talus' was the knuckle bone of some

animal, generally a sheep, the Greek name for which was ἀστράγαλος. The

manner of playing with it was the same among the Greeks and the Romans,

and the same bones are still used by boys in England. The ancients used

them in games of skill and of chance; for the latter purpose they were

marked as dice, and thrown usually from a box called 'fritillus,'

'phimus,' etc. (See S. ii. 7. 17, n.) Boys had also games of various

kinds with nuts, as they have now. Suetonius relates that Augustus used

to amuse himself by playing with little boys at these games. Oppidius

observed that his son Aulus carried about his bones and his nuts in a

careless way in a loose fold of his toga, ready to give them away to any

of his companions, or to lose them at play; while Tiberius always

counted his carefully and hid them away, carrying a serious face

wherever he went; and from these early signs of character he foresaw

that one would prove a spendthrift, and the other a miser. As to

Nomentanus, see S. i. 1. 102, n.; and on Cicuta, see above, v. 69.

178. _coërcet._] Keeps within bounds, defines, limits.

179. _Gloria_] See S. i. 6. 23.

181. _is intestabilis et sacer esto._] A person who was 'intestabilis,'

as the word implies, could not appear as a witness before a magistrate,

and so lost virtually much of his capacity for private rights. 'Sacer'

was one condemned for some great crime, who might be put to death by

anybody, without charge of murder. Thus Oppidius imprecates a curse upon

his sons, if they should ever aspire so high as to the office of an

ædile or a prætor.

182. _In cicere atque faba_] As if his sons were already seeking votes,

he says to each of them (for 'tu' must be so understood), 'So you would

throw away your money in distributing largesses to the people (such as

the ædiles were wont to give), in order that you may strut about in the

Circus, and have a bronze statue voted you,--that is to say, that you

may be loaded with the same honors as the great Agrippa, like a fox

aping a lion.' It was customary for the ædiles to distribute grain, or

vegetables of the sort mentioned, to the common people, at the festival

of the Floralia. See Persius (v. 177).

183. _Latus--spatiere_] This is explained in the note on Epod. iv. 7. As

to 'aëneus,' see C. iii. 3. 65, n. The form of expression 'aëneus ut

stes' is like that in C. iv. 1. 19: "Albanos prope te lacus Ponet

marmoream"; and Virg. (Ecl. vii. 35):

"Nunc te marmoreum pro tempore fecimus; at tu

Si fetura gregem suppleverit aureus esto."

The same way of speaking is common in Greek. Such statues as are here

supposed were usually erected in the Forum, and one had probably been

lately placed there in honor of Agrippa. It may be observed that

Oppidius plainly means the first part of his address, from 'In cicere,'

etc., to apply to the careless, extravagant Aulus, while the simile of

the fox and lion is only applicable to Tiberius, who, if he spends his

money, will look for a substantial return for it, in such honors and

rewards as he saw Agrippa had won.

185. _quos fert Aqrippa_] Agrippa, after he had been prætor and consul,

undertook the ædileship, which was the lowest of the curule offices, in

B.C. 33, to gratify Augustus. His munificence was very great in the

erection of public buildings and the celebration of games on a splendid

scale, and in large donations to the people.

186. _Astuta ingenuum_] This appears to be nothing but a suitable

illustration invented by Horace. It is obvious enough, and we need not

suppose it a proverb or a current fable of Æsop or any one else.

187. _Ne quis humasse velit_] This scene is taken from the remonstrance

of Ulysses with Agamemnon, in the Ajax of Sophocles (v. 1328, sqq.),

after Ajax has destroyed himself. 'Veto' usually governs the infinitive

mood. Once more, as here, Horace uses it with 'ne' and the subjunctive

(Epp. ii. 1. 239), and once with the subjunctive, but without 'ne' (C.

iii. 2. 26). Tibullus has 'veto' with 'ut': "Illius ut verbis sis mihi

lenta veto" (ii. 6. 36). 'Atrida' is the later form of the vocative. The

Greek 'Atride' is used in Epp. i. 7. 43. 'Cur' is awkwardly placed, as

it is in S. 7. 104. The connection with what precedes lies in the

extravagant and imperious conduct of the king, as illustrating the

excesses of pride, and proving that madness is found in high places and

in the heart of kings. Stertinius, it must be remembered, is exposing

the folly of ambition. The dialogue is supposed to be between Agamemnon

and one of his soldiers, in view of the unburied corpse of Ajax. 'I am a

king,' ('I am one of the common sort, and dare ask no more!' interposes

the soldier humbly,)--'and moreover the thing is just that I command.'

There is a good deal of irony here. The justice of the command is

secondary to the will of the despot, and his subject is ready, with

instinctive awe, to admit that it is so; but the tyrant condescends to

justify his act; and the man of low degree, not without trembling and

doubt and astonishment at such condescension, ventures to ask that his

reason may be enlightened a little, in order that he may learn to

acquiesce willingly. Stephens quotes a Greek proverb, μωρῷ καὶ βασιλεῖ

νόμος ἄγραφος, 'Fools and kings are governed by an unwritten law.'

Compare Juvenal, "Sic volo sic jubeo; stat pro ratione voluntas" (vi.

223).

191. _Di tibi dent capta classem deducere Troja!_] This is a version of

the words of Chryses to the king (Il. i. 18):

ὑμῖν μὲν θεοὶ δοῖεν Ὀλύμπια δώματ᾽ ἔχοντες

ἐκπέρσαι Πριάμοιο πόλιν, εὖ δ᾽ οἴκαδ᾽ ἱκέσθαι.

'Consulere' is used humorously, as if the person addressed was a

jurisconsultus. On 'respondere,' see C. S. 55, n.

194. _Putescit_] The two forms 'putrescere' and 'putescere' are in use,

but there is no difference of meaning in them. 'Putrescat' is used above

(v. 119).

195. _Gaudeat ut populus Priami Priamusque_] Comp. Il. i. 255: ἦ κεν

γηθήσαι Πρίαμος Πριάμοιό τε παῖδες.

197. _Mille ovium_] "'Mille' in the singular is commonly an adjective;

in the plural, perhaps always a substantive." An exception to the latter

part of this rule occurs above (S. i. 6. 111). 'Morti dedit' is exactly

equivalent to our 'put to death.' 'Do' means 'to put'; so its compounds

'abdo,' 'to put away'; 'addo,' 'to put to'; 'condo,' 'to put together';

'dedo,' 'to put down' (one's arms); 'dido,' 'to put asunder or

distribute'; 'edo,' 'to put forth'; 'indo,' 'to put on'; 'trado,' 'to

put across, to hand over,' etc.

198. _mecum se occidere clamans._] See Soph. Aj. 42:

τί δῆτα ποίμναις τήνδ᾽ ἐπεμπίπτει βάσιν;

δοκῶν ἐν ὑμῖν χεῖρα χραίνεσθαι φόνῳ.

199. _dulcem Aulide natam_] Iphigenia, the daughter of Agamemnon, was

brought to the altar to be sacrificed to Artemis, when the Greek fleet

was detained in the port of Aulis, in Eubœa, on its way to Troy. But the

goddess carried her off to be her priestess in Tauri.

200. _spargisque mola caput,_] This is the 'mola salsa,' the meal and

salt with which the head of the victim was sprinkled. (See C. iii. 23.

20, n.)

201. _Quorsum?--Insanus_] 'Quorsum?' expresses a sudden and angry

interruption of the king, astonished at the man's boldness, while he,

being warm, goes on without heeding Agamemnon's anger, 'for mad as he

was, what did Ajax do?'

203. _Uxore et gnato;_] Tecmessa and Eurysaces.

204. _Non ille_] 'Non' must not be separated from 'ille.' The meaning is

'not even he,' οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνος. So in C. iii. 21. 9:

"Non ille quanquam Socraticis madet

Sermonibus te negliget horridus."

205. _adverso litore_] The shore is called adverse because they wanted

to get away from it, and could not. Properly the winds were adverse, not

the coast. But the transfer of the epithet from the wind to the shore is

in accordance with a common usage.

207. _Meo, sed non furiosus._] This is a very polite reply, considering

the provocation. The colloquy ends here. Horace, we may presume, had

something before him to suggest what must appear to us a rather

unnatural and far fetched scene.

208. _Qui species alias veris_] 'He who shall entertain fancies foreign

to the truth, and mixed up together by the confusion of his own

wickedness, will be accounted mad.'

211. _cum occidit desipit agnos:_] This is an irregular collocation of

words; but it is not mended by the commas by which 'desipit' is usually

preceded and followed.

214. _Si quis lectica_] The 'lectica' of the Romans and φορεῖον of the

Greeks were introduced from Asia, and differed very slightly from the

palanquins in which, from time immemorial, the Asiatics have been

carried.

217. _interdicto huic omne adimat jus_] The law of the XII. Tables

assigned the charge of persons who were 'furiosi' to their relations in

the male line, 'agnati,' and the prætor in later times chose the person

who should act as 'curator' to the insane person. The same law applied

to 'prodigi,' notorious spendthrifts. (See below, Epp. i. 1. 102, sq.)

The story of Sophocles brought before an Athenian jury by his sons, and

reading the celebrated chorus in his Œdipus Coloneus to prove his

sanity, is told by Cicero in his treatise on Old Age, c. 7. 'Omne jus'

means every legal right.

221. _hic summa est insania;_] 'Insania' signifies unsoundness of mind

generally; 'furor,' the same, accompanied with violence. Horace's climax

of madmen is the fool, the man of crime, and the ambitious the worst of

all.

222. _vitrea_] This probably means the glitter of fame.

223. _Hunc circumtonuit_] This verse, which has a grand Epic tone,

Orelli thinks may be taken from Ennius. But Horace may have written it

himself. He resorts occasionally to travesty to heighten the force of

his satire. The worst stage of insanity is represented by one whom

Bellona (the goddess of war) hovers round, with a trumpet of thunder and

her bloody scourge, and urges on to madness. The Bellonarii, her

priests, cut their own flesh to offer the blood in sacrifice.

224. _Nunc age_] He now passes on to the third kind of madness,

profligate extravagance.

225. _Vincet enim stultos ratio_] See S. i. 3. 115, n. As to 'talenta,'

see S. 7. 89.

228. _Tusci turba impia vici,_] The Vicus Tuscus was a street south of

the Forum, and is said to have received its name from a body of

fugitives from Porsena's army, who were hospitably entertained by the

Romans, and allowed to occupy this street. It appears to have been

filled with shops, some apparently of the better sort.

229. _Cum scurris fartor,_] 'Fartores' were persons whose business was

to fatten fowls. The 'scurrae,' 'parasites,' were sent for to help to

consume all this quantity of provisions, and to entertain the new heir.

_cum Velabro_] The Velabrum is said to have derived its name from the

verb 'vehere,' because the ground was originally a swamp traversed by

boats. It was the name of that part of the city which lay between Mons

Capitolinus and Mons Aventinus, from the Tiber to the Circus Maximus.

Here, too, there appears to have been a collection of shops of the

better sort.

_omne macellum,_] There were in earlier times different markets for the

sale of different provisions, as the 'forum boarium' for oxen,

'olitorium' for vegetables, 'piscarium' and 'piscatorium' for fish,

'cupedinis' for delicacies, etc. These were afterwards (the time is

uncertain) all transferred to one large market, on the site of the

'forum cupedinis,' on the north side of the Sacra Via, not far from the

Forum Romanum. This market was called Macellum, the diminutive form of

'maceria,' the wall with which it was surrounded.

232. _vel nunc pete vel cras._] This seems to mean 'whenever you

please.'

233. _aequus:_] This is ironical. The young man, affecting to be just,

shows a wanton extravagance towards the most profligate persons.

234. _In nive Lucana_] It appears from this passage and S. 8. 6, that

Lucanian boars were particularly prized. Martial mentions an Etrurian

boar as a great present he had received. Horace, in the next Satire

(ver. 40), recommends the Umbrian boar above the Laurentian, or those

found in the marshy land on the coast of Latium, in the neighborhood of

Laurentum, about sixteen miles from the mouth of the Tiber. The same

cause that gave the Umbrian boar its superiority would give value to the

Lucanian: both were fed upon the acorns and chestnuts of the Apennines,

which are still considered in Italy the best food for hogs, wild and

tame. The boar was usually served up whole, at large tables, and formed

the principal dish. The 'ocrea' was a leather garter that came up to the

knee and round the calf like the soldier's greaves, and was called from

them.

235. _verris._] 'Verrere' is a word used for fishing: 'to sweep the

waters.' See note on S. 4. 37.

237. _tibi decies:_] 'Decies centena millia sestertium': ten hundred

thousand sestertii, not much under nine thousand pounds. (See S. i. 3.

15.)

239. _Filius Aesopi_] Æsopus, the actor, amassed great wealth. The name

of his son who inherited it was Clodius, which was the father's name,

given him perhaps as a freedman of some one belonging to the Clodia

gens. Cæcilia Metella was the wife of P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther,

and was divorced by him B.C. 45, in consequence of her intrigues,

chiefly with Dolabella, Cicero's son in law, of whose profligacy Æsop's

son appears to have been a partner. The mad freak of Clodius is also (as

is better known) related of Cleopatra. Æsopus, the actor, was not less

extravagant than his son, see below, v. 245, n.

243. _Quinti progenies Arri,_] Of the father enough has been said above

(ver. 86, n.). Of the sons nothing is known.

245. _Luscinias_] The second syllable is long; the third coalesces with

the last (see i. 7. 30, n). A dish of nightingales would cost a large

sum and afford little meat. Pliny mentions that Æsopus, the actor (see

above, v. 239, n.), on one occasion had a dish of singing and talking

birds, each of which cost 6,000 sestertii, and the whole dish 100,000,

on which Pliny remarks, the man was worthy of his son, who melted the

pearl and drank it.--'Impenso' is nowhere else used absolutely for

'impenso pretio,' which is a common expression for a high price.

246. _Sanin creta, an carbone notandi?_] The distinction of days by

white and black marks has been mentioned, C. i. 36. 10, n. Horace here

applies them to the distinction of character. The meaning of the

sentence is, 'Are they as men of sound mind to be marked with a white

mark, or (as unsound) with a black?' 'Sanin' is a contraction of

'sanine.' 'Quorsum abeant?' 'what is to become of them? are they to be

marked, &c.?'

248. _Ludere par impar,_] A game fit only for children, in which one

person guessed whether the number of things another person held in his

hand was odd or even. The Greeks had the same game, and called it

ἀρτιάζειν. Stertinius goes on to speak of the man of pleasure, whose

madness is no less than that of the covetous, the ambitious, or the

spendthrift. With the last he is closely allied.

250. _ratio esse evincet_] See above, v. 225. He says, "If reason

convinces you that all these symptoms of madness are no worse than

whining after women, is it not better to repent and lay aside such

things?"

251. _trimus Quale prius_] Such a game as you used to play at formerly,

when you were but three years old.

254. _Mutatus Polemon?_] Polemon was a youth given to pleasures and bad

company. Passing the Academy with a garland on his head, and with a band

of riotous companions, while Xenocrates was lecturing, he burst into the

school, but was so struck with what he heard, that, having gone in a

thoughtless profligate, he came out serious and quite converted. He

succeeded Xenocrates at the head of the Academy (B.C. 315). Xenocrates

himself, whose purity of life and sobriety of character are referred to

in the word 'impransi,' became the head of the Platonic school on the

resignation of Speusippus (B.C. 339). He was the disciple of Plato, and

accompanied him on his travels.

255. _Fasciolas, cubital, focalia,_] These are all articles of dress,

worn only by women, or by men who took great care of their person.

'Fasciola' was a bandage for the legs, 'cubital' a sleeve for the arm,

'focale' a bandage for the throat. 'Impransus' stands for 'sobrius,'

because it was not usual for abstemious men to take the midday meal

('prandium'). 'Furtim' is a happy touch of Horace's. It expresses the

shame of the young man, and his instinctive reverence for the

philosopher and the place he was in, better than many sentences could

have done. 'Correptus' means 'arrested, conscience-smitten.'

258. _Porrigis irato puero_] The caprices of a spoilt child are no worse

than those of lovers squabbling and making it up again.

259. _Sume, catelle!_] Such diminutives were expressions of endearment.

There is a collection of such in a scene of Plautus (Asin. iii. 3. 76):

"Dic igitur me passerculum, gallinam, coturnicem,

Agnellum, haedillum me tuum dic esse vel vitellum";

and ver. 103:

"Dic igitur me anaticulam, columbam, vel catellum,

Hirundinem, monedulam, passerculum putillum."

260. _agit ubi secum_] With such a scene as this the Eunuchus of Terence

opens, and a good deal is taken word for word from that scene. The

lover's indecision is represented elsewhere, in Epod. xi. 19, sqq.

270. _nihilo plus explicet_] 'Explico' signifies to gain a point or

serve a purpose. There is a like use of this word in Cæsar (B. G. viii.

4): "Explicandae rei frumentariae causa." It is also used in a peculiar

sense in C. iv. 9. 44, where see note.

272. _Picenis excerpens semina pomis_] The orchards of Picenum, the

district that lay between the country of the Sabines and the Hadriatic,

appear to have been celebrated. In the next Satire (ver. 70) Picenian

apples are said to be superior to those of Tibur, and they are mentioned

many years later by Juvenal (xi. 74). The sport here alluded to is thus

explained. Lovers were wont to take the pips of apples between their

finger and thumb and shoot them up to the ceiling, and if they struck

it, their wish would be accomplished. Some such games are common in our

own nurseries.

273. _si cameram percusti_] 'Camera,' which is from the Greek καμάρα,

and is sometimes spelt with an 'a,' was an arched ceiling, as 'lacunar'

was flat. The latter was so called from panels with raised sides, and so

having each the appearance of a 'lacus' or shallow reservoir, into which

the ceiling was sometimes divided. It was common in rich houses for the

ceiling to be richly ornamented. See C. ii. 18. 2. 'Laquear' is another

form of 'lacunar.' Horace also uses the expression 'laqueata tecta' (C.

ii. 16. 12), which is found in other writers.

_penes te es?_] This seems to correspond to the Greek ἐν ἑαυτῷ εἶναι,

for a man in his right mind, or it may mean to ask if the man is 'suo

jure,' which one who was 'furiosus' would not be.

274. _cum balba feris_] 'You strike your lisping words against your old

palate' which means that he talks in a silly, childish way.

275. _Adde cruorem Stultitiae_] But childish nonsense is not the worst

of this madness. Add bloodshed to folly and run into the most violent

excesses of passion, and you will not do more than such lusts commonly

lead to. Such is the Stoic's meaning. 'Ignem gladio scrutare' is a

translation of a Greek saying, πῦρ μαχαίρᾳ σκαλεύειν, 'to stir the fire

with the sword,' which is attributed to Pythagoras. To stir the fire of

lust with the sword, is to stir up strife and bloodshed in the

indulgence of your lusts.

276. _Modo, inquam, Hellade percussa_] 'To take a late instance,' seems

to be the meaning of 'modo'. The story here referred to was probably

well known at the time, but of the actors in it we know nothing.

278. _Cerritus fuit, an commotae_] 'Cerritus' means 'mad,' but its

derivation is uncertain. 'Commotus' is used for different degrees of

mental excitement. See v. 209, where the meaning is the same as here.

Agrippina, who was of a hasty temper, is called 'commotior' by Tacitus

(Ann. i. 33). 'Cognata vocabula' means words which may differ in sound,

but are one in sense.

281. _Libertinus erat,_] The next folly noticed is superstition.

Stertinius tells, by way of illustration, a story of an old

'libertinus,' who went from shrine to shrine erected in the 'compita,'

spots where two or more streets met, praying to the Lares Compitales

(for whom altars were built in such places, see above, v. 26, n.) that

they would grant him immortality. This he did early in the morning,

quite sober, and with hands washed, as became a serious worshipper. Now

this man was sound in hearing and sight, but, says Stertinius, if his

former master had ever wanted to part with him, in putting him up for

sale he would have cautioned purchasers that he was not in his right

mind, unless he wanted to get into an action to rescind the bargain on

the ground of fraud. It was necessary for a person selling a slave to

inform the buyer of any bodily or mental defect in him. To wash the

hands and feet before offering prayer or sacrifice was a custom with the

Greeks and Romans. Hector says (Il. vi. 266).

Χερσὶ δ᾽ ἀνίπτοισιν Διῒ λείβειν αἴθοπα οἶνον

Ἅζομαι.

283. _surpite_] See C. i. 36. 8.

287. _in gente Meneni._] Of Menenius nothing is known. 'Meneniae

stultitiae' or 'ineptiae' is spoken of as a proverb.

289. _cubantis,_] See note on S. i. 9. 18. 'Illo die' may mean 'die

Jovis.' The Jews fasted on Thursdays and Mondays ("I fast twice in the

week," Luke xvii. 12), in commemoration, it is said, of the ascent of

Moses into the Mount on the fifth day of the week, and of his return on

the second. The practices of the Jews were the best illustrations of

superstition in the eyes of Horace and men of the world, and their fast

is here perhaps alluded to. See note on S. i. 9. 69. On special

occasions fasts were ordered at Rome. The vow made by the mother for her

sick child is, that, if he recovers, he shall stand naked in the Tiber,

to wash away his sins. This is intended to represent another foreign

superstition, as the Romans held it, that of bathing the body in token

of the purifying of the soul.

295. _Quone malo_] See S. i. 10. 21 on 'quone.' 'Timor deorum' is

equivalent to δεισιδαιμονία in its usual sense of superstition. 'Deorum

metus' expresses a right fear or reverence of the gods. But the

distinction was not invariably observed.

296. _sapientum octavus,_] That is, he might take his place with the

seven wise men of Greece.

297. _ne compellarer inultus._] 'Compellare' is sometimes used

absolutely and in a bad sense, that is to abuse, as here.

299. _Respicere ignoto_] This refers to Æsop's fable of the two wallets,

which is told, with its moral, in five lines by Phædrus (iv. 10):

"Peras imposuit Jupiter nobis duas:

Propriis repletam vitiis post tergum dedit,

Alienis ante pectus suspendit gravem.

Hac re videre nostra mala non possumus;

Alii simul delinquunt, censores sumus."

300. _sic vendas omnia pluris,_] On 'sic' see C. i. 3. 1, n. 'Pluris' is

simply put for 'magno.' Horace quietly hints to Damasippus that he had

better leave off philosophy and return to his trade, in which he wishes

him all success.

303. _Agave_] How she and the other Mænads tore her son Pentheus to

pieces for intruding upon the orgies, is related at length by Ovid.

(Met. iii. 701, sqq.)

308. _Aedificas, hoc est,_] 'You are building, which is as much as to

say, you, who are a dwarf two feet high, are aping the airs of a giant;

and yet you laugh at Turbo (a gladiator of great courage, but small

stature), swelling with a spirit too big for his little body.' Horace

may have been making some additions to his Sabine house, and about this

time Mæcenas built his large house on the Esquiliæ. (See S. i. 8,

Introduction.)

312. _verum est_] δίκαιόν ἐστι; 'is it right?' Compare Cæsar, B. G. iv.

8: "Neque verum esse qui suos fines tueri non potuerint alienos

occupare." See also Livy iii. 40.

313. _Tantum dissimilem_] A similar construction occurs immediately

below (ver. 317), 'tantum magna.' 'Multum similis' (S. ii. 5. 92),

'multum dissimilis' (Epp. i. 10. 3), are like phrases. 'Tanto' is the

dative governed by 'certare.'

314. _Absentis ranae_] This fable is told by Phædrus (i. 24).

318. _Major dimidio. Num tanto?_] 'Greater by half,' is a way of

speaking which must not be taken literally. By 'num tanto' the frog

means to ask whether the calf was so much bigger than her natural size

as, by puffing, she had made herself. 'Is it so much bigger?' she says,

blowing herself out to proportions much greater than her own.

320. _abludit_] This word occurs nowhere else. It means to be out of

harmony with.

322. _sanus_] See A. P. 296: "Excludit sanos Helicone poëtas

Democritus." There is not much consistency in Damasippus urging Horace

to write at the beginning of the Satire, and calling him mad for doing

so at the end of it.

323. _horrendam rabiem._] This charge against himself need not be taken

seriously. We have no reason to believe Horace was an ill-tempered man.

He laments the facility of his temper on one occasion. (S. i. 9. 11.)

But he says he is irritable. (Epp. i. 20. 25.)

_Cultum majorem censu._] 'Your living beyond your income.' Horace tries

to stop him, but the man goes on with one instance of his folly after

another.

324. _Teneas,--tuis te._] 'Mind your own business.'

326. _O major tandem_] The scene winds up with a pretended deprecation

of the severe truths of Damasippus, to whom the poet submits as the

greater madman of the two, and humbles himself before him accordingly.

SATIRE IV.

This Satire is an essay on good living, put in the form of precepts

delivered to Horace at second hand by one Catius, who professes to have

received them from some sage more learned in the art, whom he does not

name. Horace meets him accidentally, as he is hurrying away from the

Professor's lecture, to think over what he had learnt, and to store it

in his mind. Catius recites what he has heard, from memory or from

notes, and enters without preface upon the question of the first course.

The Professor may be supposed to have carried his hearers through an

entire dinner, "ab ovo usque ad mala" (see S. i. 3. 6, n.). Catius only

gives the heads of the lecture and one or two of the sage's reflections.

The precepts he delivers inflame Horace with a desire to see and hear

the great man himself, and he prays Catius to introduce him. It may be

that Horace had some third person in his eye, but we have no means of

knowing who it was. If it be so, there were those, no doubt, who would

understand the allusion at the time. As to the man Catius himself, he

appears to have been a well known follower of the Epicurean school, but

he must have been dead many years before this Satire was written.

Probably, therefore, Horace only introduces his name as a handle for

ridiculing the Epicureans.

1. _Unde et quo Catius?_] On Catius, see Introduction. On the formula,

see S. i. 9. 62, n.

2. _Ponere signa_] The ancients practiced methods for helping the

memory. The first 'memoria technica' was said by tradition to have been

invented by Simonides of Ceos. 'Signa' were more technically called

'imagines,' objects which the person arranged so that his mind's eye

could rest upon them, and thus assist his memory. 'Ponere signa' seems

also to have been commonly used in this sense.

3. _Anytique reum_] Anytus was one of the three (Meletus and Lycon were

his associates) who got up and conducted the prosecution of Socrates.

4. _tempore laevo_] See above, S. ii. 1. 18: "Nisi dextro tempore Flacci

Verba," etc.

6. _Quod si_] Horace apologizes for interrupting and detaining him; but,

he says, if he should thereby forget any part of his lesson for a

moment, he will presently recover it, he has such a wonderful memory,

either by nature or art, or both.

11. _celabitur auctor._] See Introduction.

12. _Longa quibus facies ovis erit_] On 'ova,' see S. i. 3. 6, n.

'Succus' here is equivalent to 'sapor.' Why Horace should make Catius

say that long eggs were more white than round ones, or what is gained by

the whiteness of an egg, or by its containing a male rather than a

female chicken, is not clear. He puts any nonsense, it appears, into the

man's mouth. 'Ponere' is to put upon the table, as 'posito pavone' (S.

ii. 2. 23). The notion that from long eggs cocks were hatched, and from

round, hens, appears to have been a vulgar error. 'Callosa' signifies

'tough,' and belongs in sense, though not in construction, to the yolk.

15. _Caule suburbano_] Artificial streams and fishponds were commonly

introduced into the gardens of rich people. Hence Catius says the

vegetables grown in the suburbs were not so pleasant as those grown in

the country on drier soil; meaning that they were insipid, from the

quantity of water they imbibed.

17. _vespertinus subito te oppresserit_] On 'vespertinus,' see Epod.

xvi. 51; 'opprimere' is to overtake or come upon one suddenly.

18. _malum responset_] 'Responsare' is used by Horace several times in

the sense of resistance. See below, S. 7. 85: "Responsare cupidinibus,

contemnere honores"; and Epp. i. 1. 68. 'Malum responset' means 'it

disagrees with.'

19. _vivam mixto mersare Falerno;_] 'Mixto' means mixed with water.

20. _Pratensibus optima fungis_] He says the 'fungi' that grew in the

open meadows were more to be trusted than others,--that is, those which

grew in the shade. Truffles and different kinds of mushrooms were much

eaten by the Romans, as they are still by the Italians. Of the latter

there were and are great varieties. The mushroom most highly esteemed

was the boletus, which was cultivated in gardens, and kept for the

eating of the rich. But all such fungi had to be chosen with great care.

Even the boletus served to carry off an emperor.

24. _Aufidius_] This may be M. Aufidius, who was remarkable as having

been the first at Rome who bred and fattened peacocks for sale, and

derived a large profit (as much as 600,000 sesterces a year) from that

trade. As to the composition of 'mulsum,' see note on S. ii. 2. 15, n.

Falernian wine, which Horace appears to have esteemed next to Cæcuban,

is here called 'forte,' and elsewhere 'severum' and 'ardens' (C. i. 27.

9; ii. 11. 19). It was a very strong spirituous wine, and required long

keeping to become mellow.

27. _morabitur_] This may have been a medical word for costiveness.

'Mitulus,' the limpet, was an inferior sort of shell-fish. The Greeks

called it τελλίνη or ξιφύδριον. The 'lapathus' is mentioned above as a

purgative (Epod. ii. 57, n.). 'Brevis' refers to the size of the plant.

30. _Lubrica nascentes implent_] That shell-fish were best at the time

of the new moon, appears to have been generally believed among the

ancients. They had many fancies respecting the influence of the moon on

various objects, in which, however, modern ignorance and superstition

have perhaps surpassed them. But in respect to shell-fish, modern

observation is in conformity with that of the ancients.

32. _Murice Baiano_] This shell-fish, from which a purple dye was

obtained, was found, it seems, in great abundance at Baiæ. It would seem

not to have been as useful for the table as for its dye. The 'peloris,'

which was found in the Lacus Lucrinus, close to Baiæ, appears to have

been an insipid fish, though Catius says it is better than the murex.

The rival oyster-beds were in the Lacus Lucrinus and at Circeii, the

opposite point of the bay which is terminated by the promontory of that

name, in Latium, and the promontory of Misenum, in Campania. Catius

gives the preference to the oysters of Circeii, which Pliny also says

were unsurpassed (xxxii. 21). See note on Epod. ii. 49. The best

oysters, however, were found at Brundisium on the other coast, whence

the spawn was carried to stock the beds on the coast of Campania and

Latium.

34. _Pectinibus patulis_] The shell-fish called 'pecten,' it seems, was

found in greatest perfection at Tarentum. From the epithet 'patulis' it

must have been one of the bivalved sort.

_molle Tarentum._] The degenerate character of the Tarentines, which

gained their city the epithets 'molle,' 'imbelle' (Epp. i. 7. 45), dates

from the death of Archytas, about the middle of the fourth century B.C.

Among other symptoms of this degeneracy, it is recorded that their

calendar contained more festivals than there were days in the year. For

full two hundred years (some make it much more) before the above

period, they had flourished, above all the colonies of Magna Græcia, in

arms and commerce.

36. _exacta_] For this meaning of 'exigere,' 'to investigate,' see

Forcell. under 'exigo' and 'exactus.'

37. _cara pisces avertere mensa_] 'Mensa' means the fishmonger's board,

which is called dear, instead of the fish exposed on it. 'Avertere' is

'to carry off.' Compare Virgil (Aen. x. 78): "Arva aliena jugo premere

atque avertere praedas." It is commonly used with 'praeda,' as in Cæsar,

B. C. iii. 59: "Praedam omnem domum avertebant." It may be applied

humorously in this sense here, the man making a booty of the fish he

loved. On 'pisces patinarii' ('quibus jus est aptius') and 'assi,' see

note on S. i. 3. 81.

39. _Languidus in cubitum_] Catius says it is of no use for a man to buy

expensive fish, if he does not know how to dress them; that is, which

should be served up with sauce, and which, when fried, will tempt the

guest, after he has laid himself down tired of eating, to raise himself

on his elbow, and begin eating again.

41. _Curvat aper_] On 'aper,' see above, S. 3. 234.

43. _Vinea submittit_] He says, without much sense, as it would seem,

that the flesh of wild deer fed in vineyards is not always eatable. The

'caprea' was a mountain goat, chamois, or some one of the deer kind.

'Submittit' is equivalent to 'suppeditat,' 'supplies.' See C. iv. 4. 63:

"Monstrumve submisere Colchi."

44. _Fecundae leporis_] 'Lepus' is of common gender. A modern epicure

would not choose the shoulder of a hare as the most delicate part. It is

so distinguished again, S. 8. 89.

51. _Massica si caelo suppones_] The wine in the amphora required

clearing, before it could be drunk. One way of effecting this appears to

have been exposing the vessel for some time to the open air, which

process also took off some of its strength. Catius mentions the yolk of

pigeons' eggs as another means of precipitating the lees of the wine.

White of egg was a more usual agent. Pliny mentions sulphur; several

insoluble materials, such as pounded shells, gypsum, chalk, milk, etc.,

were used for the same purpose. But the commonest way was to strain the

wine either through a 'saccus,' a bag of fine linen (which was apt to

hurt the flavour), or through a metal sieve, 'colum,' these being in the

hot weather filled with snow.

53. _odor nervis inimicus;_] This means what we call the _bouquet_,

which helped the wine in its intoxicating effects upon the brain. With

the inferior wines various aromatics were frequently introduced, for the

purpose of giving them an agreeable perfume.

58. _Tostis marcentem squillis_] When the guest gets surfeited, or

drinks so much he cannot digest any more, his appetite is to be tempted

with fried shrimps and snails, of which the best sort came from the

coast of Africa, and were called 'Solitanae,' the derivation of which

name is uncertain; also with bacon and sausages. The lettuce, Catius

says, ought not to be taken for this purpose, because it does not settle

on the stomach when it is irritated. 'Lactuca' was commonly eaten at the

'gustatorium,' as an incentive to the appetite. Catius says the cloyed

stomach would rather ('malit') have any coarse dish, brought in from the

cook-shop, to stimulate it, than lettuce after drinking wine, which was

a different thing from taking it before dinner.

61. _Flagitat immorsus refici:_] 'Immorsus' agrees with 'stomachus,' and

signifies stimulated, 'pervulsus,' as "qualia lassum pervellunt

stomachum" (S. 8. 9).

62. _immundis fervent allata popinis._] The 'popinae' were the lowest

sort of eating houses, where meat was cooked and usually eaten on the

premises, but sometimes sent out. They were the same as the Greek

καπηλεῖα. They were a lower sort of 'cauponae' (see S. i. 5. 2, n.).

Their keepers, 'popae,' were, as might be expected, usually persons of

no credit. The shops were dirty, and the company very low. Compare Epp.

i. 14. 21. There were great numbers of these shops about the city. They

were also called 'thermopolia,' because there the Romans drank hot

spiced wine and water, 'calda.'

63. _duplicis pernoscere juris_] Catius goes on to describe the sauces,

of which there are two kinds; one which he calls simple, but which was

not entirely so, being made of sweet olive-oil mixed with rich wine and

'muria,' which is but 'garum,' made from certain shell-fish (S. 8. 53).

There was a composite sauce which was made up of the above boiled with

chopped herbs, with a sprinkling of saffron, and, when it had stood to

cool, the finest olive-oil of Venafrum (C. ii. 6. 16, n.).

66. _Byzantia putuit orca._] The 'thynnus' from which the best 'garum'

was made was found best in the neighborhood of Byzantium (Pliny ix. 20).

'Orca' is a jar used for preserving sauces and pickles. As to the form

'putuit,' see S. 3. 194, n. The 'crocus' of Mons Corycus in Cilicia

appears to have been most celebrated. 'Stetit' means 'has ceased to

boil.'

69. _Venafranae_] See C. ii. 6. 16, n.

70. _Picenis cedunt pomis Tiburtia_] The apples of Tibur and Picenum

have been referred to before (C. i. 7. 14; S. ii. 3. 272).

71. _Venucula convenit ollis:_] It is not known whence this grape

derives its name. The word is variously spelt. Grapes were dried and

preserved in jars for the winter. For drying in this way, Catius says

the grape of the Alban hills is best. His opinion is not supported by

any extant authority, as it is in the other instance.

73. _Hanc ego cum malis,_] Catius says he was the first to introduce

Albanian raisins at the second course, and likewise 'faex' and 'allec,'

two pickles, or two names for the same, being the lees of the 'muria'

(v. 63, n.). Catius also claims the merit of introducing little dishes

containing a mixture of salt and white pepper. The object of all this,

as well as the pickles, was to promote thirst, and add to the pleasure

of drinking after dinner. White pepper is milder than black. It is made

by blanching the finer grains of the black, and taking off the rind. The

ancients must have got their pepper from the East Indies. The best is

grown on the Malabar coast.

75. _Incretum_] This comes from 'incerno,' 'to sift,' or 'incernendo

spargere' (Forcell.), 'to scatter with a sieve' or 'incerniculum.' It

therefore means that the pepper was sprinkled over the salt. 'Catillus'

is a diminutive form of 'catinus.'

76. _millia terna macello_] 3,000 sesterces (upwards of £26) for a dish

of fish is a large sum, but not perhaps exaggerated. Larger sums were

given for dainties. As to 'macellum,' see S. 3. 229, n. By 'vagos

pisces' he means that it is a shame to confine in a narrow compass

animals that have had the freedom and range of the seas. The liberty of

the bird is expressed by the same epithet in C. iv. 4. 2.

79. _calicem_] The slave handing a drinking cup ('calix') to a guest,

just after he had been gathering and licking up the remains of the

dishes, would leave the marks of his fingers upon it, and this would

turn the stomachs of the company, who would also be disgusted if they

saw dirt upon the 'cratera' in which the wine and the water were mixed.

The 'calix' was the same as the Greek κύλιξ. Its shapes and sizes and

materials all varied very much. There were wooden and earthen-ware

'calices,' and others of common glass, and others of greater value of

colored glass; but those that were most valued of all were the

'crystallina,' of a pure and highly transparent crystal glass. The

colored glass cups came principally from Alexandria. The Romans were

curious in collecting old vessels for their table ('veteres craterae'),

as observed before (S. 3. 21, n.).

81. _Vilibus in scopis,_] 'Scopae' were besoms for sweeping the floors,

walls, and furniture of a room, usually made of the branches of the wild

myrtle or tamarisk. The palm seems also to have been used. 'Mappae' here

mean towels or dusters to clean the furniture and walls. 'Scobe' is

sawdust, with which the floors were strewed. It was sometimes highly

scented.

83. _Ten lapides varios_] 'Tene?' is it for such as you? 'Tene decet?'

The floors in the houses of the rich were laid with slabs of marble and

mosaic-work, and marble slabs were also introduced in the walls, though

paintings were more common. 'Torus' meant properly a round pillow, as is

shown by its root 'ter' (which appears in 'tornus,' 'torqueo,' etc.; see

C. i. 1. 28, n.), and 'toralia' probably means coverings for the

cushions, which were put over the rich 'stragulae vestes' (see last

Satire, v. 118, n.), as we put chintz coverings over our furniture when

it is not in use, or on ordinary occasions. Inviting his friend

Torquatus to dinner, Horace tells him he will take care "ne turpe toral,

ne sordida mappa Corruget nares." (Epp. i. 5. 22.)

85. _Oblitum quanto_] Catius says that the neglect of those matters

which cost little money and attention is more reprehensible than the

absence of furniture, which the rich only can afford. The case he

supposes is that of a man who combines dirt with finery, slovenliness

with ostentation.

88. _Docte Cati,_] Catius, having brought his discourse to an end with

an exhortation upon decency and order, Horace entreats him, wherever it

is he goes to get such lessons he will take him with him, that he may

drink wisdom at the fountain-head. Catius, he says, no doubt repeats

accurately what he has heard, but such precepts would be more highly

commended by the aspect, bearing, voice, etc. of the teacher himself.

94. _fontes ut adire remotos_] Horace here parodies Lucretius (i. 926):

"Juvat integros accedere fontes atque haurire."

SATIRE V.

In this Satire, which has a good deal of humor in it, Horace takes up

the practice of will-hunting, of which, as of many other degrading vices

that afterwards pervaded Roman society, he saw only the beginning.

Describing the rage for making money in Epp. i. 1. 77, he says:

"Pars hominum gestit conducere publica: sunt qui

Crustis et pomis viduas venentur avaras

Excipiantque senes quos in vivaria mittant."

The practice was sufficiently common in Cicero's time, and Pliny

connects it with the growth of wealth, and the time when money began to

be the instrument of ambition and the measure of respectability; that

is, he dates its birth from the decline of the Republic.

Homer (Odyss. xi.) makes Ulysses go down to Hades and there meet

Teiresias, the Theban prophet, who tells him of the hardships that

awaited him in his journey home, where however in the end he is destined

to arrive. Horace supposes a continuation of the interview, and makes

Ulysses ask the soothsayer how he is to repair his fortunes when he gets

home, and finds his property wasted by his wife's suitors, as the

prophet told him it would be (see note on v. 6). Teiresias, though he

implies that the cunning Ulysses would be at no loss in such a matter if

he once got home, gives him his advice, which is to lay himself out for

pleasing old men and women of fortune, and getting named in their wills,

for which he lays down a few ordinary rules: of these, a persevering and

coarse servility is the chief. Ulysses appears in as low a character as

he can,--an apt disciple, ready to be the shadow of a slave, and to

prostitute his chaste Penelope if need be. The Ulysses of all poets

after Homer is a contemptible personage, and it must be said in favor of

Horace that Penelope, whose character in the Odyssey is feminine and

pure, is by later writers represented as less chaste than Homer has

drawn her. Those who only know her as the virtuous wife and mother, will

not easily forgive the coarse allusions to her in this Satire.

3. _Quid rides?_] These words are spoken by Ulysses. Teiresias may be

supposed to smile at Ulysses for asking advice in a matter in which his

own craftiness would help him better than any counsel he could receive.

The prophet's answer means, that, when he gets back to his home, his

wits will soon teach him how to repair his fortune. 'Jamne' means,

'what, now I have told you that you will get home?'

6. _te vate,_] See Hom. Odyss. xi. 110. The dialogue is supposed to be a

continuation of that which Homer relates, and takes place in Hades. See

Introduction.

7. _apotheca_] See C. iii. 8. 11, n.

9. _missis ambagibus,_] The 'ambages' were Ulysses' fine words about

birth and merit, and Teiresias perhaps means, 'Since you will have my

advice, let us waste no words, but begin.'

10. _Turdus_] This bird, the fieldfare, if well fattened, was considered

a great delicacy by the Romans. In Epp. i. 15. 40, the glutton Mænius

pronounces that there is nothing better than one of these birds, "obeso

nil melius turdo"; and the host at Beneventum produced a dish of them in

honor of his visitors, but they were poor things, and he did not know

how to dress them (S. i. 5. 72). The fieldfare is still reckoned a

delicate bird. 'Privum' means for your own private eating.

14. _Ante Larem_] The first fruits were offered to the Lares. See

Tibull. i. 1. 13:

"Et quodcunque mihi pomum novus educat annus

Libatum agricolae ponitur ante deo."

No divinity was dearer to a Roman than his Lares, whose images stood in

his hall, who reminded him of his departed ancestors, and whom he

invoked and sacrificed to every day at his meals (see C. iv. 5. 34).

15. _sine gente,_] Suppose him to be a 'libertinus,' and in former days

to have run away from his master, in which case he would be branded on

the forehead, and the shame of attending him would be greater. He would

also be 'sine gente,' that is, he would belong to no 'gens,' if he were

a freedman or the descendant of a freedman.

17. _Tu comes exterior_] Teiresias advises that, if the rich man should

call upon him to attend him when he walks abroad, he should never refuse

to go, taking the least honorable place, which was by his patron's side,

and usually between him and the road. The expressions 'tegere latus,'

'claudere latus,' were common, and meant to take that side which was

most exposed.

18. _Utne tegam_] This is a short way of saying 'hortarisne me ut

tegam?' 'Damae' is used generally as a common name of slaves (see S. i.

6. 38). 'Spurcus' is a word Lucilius used, as in that verse quoted by

Cicero (Tusc. ii. 17), "Ergo hoc poterit 'Samnis spurcus homo vita illa

dignus locoque?'"

20. _hoc_] When Teiresias tells him he must be content to be poor, or do

as he bids him, Ulysses consents to the degradation rather than incur

the poverty, and makes a merit of doing so: he will bear the disgrace

with his usual magnanimity. The hero's language is a parody of that

which Homer puts into his mouth (Odyss. xx. 18):

τέτλαθι δὴ, κραδίη· καὶ κύντερον ἄλλο ποτ᾽ ἔτλης.

And v. 223:

ἤδη γὰρ μάλα πόλλ᾽ ἔπαθον καὶ πόλλ᾽ ἐμόγησα

Κύμασι καὶ πολέμῳ· μετὰ καὶ τόδε τοῖσι γενέσθω.

22. _Divitias aerisque ruam_] 'Ruere' is 'to get together.' Virgil uses

the word in a similar sense (Georg. i. 105), "cumulosque ruunt male

pinguis arenae."

27. _olim,_] See C. ii. 10. 17, n. On 'ultro,' C. iv. 4. 51; on 'vocet

in jus,' S. i. 9. 74, n.

32. _Quinte, puta, aut Publi,_] These names would be given a slave at

his manumission.

38. _Pelliculam curare jube;_] This diminutive is frequently used

without any particular force. The expression is like that in Ep. i. 2.

29:

"In cute curanda plus aequo operata juventus";

and 4. 15:

"Me pinguem et nitidum bene curata cute vises,

Cum ridere voles Epicuri de grege porcum."

'Corpus curare' is a common phrase, and Horace has "genium curare" (C.

iii. 17. 15, n.).

_--fi cognitor; ipse_] 'Cognitor' means an attorney, one who is

authorized to appear for another, either in maintaining or defending an

action. He was appointed by and looked upon as the principal, and he was

liable as such. The obsequiousness of the will-hunter was not to be

deterred by such a responsibility. Horace says: "Become his cognitor,

and let him go home, while you yourself persevere, and hold out for him,

whatever the weather may be."

39. _seu rubra Canicula_] He means in the height of summer or the depth

of winter. The 41st verse, with the substitution of Furius for Juppiter

is taken from Bibaculus; respecting whom, see S. i. 10. 36, n. Whether

the other expressions are so, or whether they are only a parody of his

style, or taken from some other poet, we cannot tell. The epithet

'rubra' for the dog-star, and 'infantes' as an ornamental epithet to

express the speechlessness of the statues, are sufficiently absurd, and

the hyperbole is not in good taste; there is vulgarity likewise in

'conspuet.' 'Omaso' signifies tripe, a vulgar dish even among the

Romans. (See Epp. i. 15. 34.)

44. _Plures adnabunt thunni_] The tunny-fish is found in large shoals at

particular seasons on either shore of the Mediterranean, into which it

comes from the Atlantic to deposit its spawn. Vast quantities were and

still are caught and salted. 'Cetaria' were artificial preserves, into

which the fish were attracted and then taken. Salting-houses were built

hard by. 'Thunni' here is put for the rich fools who would be caught by

the servility of the fortune-hunter.

46. _sublatus_] This sense of 'tollere,' to educate, bring up, is said

to be taken from the practice of fathers taking up in their arms

immediately after their birth such of their children as they wished to

be reared, while the others they left to be exposed. See Terence (Heaut.

iv. 1. 13):

"_So._ Meministin' me esse gravidam, et mihi te maximo opere edicere

Si puellam parerem nolle tolli?

"_Ch._ Scio quid feceris,

Sustulisti."

It is not to be supposed that the exposure of children, or infanticide

in any form, was lawful at Rome; but it is probable that it was

practiced to some extent even in late times.

47. _Caelibis_] 'Caelebs' is applied to a widower as well as a bachelor.

'Nudare' Horace uses in this sense of 'exposing' in S. 8. 73.

48. _ut et scribare secundus Heres_] Wills were not necessarily written,

though latterly they generally were so, and in that case it was usually

on tablets of wax; hence below (v. 54) 'cera' is used as synonymous with

'tabula.' When a man made his will, he commonly named a 'secundus

heres,' or more than one, who would succeed to the 'hereditas,' if the

first 'heres' or 'heredes' refused it, or had become disqualified, or

had failed to express his or their intention of accepting it within a

time named in the will. These were called 'substituti.' He might also,

if he pleased, make provision, in the case of naming his children his

'heredes,' that, if they died 'impuberes,' another person or persons

named by him should get the 'hereditas.' This was called 'pupillaris

substitutio,' and may be referred to by Horace in this place. 'Vacua

hereditas' was a common legal term for an 'hereditas' made void by any

of the above reasons, or any other.

49. _puerum egerit Orco,_] There is a little mock pathos in this. 'Ago,'

with the dative, is not a prose construction. See C. i. 24. 18: "Nigro

compulerit gregi."

53. _ut limis rapias_] 'Oculis' is understood after 'limis,' 'with eye

askance.' The advice given is, that, if the testator should give the man

his will to read, he should affect indifference and put it from him,

taking care first to get a side-glance at its contents, and see if his

name appears in the next line after the testator's. A will was commonly

written on three pages, which were called severally 'prima,' 'secunda,'

and 'ima cera,' 'cera' being equivalent to 'tabula,' the will being

usually written on wax tablets. The testator's name appeared in the

first line of the first page, and after his came those of the 'heredes.'

In the last page appeared the names of all but the 'primi heredes,'

(that is, the 'legatarii' and 'substituti,' see note on v. 48,) together

with the general provisions of the will. 'Solus heres' would be called

'heres ex asse'; if there were several 'heredes,' they would be 'heres

ex dodrante,' 'ex quadrante,' etc., according to the proportion of the

estate devised to each, which was described by the different divisions

of the as.

55. _Plerumque recoctus Scriba ex quinqueviro_] 'Plerumque' is used by

Horace in the sense of 'interdum' here and elsewhere. (See A. P. v. 14

and 95.) The 'scribae,' of whom an example occurs above (S. i. 5. 35),

were clerks in public offices. These places were often got by purchase,

and the 'scriba' received public pay. Nevertheless the 'quinqueviri'

appear from this passage to have ranked lower than the 'scribae.' They

were officers appointed to relieve the other magistrates at night of the

charge of the city. These were the permanent 'quinqueviri'; but

extraordinary commissions of five were often appointed for various

purposes. (See Dict. Antt.) 'Recoctus' seems to mean that he had been a

'quinquevir' and was now a 'scriba,' the 're' in 'recoctus' having no

particular force. Teiresias means to say that Coranus, who had got into

a situation in which he had acquired a good deal of money and some

knowledge of business, was too wide awake to be caught in the snare, saw

through the attentions of the fortune-hunter, and laughed at him. The

'corvus hians' is perhaps taken from Æsop's fable of the fox and crow,

copied by Phædrus (i. 13).

57. _Captator_] This word, and 'captare' above (v. 23), are commonly

used for legacy-hunters. We know nothing more of the actors in this

story, Nasica and Coranus, but it appears likely they were living

persons, and the case well known.

58. _Num furis?_] Ulysses does not understand him, and asks if he is

frenzied, as prophets were when inspired.

59. _aut erit aut non:_] This is a pompous way of stating a truism, put,

by way of keeping up the humor of the scene, into the prophet's mouth.

62. _juvenis_] See C. i. 2. 41, n. By his adoption into the Julia gens,

Augustus claimed direct descent from Æneas. The Romans attached much

importance to the legend which derived their origin from the Trojans.

See C. iii. 3, Introduction. On 'genus,' see C. i. 3. 27, n.

64. _forti nubet procera Corano_] These epithets and the whole opening

of the speech are mock-heroic, and adapted to the character of the

speaker. Nasica owed money to Coranus, and gave him his handsome

daughter by way of discharging the debt and getting an interest in his

son-in-law's will. Coranus understands him, and begs him to read his

will. He coquets with the proposal just as Teiresias advises his hearer

to do, but allows his modesty to be overcome, and on reading it through

in silence finds no legacy left to himself or his family. As to

'plorare,' see S. i. 10. 91.

65. _metuentis reddere soldum._] On 'metuo,' see C. ii. 2. 7. He had

neither power nor will to pay. 'Solidum' means the entire debt,

including principal and interest. The contracted form is used before (S.

i. 2. 111).

67. _orabit;_] The rich man is maliciously bent on seeing the

disappointment of his father-in-law.

73. _vincit longe prius_] 'It is better by a great deal first to take

the head by storm.'

77. _tam frugi_] 'Discreet' is the nearest English word perhaps

corresponding to 'frugi,' and σώφρων in Greek.

79. _magnum donandi parca_] The suitors are once only mentioned as

offering presents to Penelope, and their value was not great. (Odyss.

xviii. 290, sqq.) They were offered in consequence of the taunts of

Penelope herself. It is likely Horace had this passage in mind.

80. _studiosa culinae._] This corresponds with Homer's description. See,

among other places, Odyss. ii. 55.

84. _anus improba Thebis_] 'Improba' means 'sly,' which we too call

'wicked.' See S. i. 9. 73.

87. _Scilicet elabi si posset_] 'Of course it was to see whether she

could escape from him when dead,' or 'in hopes that she might.' We are

to suppose she had made it a condition in her will, that, if he did not

carry her without letting her drop, he was to forfeit the inheritance.

It is a strange story, perhaps taken from some mimus or farce.

'Scilicet' is in reality a verb, and signifies 'you may know,' 'you may

be sure.'

89. _neve--abundes._] 'Don't overdo it.'

90. _ultro; Non etiam sileas._] 'Garrulus ultro' means one who speaks

much before he is spoken to. On 'ultro' see C. iv. 4. 51, n. It is a

difficult word to translate, and seems awkwardly placed here. As to

'non' for 'ne,' compare Epp. i. 18. 72; and A. P. 460.

91. _Davus sis comicus_] Horace has introduced a Davus in this

respectful attitude in S. 7 of this book: 'Jamdudum auscultans et

cupiens tibi dicere servus Pauca reformido.'

92. _Stes capite obstipo._] 'Obstipo' means stiff, unbending, or bent

downwards, with the eyes fixed on the ground. As to 'multum similis,'

see S. i. 3. 57, n.

93. _Obsequio grassare;_] 'Grassor' is a frequentative form of

'gradior,' and signifies to go on, advance. The expression in the text

is like 'grassari dolo' (Tac. Hist. iv. 16), and other like phrases.

Livy and Tacitus use the word often.

95. _aurem substringe loquaci._] 'Stringo' means to grasp in the hand;

'aurem substringe' therefore may mean to hold up the ear, as we commonly

do when we wish to catch every word that is said. He was to pay the

strictest attention to the old man, let him be as garrulous as he would.

96. _donec Ohe jam!_] If he is fond of flattery, ply him with it till

even he is forced to cry, 'Hold, enough!' and blow him up with your

fulsome breath like a bladder. Though the old man might say he had had

enough, he was not to be taken at his word, but plied still harder, for

he never could have too much. 'Importunus' is one who does not easily

rest, is not soon satisfied. The expression 'Ohe jam satis' is common.

See S. i. 5. 12.

100. _Et certum vigilans,_] Compare Ovid, Heroid. x. 9:

"Incertum vigilans, a somno languida, movi

Thesea pressuras semisupina manus";

'Certum vigilans' means 'wide awake,' not confusedly, as those who are

half asleep.

_--Quartae sit partis_] The 'heres' of one fourth of the property would

be 'ex quadrante' or 'ex teruncio.' (See note on v. 53, above.) The

formula in wills was such as this: "Sola mihi uxor heres esto,"

"Sempronius ex parte dimidia heres esto."

101. _Dama_] See v. 18, n. He is to throw in now and then ('sparge

subinde') a whine for the dear man that is gone, and squeeze out a tear

if he possibly can.

102. _Unde mihi tam fortem_] This abrupt and elliptical way of speaking

occurs again below (S. 7. 116): "Unde mihi lapidem? Quorsum est opus?

Unde sagittas?" 'Parabo' may be understood, or some such word.

103. _est_] This is equivalent to ἔξεστι.

105. _Permissam arbitrio_] A sum of money was generally named in the

will for the funeral expenses. Sometimes they appear to have been left

expressly to the judgment and liberality of the 'heres' or 'heredes,' as

here. But if no mention was made of this subject in the will, or if a

man died intestate, those who succeeded to the property were bound to

provide all that was decent for his interment. As to 'funus,' see note

on S. i. 6. 43. See C. i. 9. 9: "Permitte divis caetera."

108. _seu fundi sive domus sit Emptor,_] 'Fundus' is a landed estate

together with the buildings upon it. 'Domus,' therefore, which is

opposed to 'fundus' here, and in Epp. i. 2. 47, may mean a town-house.

The advice is, that if one of the man's 'coheredes,' who is old, and by

a bad cough shows he is near his end, expresses a wish to have an estate

or house which forms part of his share, he should declare himself

delighted to make it over to him for a nominal price, a single

'sestertius.' This would be a bold game, but he might hope that such

generosity on his part would be remembered in the sick man's will.

109. _addicere._] This is a legal term used in selling, "and signifies

the declaration of him who sells as to the transfer of the thing to the

buyer." (Long, Verr. ii. 2. 32.) It was used in private bargains as

here, and at public auctions it was the word used for declaring who was

the purchaser.

SATIRE VI.

In this Satire, Horace dwells upon the inconveniences of a town life and

the delights of the country, the former as connected with the

importunity of people asking for his influence with Mæcenas, or for

information upon public affairs of which he knows nothing, though they

will not believe it. The subject is illustrated by the story of a town

and a country mouse. The town mouse visits the country mouse, and,

taunting him with his seclusion, tempts him to accompany him to town,

and then entertains him at a rich man's table. But the servants, coming

in suddenly at daybreak, frighten them both out of their wits, and the

country mouse goes home again, resolving to keep to his own quiet hole

in the fields, and try the town no more.

1. _non ita magnus,_] Compare with these lines C. iii. 16. 29, sqq.

'Modus' is used for any quantity.

2. _jugis aquae fons_] 'Jugis' belongs to 'aquae.' It signifies running

water, and a good spring of this would be of great value to the

property.

3. _super his_] 'Besides these.' In this sense, 'super' usually governs

the accusative. 'Super' is used absolutely in this sense of 'more,' as

in Epod. i. 31. "Satis superque me benignitas tua Ditavit," which

passage may be compared with what follows: "auctius atque Di melius

fecere." 'Bene est' occurs in C. iii. 16. 43, and is familiar in the

formula S. V. B. E. V. (si vales bene est; valeo), which the Romans

prefixed to their letters.

5. _Maia nate,_] Respecting Mercury, the god of luck and gain, the

protector of poets, and of Horace in particular, see S. ii. 3. 68; C.

ii. 7. 13; ii. 17. 29. 'Proprius' signifies 'permanent,' see S. 2. 129,

n. As to the form 'faxim,' see S. ii. 3. 38, n.

7. _vitio culpave_] 'Culpa' is often used by the law-writers in the

sense of 'negligence.' 'Vitium' appears to mean a defect of the nature,

'culpa' of the conduct.

8. _Si veneror stultus nihil horum:_] As to 'veneror,' 'to pray for,'

see C. S. 49. This passage has been imitated by Persius (S. ii. 9).

'Denormare' is 'to disfigure,' 'norma' being the rule by which

carpenters or masons keep their work straight. 'Mercenarius' is a free

laborer who works for pay.

12. _amico Hercule!_] Though Hercules was especially a Grecian hero, and

was in no way connected historically with the Romans, he was held by

them in high esteem. He was associated with Mercury in various ways,

among others as the god of gain, as he is here. There are

representations of the two gods in one, which combined form is called

Ἑρμηρακλῆς, and appears to have been very common. The notion seems to be

that of combining strength and cunning.

13. _quod adest_] See C. iii. 29. 32: "Quod adest memento Componere

aequus." It is an adaptation of the Greek τὸ παρóν. 'Gratum juvat' may

either mean 'satisfies me, for I am grateful,' or 'is welcome and

satisfies me.'

16. _in montes et in arcem_] See C. iii. 4. 21. By 'arcem' he means his

house on the Sabine hills. (See C. ii. 7. 21.)

17. _Quid prius illustrem_] 'What subject should I take in preference to

this'? that is, the country to which he retires. On 'pedestri,' see C.

ii. 12. 9, n.

18. _plumbeus Auster_] The south-wind is so called, as depressing the

energies and spirits. The epithet is very expressive, 'the leaden

south.' Compare C. ii. 14. 15; iii. 23. 8; Epp. i. 7. 5. Auster and

Notus are not distinguished by the poets. They are invariably

represented as bringing heavy rains. "Quid cogitet humidus Auster"

(Georg. i. 462).

19. _Libitinae quaestus acerbae._] The goddess Libitina was one of the

oldest Roman divinities. She presided over funerals and all things

pertaining to the dead. There were kept in her temple all manner of

things required at funerals, where the undertakers (hence called

Libitinarii) might purchase or hire them. Also a register of funerals

was kept in the temple, and when they were registered a fee was paid.

From both the above sources the temple would derive increased revenues

in a season of great mortality. Horace twice uses the name of Libitina

as equivalent to Mors. See C. iii. 30. 6, and Epp. ii. 1. 49; and

Juvenal does the same (S. iv. 122): "Nam si Libitinam evaserit aeger

Delebit Tabulas."

20. _Matutine pater,_] Janus was a Latin divinity, and one of the

oldest. As he presided over the opening year, so he did also over the

beginning of every month and of every day. Sacrifices were offered to

him on the first of every month, as well as of his own (January), and

prayer in the morning of every day. Hence he is called 'Matutinus

pater', and hence he is confounded with the Sun. 'Pater' was the title

by which he was commonly addressed, and the two words were sometimes

joined thus 'Januspater.' See Epp. i. 16. 59. He was worshipped before

the other gods, because he was the medium through whom men got access to

the others (Ovid, Fast. i. 171). 'Jane' is put in the vocative case by a

sort of attraction. (See C. ii. 20. 6, n.) 'Audire,' in the sense of

'appellari,' ἀκούειν, occurs again in S. 7. 101; Epp. i. 7. 37, and 16.

17. The word is not commonly used in this sense except with 'bene' or

'male.'

21. _Unde_] 'From whom' (C. i. 12. 17).

23. _sponsorem me rapis._] 'Sponsor' was one who became security for

another under the form of contract called 'verborum obligatio,' the

contract taking place by question and answer, 'ex interrogatione et

responsione.' One asked the other, "Dari spondes?" and he answered,

"Spondeo." The principals were called 'stipulator,' he who asked the

question; and 'promissor,' he who answered. The sponsor was said

'intercedere,' and to him the same question was put, to which he

returned the same answer. This explains 'respondeat' in v. 24, and "quod

mi obsit clare certumque locuto," v. 27. He answers "spondeo" in a

clear, distinct voice, and becomes liable, possibly to his great

detriment. The words, 'Eja, ne prior,' etc., Horace means for Janus, to

whom he attributes the prompting of his zeal.

26. _Interiore diem gyro trahit,_] The notion is that of the heavenly

bodies moving round a centre, in a series of orbits of which the

diameters gradually diminish, and in the winter solstice traversing the

innermost and shortest circle.

29. _improbus urget Iratis precibus;_] 'Improbus' means here

'hot-tempered,' and 'precibus' curses, as in Epod. v. 86. 'Tu pulses' is

an angry way of speaking, 'Are you the man to knock down everything in

your way?' as in the next Satire (v. 40). There is sarcasm in 'memori,'

as if he was not likely to forget his duty to the great man. He says he

feels an inward pleasure at the testimony thus borne to his intimacy

with Mæcenas. 'Si recurras' means in the hopes of getting back, to see

if you can get back. See S. 5. 87, n.

32. _atras--Esquilias_] See S. i. 8, Introduction. The former character

of the place is expressed by 'atras,' gloomy. He says, that as soon as

he gets near Mæcenas's house he begins to remember a hundred different

commissions entrusted to him by his acquaintance. They flit about him

like a swarm of gnats, or anything else that is teasing.

35. _Roscius orabat_] Roscius may be anybody. It appears he had pressed

Horace to meet him next day at the Puteal Libonis. This was some sort of

building in the Forum Romanum, erected by one of the Scribonia gens, and

therefore called 'Scribonianum.' The place or its neighbourhood was the

resort of money lenders. It was probably an enclosed place, open at the

top, and took its name from the stone enclosures built round wells,

'putei.' What Roscius wanted with Horace at this place is not certain.

It is said that near the 'puteal' the prætor held his court, and that he

wanted Horace to attend as his sponsor. But the prætor's court did not

open till the third hour.

36. _De re communi scribae_] The 'scribae' were classed in 'decuriae,'

and were a numerous body. They formed a guild or company, and though

they were employed in different branches of the public service, they had

interests in common, and must have held meetings to discuss questions

that concerned their body. As Horace had belonged to them, and was now

known to have a good deal of influence, they wished him to attend their

meeting on some particular occasion; so at least he puts it.

38. _Imprimat his cura_] While Augustus was absent in and after his last

war with Antonius, Mæcenas, at first singly and afterwards in

conjunction with M. Agrippa, was deputed to exercise those powers, in

the city and in Italy, which Augustus himself would have exercised if he

had been there (see Epod. 1, Introduction). The 'tabellae' of the text

may have been a 'diploma,' so called from its consisting of two leaves,

by which privileges of some sort were to be granted. 'Signum' expressed

any work sculptured or engraved. Here it signifies a seal, which was

usually set in the form of a ring. The practice of kings delivering

their rings to those whom they deputed to represent their own authority,

is of the highest antiquity. Pharaoh delivered his ring to Joseph, and

Ahasuerus to Mordecai.

40. _Septimus octavo propior_] Horace was introduced to Mæcenas about

the beginning of the year B.C. 38, and this Satire was written B.C. 30.

42. _quem tollere rheda_] 'Rheda' is the name for a travelling carriage.

The shape probably varied, but it appears to have gone upon four wheels,

and to have been, sometimes at least, of capacious size, since Juvenal

mentions a whole family travelling in one 'rheda' (S. iii. 10). The only

other four-wheeled carriage we read of, is the 'petorritum,' mentioned

above (S. i. 6. 104, n.). There were public 'rhedae' on the great roads,

for the benefit of travellers, and Horace and his friends performed part

of their journey to Brundisium in these conveyances (S. i. 5. 86), and

it appears from his language, 'hinc rapimur,' that they went pretty

fast.

44. _Thrax est Gallina Syro par?_] 'Thraces,' 'secutores,' and

'retiarii,' were three different kinds of gladiators. The first had

their name from being armed like the Thracians, with a short sword and

round shield, from which they were sometimes called 'parmularii.'

Gallina was one of these, Syrus was probably one of another sort.

Mæcenas is supposed to ask Horace, among other trifling questions,

whether he has seen the famous gladiators, and which is the better of

the two.

45. _mordent:_] 'Mordere' is said of both heat and cold. See Epp. i. 8.

5. 'Rimosa' does not occur in any such sense as this elsewhere. We use

'leaky' in the same way.

48. _noster._] This is a familiar way of expressing 'myself.' As to the

construction of the next sentence, see S. i. 1. 45. 'Luserat' refers to

ball-play. 'Fortunae filius' was a conventional phrase. Sophocles uses

it (Oed. Tyr. 1080), ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν παῖδα τῆς τύχης νέμων.

50. _Frigidus a Rostris_] Suppose some bad news has been published in

the Forum and been circulated in the streets. The 'rostra,' which

Niebuhr (i. 406, n.) describes as "a stage of considerable length, with

steps at each end of it," originally separated the comitium, where the

patricians met, from the space where the plebeian assemblies were held,

which was properly the Forum, though that name was popularly applied to

the whole. Here persons of all ranks met, and from this centre reports

would naturally take their rise, and then get disseminated in the city.

The 'rostra' had its plural name from the beaks of vessels taken from

the people of Antium (Liv. viii. 14), with which the stage was

ornamented. As to the 'compita,' see note on S. ii. 3. 25.

53. _Dacis_] The Daci helped M. Antonius at Actium, B.C. 31, and the

following year M. Crassus was sent against them.

55. _Triquetra_] The veterans who fought at Actium, having been sent

back to Italy, were discontented, and broke out into mutiny because they

had no reward. Augustus came from Asia to quell this mutiny, and gave

money to some of the soldiers, and to others he distributed lands in

those parts that had been favorable to Antonius. 'Triquetra' signifies

triangular, and is a name for the island of Sicily, called also

Trinacria, from its three promontories. Cæsar describes Britain also as

"insula triquetra" (B. G. v. 13).

57. _unum Scilicet--mortalem_] The Greeks use εἷς ἀνήρ in this way, to

express a superlative.

62. _Ducere_] 'To quaff the cup of oblivion.' See C. iii. 3. 34, n.,

Epod. 14. 3., and Aen. vi. 714.

63. _faba Pythagorae cognata_] The popular notion was, that Pythagoras

had taught his disciples to abstain, as from meat, so from beans, which

class of vegetables he connected somehow or other with the human

species, in his doctrine of metempsychosis. They were therefore

forbidden fare to his disciples, under the fanciful notion that in

eating them they might be devouring their own flesh and blood. Hence the

expression 'cognata,' and this is the allusion in Epp. i. 12. 21: "seu

porrum et caepe trucidas." As to Horace's vegetable meals, see S. i. 6.

115.

66. _Ante Larem proprium_] See note on Epod. ii. 66. 'Libatis dapibus'

means that the master and his friends ('meique') dined lightly, and left

the greater part of the dishes to his slaves. The master, in this

instance, as well as his slaves, dined in the 'atrium,' where the images

of the Lares were placed. 'Libare' is to touch lightly. See Aen. v. 91:

"inter pateras et levia pocula serpens Libavitque dapes." The

distribution of the remains of the dinner to the slaves was a matter of

course.

69. _Legibus insanis,_] See S. 2. 123, n. One of the strictest laws of a

banquet directed by a presiding symposiarch, would have reference to the

regulation of the quantity of wine to be drunk by each guest at each

round. Horace's notion of liberty here is to be able to drink as much or

as little as he pleased, which is expressed by 'inaequales calices.'

70. _uvescit_] 'Uvescere' does not occur elsewhere, but it corresponds

with Horace's word 'uvidus,' C. ii. 19. 18, and iv. 5. 39.

72. _Nec male necne Lepos saltet;_] Lepos was a 'pantomimus' who was so

named from the grace with which he performed his part, as the name

implies. The business of the 'mimi,' as of the 'mimae,' was to recite

poetry, as well as to act parts in the farces that bore the same name

(S. i. 10. 6, n.). The word 'saltare' was applied to all pantomimic

acting, and the motion of the limbs in dumb show. See S. i. 5. 63, where

Messius calls upon Sarmentus to act Polyphemus,--"Pastorem saltaret uti

Cyclopa rogabat," where 'saltaret' is equivalent to 'movetur' in "Nunc

Satyrum nunc pastorem Cyclopa movetur" (Epp. ii. 2. 125).

75. _usus rectumne_] Cicero makes Lælius indignantly deny the doctrine

that makes utility the foundation of friendship, and he says, with much

truth and delicacy, "non enim tam utilitas parta per amicum quam amici

amor ipse delectat" (Lael. c. xiv.). There is more in the same strain in

c. viii., where he makes virtue the basis of friendship.

76. _natura boni summumque_] This subject is discussed at large in

Cicero's treatise 'De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum,' and was a commonplace

in Horace's day, as it has been in all ages. 'Summum' represents the

Greek τέλος, 'the end proposed'.

77. _Cervius_] This was an old neighbor of Horace's. There is not the

smallest clew to his history or to that of Arellius, who, however, must

have been a rich man and careful about his money.

79. _Olim_] 'Once upon a time': a common way of beginning a story that

does not profess to be true.

82. _attentus_] This is a common word for what we should call 'close.'

See Epp. i. 7. 91; ii. 1. 172. 'Ut tamen' means 'ita tamen ut.' Compare

S. 7. 4.

84. _nec longae invidit avenae,_] This construction is Greek: φθονεῖν

τινί τινος. The Latin construction is with the accusative and dative, as

S. i. 6. 49; Epp. i. 14. 41. The 'avena' here is the cultivated oat, and

'longae' describes the size of its grain. The wild-oat Virgil

distinguishes from this by the epithet 'sterilis' (G. i. 153), and

couples it with the 'lolium,' or tare, with which the host on this

occasion satisfied himself.

87. _male_] This goes with 'tangentis,' and is equivalent to 'vix.'

89. _Esset ador_] See C. iv. 4. 41, n.

93. _mihi crede,_] These words are parenthetical, as Ovid (Am. ii. 2.

9): "Si sapis, o custos, odium, mihi crede, mereri Desine." The language

that follows is very like that of Hercules in the Alcestis of Euripides

(782, sqq.):

βροτοῖς ἅπασι κατθανεῖν ὀφείλεται,

κοὔκ ἐστι θνητῶν ὅστις ἐξεπίσταται

τὴν αὔριον μέλλουσαν εἰ βιώσεται. ----

ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἀκούσας καὶ μαθὼν ἐμοῦ πάρα

εὔφραινε σαυτὸν, πῖνε, τὸν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν

βίον λογίζου σὸν, τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα τῆς τύχης.

98. _pepulere_] This is used absolutely in the sense of 'movere.'

100. _nocturni_] See C. i. 2. 45, n.

103. _canderet vestis eburnos,_] On the 'stragula vestis,' see S. 3.

118, n. The sides of the couches were sometimes veneered with ivory.

Fire is said 'candere,' and the flaming drapery of the bed is here

described by the same word, which is not applied in this sense

elsewhere. 'Fercula' was the name for the different courses, of which

the 'coena' usually consisted of three, called 'prima,' 'secunda,'

'tertia coena.' The word, like 'feretrum,' contains the root 'fer' of

'fero,' and so its first meaning may have been the tray or dish on which

the viands were brought. It here means the viands themselves; 'many

courses were left,' would mean nothing. 'Procul' signifies 'hard by,' as

in Epp. i. 7. 32. The remains of the evening's 'coena' had been

collected and put into baskets, and left in the 'triclinium' till the

morning, and the purple coverings were still exposed, waiting till the

servants should cover them (S. 4. 84, n.).

107. _veluti succintus_] 'Like one tucked up,' as the slaves when on

duty. (See S. i. 5. 5, n.) The duties of the 'structor' are those the

host is here represented as performing. It was his province to arrange

the dishes, and see that they were properly served up. He runs about,

puts one course after another on the table ('continuatque dapes'), and

tastes the dishes, to see if they are properly seasoned.

'Praegustatores' were regularly employed only at the tables of the

emperors. The custom was imitated from Eastern courts. (See Xenoph.

Cyrop. i. 8. 9.)

112. _Valvarum strepitus_] The servants, coming in early to clean the

room, interrupt the banqueters, and rouse the watch-dogs, whose barking

terrifies them still further. There was a dog, or more than one, kept in

most houses, in the 'cella ostiarii,' the porter's chamber at the side

of the 'ostium.' 'Conclave' is the general term for any chamber or suit

of chambers under one lock or bolt. As to Molossis, see Epod. vi. 5.

SATIRE VII.

The substance of this Satire Horace puts into the mouth of his slave

Davus, giving him liberty to express himself as he pleases, on the day

of the Saturnalia, when much license was granted to slaves in

particular. Davus takes advantage of the permission given him to abuse

his master, and to taunt the rich with a slavery (to their passions and

to the world) harder and more stupid than his own. He also taunts Horace

with his instability and weakness of purpose, which part of the Satire

is the most natural and amusing (see note on v. 23). The rest contains a

great deal that is disagreeable, and much that is commonplace. It may

perhaps represent the habit of talking trash, under the name of

philosophy, which those who pretended to be of the Stoic school had

established, and the humor would be more perceptible to a Roman of the

day than it is now.

1. _Jamdudum ausculto_] We may suppose Horace has been talking to a

friend upon subjects that have attracted his slave's attention, and give

rise to the points he argues. Or he may have been giving Davus some

good advice, and he offers him a homily in return, recommending him to

practise what he preaches.

3. _Mancipium_] This word, which properly signifies the act of taking

possession, 'manu capiendo,' is applied here to the 'res mancipi,' the

object of 'mancipium,' which, in this instance, is a slave. It is so

used in Epp. i. 6. 39. As to 'frugi,' see S. 5. 77, n.

4. _Ut vitale putes._] 'That you need not think him too good to live'

(S. 6. 82). As to the Saturnalia, see S. 3. 5, n. The month of December

was dedicated to Saturnus. Horace speaks of the license of that festival

being a custom handed down from their ancestors. The time of its

institution is quite unknown.

6. _Pars hominum_] Davus avails himself, without preface, of his

master's permission, and begins to moralize on the instability of some

men, who never know their own minds. This character he applies to his

master in v. 23, sqq.

9. _Cum tribus annellis,_] This is mentioned as a large number. In later

times the Romans wore a great profusion of rings on both hands. At this

time they were only worn on the left, because they were more likely to

be injured, and to be in the way, on the right hand. Priscus was a

senator, and therefore entitled to wear a gold ring, which privilege did

not descend, at this time, below the equestrian order. In later times it

was conferred upon all manner of persons by the emperors. Those who were

not entitled to wear rings of gold had them of iron, according to the

most ancient practice; and such of the Romans of higher condition as

adhered to the simplicity of earlier days continued to wear iron.

Priscus, as a senator, was entitled to go abroad with the 'latus

clavus,' which he would do sometimes; while at others he would appear

only as an 'eques,' with the 'angustus clavus.' He was rich enough to

live in a fine house, and did so; but would from caprice go and take an

obscure lodging, such as a poor man might be ashamed of. He put on first

one character and then another: now a man about town, and now talking of

going to Athens as a philosopher. He was just such an unstable person as

Tigellius is described to be in S. i. 3. 18: "Nil fuit unquam Sic impar

sibi." He was "everything by turns, and nothing long."

14. _Vertumnis, quotquot sunt, natus iniquis._] Vertumnus, as his name

indicates, was the god who represented change. Horace says Priscus was

born when Vertumnus was angry (see S. 3. 8, n., "Iratis natus paries dis

atque poëtis"), and he strengthens it by saying, 'all the Vertumni that

are to be found'; as if every image of the god were a separate divinity,

and all were angry together, when this fickle man was born.

15. _Scurra Volanerius,_] Nothing is known of this person. He had the

gout, which Horace says he richly deserved, and was so given to gambling

(which was illegal, see C. iii. 24. 58, n.), that, when he could not

handle the dice-box himself, he hired a boy to do it for him. 'Phimus'

was the Greek word for what the Romans called 'fritillus.' From the

shape it was also called 'turricula' or 'pyrgus' (πύργος). As to

'talos,' see S. 3. 171, n. They were not always thrown from a box, but

sometimes with the hand.

19. _levius miser ac prior illo,_] 'Levius miser' is an unusual

expression. 'Prior illo' means better off than that man who is always

changing his character, one moment appearing strict, another loose, in

his principles and conduct. The superiority of the man who is consistent

in vice lies in his indifference to virtue, and the quietness of his

conscience arising from that cause. In that sense he is better off, and

less miserable, than the other.

21. _Non dices hodie,_] 'Hodie' is equivalent to 'statim,' 'this

moment.' 'Furcifer' means a slave who for some slight offence was

obliged to go about with a 'furca' round his neck, a sort of collar

shaped like a V, in which the hands also were inserted. The master

begins to see that Davus is aiming a stroke at him, and is getting

angry.

23. _antiquae plebis,_] 'Plebs' has not its distinctive meaning in this

place. (See C. iii. 14. 1, n.) Horace is no doubt touching his own

infirmity here. He was fond of praising the simplicity of the olden

time, but he was not the man to extricate himself from the degenerate

habits of his own day ('nequicquam coeno cupiens evellere plantam,'

which is taken from the Greek proverb ἐκτὸς πηλοῦ πόδα ἔχειν). He had

been but lately, perhaps, writing the praises of a country life, and

sighing for his farm (in the last Satire); but when there, we may

believe he felt dull enough, and missed the society and elegances of the

city. Whatever his ordinary fare may have been, he had no objection to

the tables of the rich, and was proud to be invited to the Esquiliæ.

There is much humor in this part of the Satire. He is supposed to be

congratulating himself upon being suffered to dine quietly at home, when

he gets an unexpected invitation from Mæcenas to a late dinner. He

immediately shouts for his lantern, scolds the servants if they keep him

waiting a moment, and runs off as fast as he can, leaving in the lurch

some persons to whom he had promised a dinner, and who go away

disappointed and muttering abuse.

33. _sub lumina prima_] 'Immediately after the lighting of the lamps.'

(See Epod. ii. 44, n.) The ordinary dinner-hour was earlier (see C. i.

1. 20, n.), but Mæcenas's occupations protracted his 'solidus dies,' at

the end of which he was glad enough, no doubt, to get a cheerful

companion, like Horace, to dine with him. 'Blatero' is to bawl, or more

commonly to babble and talk nonsense. 'Mulvius' may be anybody, one of

the numerous tribe of parasites. 'Non referenda precati,' uttering

curses which the servants heard, but must not repeat. See last Satire,

v. 30, "iratis precibus."

37. _dixerit ille,_] Mulvius may be supposed to mutter this, as Horace

goes off and leaves him without his expected dinner. 'Nasum nidore

supinor,' 'I snuff up my nose at the smell of a good dinner.' 'Nidor'

means 'nidor culinae,' as in Juv. v. 162: "Captum te nidore suae putat

ille culinae."

39. _si quid vis adde popino._] 'Popino' is not a common word. It means

an idle, dissolute fellow, a frequenter of 'popinae,' cook shops. (See

above, S. 4. 62, n.)

40. _Tu--ultro Insectere_] 'Are you the man to come forward and attack?'

that is, to be the first to do it. See S. 6. 30, and C. iv. 4. 51, n.

42. _Quid, si me_] Davus goes on in his own person. Five hundred

drachmæ, reckoning the drachma and the denarius as nearly the same value

(about 8½_d._), which was the case about this time, amounts to 17_l._

15_s._ of English money, and this was a small price, only given for

inferior slaves. The price varied very widely, according to the beauty

of the slaves (of either sex), which enhanced their value more than

anything else, or according to their education, or skill in handicrafts,

&c.

43. _Aufer Me--terrere;_] Literally, 'Away with that frightening me.'

(See Epp. i. 7. 27, n.) It expresses alarm and haste, for Davus sees his

master frowning, and lifting his hand to strike him.

45. _Crispini docuit me janitor_] About Crispinus, see S. i. 1. 120, n.

Davus professes to have obtained at second hand, from the slave of this

Stoic philosopher, the arguments he is going to propound. They are put

generally, and he uses his own name; but the pronoun 'te' means any one.

The 'janitor,' who was also called 'ostiarius,' kept the door of the

house. He had a room on each side of the 'ostium,' which was a space

between the outer and inner door. Crispinus's janitor may be supposed to

have overheard what his master had said, from time to time, to his

friends, while sitting in the 'atrium' into which the inner door opened.

76. _minor,_] ἥσσων, a slave to (C. ii. 11. 11, n.).

_quem ter vindicta quaterque_] 'Vindicta' is used for the 'festuca,' or

rod, laid upon the shoulder of a slave by the prætor, in the act of

giving him his freedom. Davus says that manumission, repeated over and

over again (though that involves an absurdity), could not deliver his

master, as he called himself, from the bondage he was under to the

world.

78. _Adde super dictis_] 'Dictis' is governed by 'adde,' and 'super' is

used absolutely.

79. _vicarius_] The property a slave might accumulate was called his

'peculium,' and among the rest he might have a 'vicarius,' a slave to do

his duty or help him in it. He was held to be 'quasi dominus' in

relation to his 'vicarius.' What Davus says is, whether you choose to

call the slave's slave his 'vicarius,' or substitute, as your law does,

or his fellow-slave (as strictly speaking he is, for, except by

sufferance, a slave can hold no property independent of his master),

what is my relation to you? I am your slave; you are the slave of your

passions, which will pull you about as the strings pull a puppet (which

the Greeks called νευρόσπαστον). The ancients carried their mechanical

skill in the construction of automaton figures further, perhaps, than it

has been carried since. Artists in this line were common among the

Greeks, and were called νευρόσπασται, αὐτοματουργοί. It appears from

Herodotus (ii. 48) that ἀγάλματα νευρόσπαστα, as he calls them, were in

use among the Egyptians.

83. _sibi qui imperiosus,_] 'He who has control over himself.' Before

Horace, no writer uses this word with a case after it.

85. _Responsare cupidinibus,_] 'Responso' is repeated in Epp. i. 1. 68.

"Fortunae responsare superbae." It seems to mean, to reply to on equal

terms, and so to be a match for, and to overcome. The construction of

the adjective and infinitive is common in the Odes, but not in the

Satires or Epistles. See C. i. 1. 16, n.

86. _in se ipso totus, teres, atque rotundus,_] 'In himself entire,

smoothed, and rounded,' that is, perfect as a sphere, and, as the next

line explains, like a beautiful statue whose graces are all in itself,

which is perfectly finished and polished. This is elsewhere expressed by

'ad unguem factus homo' (S. i. 5. 32, n.), the difference in the mode of

expression being, that here it is meant there are no inequalities on the

surface on which anything at all can rest. The other expression has been

explained in its place. 'In se ipso totus,' means one who wants nothing

from without to set him off, and whose resources, as well as his graces,

are all in himself. The mud through which he passes as he goes through

the world does not adhere to him ('externi ne quid valeat per leve

morari'); circumstances, prosperous or the reverse, do not affect his

character; and, in all her assaults upon his happiness, Fortune proves

but feeble, not being able to make any impression upon it. 'Mancus'

means lame in the hand, as 'claudus' does in the foot. 'Teres' is

explained in a note on C. i. 1. 28. 'Rotundus' is taken from the

heavens, which Plato (Tim. p. 33) says the Deity σφαιροειδὲς

ἐτορνεύσατο, as being most after his own image.

89. _Quinque talenta_] The Attic drachma of this period was worth about

the same as the Roman denarius, nearly 8½_d._ (See above, v. 43, n.) The

mina was equal to 100 drachmæ, and a talent to 60 minæ. It was worth

therefore about 212_l._, and five talents 1,060_l._ The caprice of the

man's mistress is described as before, S. 3. 260, sqq.

92. _Non quis;_] This is the second person of 'queo.'

95. _Pausiaca torpes, insane, tabella,_] Pausias was a native of Sicyon,

one of the most celebrated schools of art, where there was a large

collection of his pictures. Many were sold by the Sicyonian government,

to pay their debts, and most of these found their way to Rome. His

pictures were chiefly small, 'tabellae,' and among the most celebrated

was the portrait of his mistress Glycera as a flower girl,

Στεφανηπλόκος. He flourished about the middle of the fourth century B.C.

'Torpes' is a like expression to that in S. i. 4. 28, "stupet Albius

aere", and 6. 17, "Qui stupet in titulis et imaginibus."

96. _Fulvi Rutubaeque Aut Pacideiani_] These are all names of

gladiators, as we may gather from the context. Pliny tells us it was the

practice, when shows of gladiators were exhibited, for the exhibitor to

set forth a picture of the games, to inform the public, such as we see

now of conjurors, circus, and the like; and these are what Davus alludes

to. They were done, no doubt, roughly, as he describes. Cicero mentions

repeatedly a gladiator named Pacideianus. Horace may have taken the name

for any gladiator in consequence of the celebrity of this man. 'Contento

poplite' represents the attitude of the gladiators. The Scholiasts raise

a doubt upon the point, thinking the words may apply to the spectator

stretching himself on tiptoe to get a nearer view.

101. _callidus audis,_] See S. 6. 20, n., and 3. 23: "Callidus huic

signo ponebam millia centum."

103. _coenis responsat opimis_] 'Responsat' seems here to have the sense

of 'corresponds to,' as 'responsura' in S. 8. 66. What Davus says

amounts to this: 'I am good for nothing, because I am attracted by a

cake just hot from the oven; you, forsooth, are virtuous and noble,

because you feast upon good things.' So the same opposition appears in

these lines as in the two before. 'Libum' was a coarse sort of cake made

of pounded cheese, eggs, and flour, all mixed together and baked. There

was another sort used in sacrifice, concerning which see Epp. i. 10. 10,

n.

105. _Qui tu impunitior_] Persius has copied this way of speaking (v.

129):

"Sed si intus et in jecore aegro

Nascuntur domini, qui tu impunitior exis

Atque hic quem ad strigiles scutica et metus egit herilis?"

110. _Furtiva mutat strigili:_] As to the construction with 'muto,' see

C. i. 17. 2. The 'strigil,' which the Greeks called στλεγγίς, was a

scraper of bone or metal, of a curved form and with a sharp edge, with

which the skin was scraped after bathing, or exercise in the gymnasium.

112. _Non horam tecum esse potes,_] To a man who has no resources in

himself, or is afraid of his own conscience or his own thoughts, and

resorts to amusements or other means of distraction to divert his mind,

these words apply. 'Tecum habita,' inhabit your own breast, make that

your home, is a like expression of Persius, S. iv. 52.

113. _fugitivus et erro,_] 'Fugitivus' was a slave who ran away

outright; 'erro' was an idle fellow, who skulked out of the way, to

escape work or to amuse himself. There was the same distinction in the

army between 'desertor' and 'emansor.' A 'fugitivus' was branded on the

forehead, and hence he was termed 'literatus,' 'notatus,' 'inscriptus,'

'stigmosus'; 'stigma' being the word to express the mark thus given. See

above, S. 5. 15, n.

116. _Unde mihi lapidem?_] See above, S. 5. 102, n. Horace is supposed

to get angry beyond endurance at this home-thrust of his slave, and

calls out for a stone, arrows, anything, to throw at his head. The man

is bewildered with fear, and thinks his master has gone mad, unless,

which was as good, he was making verses. He is, or affects to be,

unconscious of the license he has given himself, and the force of the

truths he has been telling.

118. _accedes opera agro nona_] This means, 'I will send you away to

work with the other slaves (of whom therefore he appears to have had

eight), at my farm.' It was a common punishment, as it is now in slave

countries, for a slave to be turned out of the 'familia urbana,' into

the 'familia rustica,' and set to work in the fields. See Terence

(Phorm. ii. 1. 19), where Geta looks forward to being punished in the

above manner:--

"Molendum est in pistrino, vapulandum, habendae compedes,

Opus ruri faciundum."

SATIRE VIII.

This Satire represents a dinner given by a rich, vulgar man to Mæcenas

and five of his friends. There is not so much to distinguish it in the

way of humor as the subject admitted of. Few subjects present more scope

for facetious satire than the airs of low-born men, lately become rich,

aping the ways of the fashionable world, and making wealth their one

passport into what is called good society. This is a very slight sketch,

and some of the force even of this is perhaps lost through our ignorance

of little points of etiquette and culinary refinements observed by the

Romans of that day.

The host's name is Nasidienus Rufus. Who he was, it is impossible to

say.

Instead of telling the story himself, though it is probable from the

tone of the Satire that he writes from a scene he had witnessed, Horace

puts it into the mouth of his friend Fundanius, the comic writer

mentioned in S. i. 10. 42, where see note.

1. _Nasidieni_] See Introduction. The third and fourth syllables

coalesce. 'Beati' means wealthy and favored of fortune. See C. i. 4. 14,

n.

2. _here_] 'Heri' is a dative form, 'here' an ablative, so we have

'mani' and 'mane' in the morning, 'vesperi' and 'vespere' in the

evening. The termination in 'i' is the older of the two and it would

seem as if the usage of the word was in a state of transition at this

time.

3. _De medio potare die._] Nasidienus dined early, to make the most of

his feast. But 'medio die' need not be taken quite literally. The

'prandium' was usually taken at noon. The dinner-hour was later. (See C.

i. 1. 20, n.) Busy men, as we saw in S. 7. 33, sat down by candle-light.

'De medio die' is like 'de nocte' in Epp. i. 2. 32, 'media de luce,'

Epp. i. 14. 34. 'De' means 'after,' that is 'de medio die' means 'after

midday'; but it must note proximity to midday, or it would have no

meaning at all.

4. _fuerit melius._] See S. 6. 4, n. 'I never was better off in my

life.' He says this ironically, or with reference to the amusement he

had got from the vulgarity of Nasidienus.

_Da, si grave non est,_] There is a like use of 'dare' in Virgil (Ecl.

i. 19), "sed tamen iste Deus qui sit da, Tityre, nobis." Terence also

uses it: "Nunc quam ob rem has partes didicerim paucis dabo" (Heaut.

Prol. 10). From the meaning of this word, 'to put,' this application of

it is easily derived.

5. _iratum ventrem placaverit_] Compare S. 2. 18: "Latrantem stomachum."

Both passages put together suggest the idea of a sop thrown to an angry

dog to keep him quiet. Perhaps that notion, or something of the sort,

suggested this line.

6. _Lucanus aper;_] See S. 3. 234; 4. 42, n. No mention is made of a

'promulsis' (S. i. 3. 6, n.), and the things of which it was usually in

a great measure composed were sent up in the same dish with the boar,

which was generally served whole, and was the chief dish, 'caput

coenae.' Turnips, lettuces, radishes, parsnips, with pickles and sauces

of various descriptions (see S. 4. 73, n.), generally formed part of the

'gustus' or 'promulsis' which preceded the 'fercula,' or courses of

which the regular 'coena' consisted. The boar was killed, the host

(called 'coenae pater' with a sort of mock respect) informed his guests,

when the south wind was not at its worst, meaning, perhaps, that when

this wind ('scirocco') was blowing hard, the meat would soon spoil, if

he had any meaning at all. But it was probably some notion of his own.

10. _His ubi sublatis_] The narrator is inclined to make a short

business of the viands, but he is brought back to them afterwards. The

meat being removed, (and though he only mentions one course here, we may

gather from what comes presently that there was no lack of dishes, and

therefore, probably, there were the usual courses,) a slave, with his

clothes well tucked up, 'succinctus' (see S. 6. 107, n.), came and wiped

the table with a handsome purple towel, and another gathered up whatever

had fallen or had been thrown on the floor, which at the same time he

strewed with saw-dust, perhaps scented (see S. ii. 4. 81). 'Gausape,

-is' (other forms of which are 'gausapa,' 'gausape, -es,' 'gausapum')

was a woollen cloth of foreign manufacture. The table was of maple wood

(see S. 2. 4, n.).

13. _ut Attica virgo_] When the litter is cleared away and the table

wiped, two slaves, one from the East and named after his native river,

the other a Greek, walk in with two amphoræ, one of Cæcuban, the other

of Chian wine. They are represented as coming in in a solemn and stately

manner, like the κανηφόροι who carried the baskets in procession at the

festival of Ceres. See S. i. 3. 11, n.

15. _Chium maris expers._] Salt-water was mixed with the sweet wines

imported from the Greek isles. Whether Horace refers to this practice,

and means that the wine had not been prepared, and was of inferior

quality, or whether he means that this pretended Chian had in fact never

crossed the seas, but had been concocted at home, is doubted. Orelli and

most of the commentators adopt the first opinion, after the Scholiasts.

I am more inclined to the latter. Compare Persius (vi. 39):

"Postquam sapere urbi

Cum pipere et palmis venit nostrum hoc maris expers,"

where he means a learning bred not in Greece, but at home.

18. _Divitias miseras!_] This exclamation is drawn from Horace by his

friend's description. It was money that had brought the man out of his

proper obscurity, and caused him all the petty shifts and anxieties that

wait upon the position he tried to maintain.

19. _pulchre fuerit_] See above, v. 4, "Nunquam In vita fuerit melius."

As to Fundanius, see Introduction. 'Laboro' is an amusing exaggeration,

'I am in pain to know.'

20. _Summus ego_] The company consisted, as was usual, of nine persons,

who reclined on three couches. These were arranged so as to form three

sides of a square, with the table in the middle, the fourth end being

open, as shown in the accompanying diagram.

On each couch were three persons. On the 'summus,' Fundanius says he

himself, Viscus, and Varius reclined. On the 'medius lectus' were

Mæcenas and the two uninvited friends he brought with him, Servilius

Balatro, and Vibidius. On the middle seat of the 'imus lectus' lay

Nasidienus, above him Nomentanus, who acted as nomenclator (see Epp. i.

6. 50, n.), and below him Porcius, another of his parasites. The place

of honour was the corner-seat of the 'medius lectus,' and next to that,

on the first seat of the 'imus,' was usually the place of the host. But

it appears that Nasidienus resigned that place to Nomentanus, probably

because he supposed him better able to entertain his guests than

himself. The host usually reserved the 'imus lectus' for himself and his

family. If they were not present, their places were usually occupied by

dependents of the host (parasites), who filled up the table, and helped

to flatter the host and entertain the company. This explains Epp. i. 18.

10, "imi Derisor lecti." Sometimes these places were occupied by

'umbrae,' brought by the invited guests. By 'summus ego' Fundanius

means that he occupied the farthest seat on the 'summus lectus.' The

slaves in helping the wine began from this point, and went round till

they came to the 'imus,' or third place in the 'imus lectus.'

[Illustration: Reclining Couches Showing Imus, Medius Lectus, Summus.]

_Viscus Thurinus_] See S. i. 9. 22, n.; 10. 83, n. He appears to have

been a native of Thurii, in Lucania, which was made a Latin colony (B.C.

195), and received the name of Copiæ. But its old name, given at its

foundation by the Athenians (B.C. 444), continued to be used as well as

the new. Viscus was highly esteemed by Horace. As to Varius, see S. i.

5. 40, n. Nothing whatever is known of Servilius Balatro or Vibidius.

The second syllable of Servilius appears from inscriptions to be long;

the third, therefore, coalesces with the last. Mæcenas had taken them

with him as 'umbrae,' which means persons taken by guests without

special invitation from the host. See Epp. i. 5. 28, n.

23. _super ipsum,_] This means on the seat above the host (see note on

v. 20). As to Nomentanus, see S. i. 1. 102. Porcius seems to have been a

notorious parasite. Here he seems to be occupied chiefly about filling

his own belly, while the host and his other parasite are looking after

the guests and doing the honours of the table.

24. _obsorbere placentas;_] 'Placentæ' were cakes, usually sweetened

with honey. See Epp. i. 10. 11.

25. _Nomentanus ad hoc, qui_] 'Nomentanus was there for this purpose,

that he might--.' His business was that of nomenclator, to direct the

attention of the guests to any dainties they might have overlooked, and

to explain to them the mystery of each dish; for, as Fundanius says, the

commonest viands were so dressed up with sauces that they could hardly

be recognized, or new sorts of dishes were put on the table, such as the

entrails of different fish, turbot and plaice, for instance.

26. _Indice monstraret digito:_] 'Indice digito' is the forefinger: the

middle finger was called 'famosus.' This name is given to it as the

finger of scorn. The third finger was called 'medicus' or 'medicinalis,'

for the same reason probably that got it the name 'annularis,' its

supposed anatomical connection with the heart. By 'cetera turba'

Fundanius means the uninitiated, Mæcenas and his party.

29. _Ut vel continuo patuit,_] The nature and importance of the duties

of Nomentanus were shown on that occasion, when he handed Fundanius a

dainty he had never tasted before, or perhaps heard of, and yet these

gentlemen knew what good living was.

_passeris_] 'Passer' was a flat fish, and is generally supposed to be

the plaice.

31. _melimela_] These were a sweet sort of rosy apple. The derivation of

the name sufficiently marks their flavour. That they had a higher colour

when gathered at the wane of the moon, is an invention of the

nomenclator. His reasoning on the subject was so abstruse, that

Fundanius does not pretend to be able to recollect it.

34. _Nos nisi damnose bibimus_] See Terence (Heaut. v. 4. 9):--

"_Ch._ At ego si me metuis mores cave esse in te istos sentiam.

_Cl._ Quos? _Ch._ Si scire vis ego dicam: gerro, iners, fraus,

helluo, Ganeo, damnosus."

Vibidius means, that if this stupid dinner is to be the death of them,

they had better have their revenge beforehand and drink ruinously of the

host's wine: if they do not, they will die unavenged. 'Moriemur inulti'

is borrowed from the Epic style. See Aen. ii. 670; iv. 659.

35. _Vertere pallor Tum parochi faciem_] Fundanius gives two reasons why

the host turned pale when he heard his guests call for larger cups:

because when men have drank well they give a loose rein to their

tongues, and because wine spoils the palate by destroying the delicacy

of its taste. He might probably have added a third, for it seems that in

the midst of his ostentation the man was a niggard. As to 'parochi,' see

S. i. 5. 46. The host is so called as the man "qui praebet aquam" (S. i.

4. 88).

39. _Invertunt Allifanis vinaria tota_] Allifae was a town of Samnium.

From the text we are led to suppose that cups were made there. 'Vinaria'

is properly an adjective, and agrees with 'vasa' understood. It means

here the 'lagena' or 'amphora,' which differed in shape, but not in use.

Both were vessels either of clay, or sometimes latterly of glass, in

which the wine was kept. Their contents were usually poured into a

'crater' for the purpose of being mixed with water. These persons helped

themselves from the 'lagena,' and all followed their example, except the

master and his two parasites (see above, v. 20). There was no 'magister

bibendi,' and the guests drank as they pleased.

42. _squillas inter muraena natantes_] As to 'squillas,' see S. ii. 4.

58. 'Muraena' was a lamprey, and accounted a great delicacy by the

Romans, who appear to have sometimes kept them tame. They were brought

chiefly from the coast of Sicily. The prawns were swimming in sauce, the

composition of which the host goes on to describe himself, as a matter

of too much consequence to be left to the explanation of his

nomenclator. The materials were Venafrian olive-oil (C. ii. 6. 16, n.);

'garum,' a sauce made of the entrails and blood of fish, and here made

from the scomber, perhaps the mackerel, caught in greatest abundance off

the coast of Spain; some Italian wine added while it was making, and

some Chian when it was made; white pepper (see above, 4. 74, n.), and

vinegar made from sour Lesbian wine (C. i. 17. 21). Of the other

ingredients Nasidienus boasts of having invented two himself; one was

the 'eruca,' which we call the rocket, and the 'inula campana,'

'elecampane,' a plant that grows in meadows and damp ground. It is used

medicinally as a bitter. The last ingredient was the 'echinus,' a

prickly shell-fish, thrown in without being washed, for the benefit of

its saline qualities; for which addition to the sauce he gives credit to

one Curtillus, whoever he may have been. The superiority of the

'echinus' to 'muria' (see S. ii. 4. 65, n.) is here said to consist in

the fact of the former coming fresh from the sea, and furnishing a more

perfect brine.

54. _aulaea_] See C. iii. 29. 15, n. The host's dissertation was brought

to a sudden close by the falling of the tapestry from the ceiling,

bringing down among the dishes an immense cloud of dust. The guests

fancy the house is coming down, but when they find the extent of the

damage, they recover themselves ('erigimur'). Rufus (Nasidienus) was so

disturbed by this untoward accident, that he put down his head and began

to shed tears. Nomentanus comforts him with an apostrophe to Fortune,

complaining of her caprices, the solemn hypocrisy of which makes Varius

laugh so immoderately, that he is obliged to stuff his napkin into his

mouth to check himself. Balatro, who has a sneer always ready

(μυκτηρίζων, see S. i. 6. 5), begins a long sympathetic and flattering

speech, with which Nasidienus is highly pleased and comforted under his

misfortune. A brilliant thought suddenly strikes him, and he calls for

his shoes and goes out, on which the guests begin to titter and to

whisper to one another, not wishing to give offence, or to speak out

before the parasites and the slaves (54-78).

72. _agaso._] This was a groom or mule-driver, or otherwise connected

with the stables. Balatro intends a sneer at the establishment, the

out-door slaves being had in to wait at table and swell the number of

attendants.

77. _Et soleas poscit._] See S. i. 3. 127. The sandals were taken off

before they sat down to dinner, for which therefore 'soleas demere,

deponere,' were common expressions, as 'soleas poscere' was for getting

up. The Greeks had the same custom and the same way of expressing

themselves.

78. _Stridere secreta_] In this line an attempt seems to have been made

to convey the notion of whispering by the sound of the _s_ repeated.

83. _Ridetur fictis rerum_] They pretend to be laughing at something

else when Nasidienus comes in. As to 'fictis rerum' see C. iv. 12. 19,

n. 'Balatrone secundo' means that Balatro played δευτεραγωνιστής, who

supported the principal actor, but was not so prominent. (See Epp. i.

18. 14.) Balatro was a wit and sarcastic. He supplied jokes and the

others laughed.

86. _Mazonomo_] This was a large round dish, properly one from which

grain (μάζα) was distributed.

87. _Membra gruis_] Cranes became a fashionable dish with the Romans,

but not till after this time, when storks were preferred (see S. 2. 50,

n.).

88. _jecur anseris albae_] The liver of a white goose fattened on figs,

the legs of a hare served up separately, as being (according to the

host) better flavoured when dressed without the loins, blackbirds burnt

in roasting, and wood-pigeons with the hinder parts, which were most

sought after, removed (perhaps from the ignorance of the host, who

thought novelty was the best recommendation of his dishes),--these

composed the last 'ferculum,' brought in as special delicacies to make

up for the late catastrophe. But the officiousness of the host destroyed

the relish of his dishes, such as they were, and the guests took their

revenge by tasting nothing that he put before them, and presently taking

their leave.

95. _Canidia afflasset_] Here is this woman again, the last time we meet

with her. See Epodes iii., v., and xvii., and S. i. 8.

EPISTLES.--BOOK I.

EPISTLE I.

Some time after Horace had published his three books of Odes, and had,

as it appears, laid aside that sort of writing, it seems that Mæcenas,

and probably his other friends, begged him to return to it. That is the

obvious meaning of the remonstrance with which the Epistle opens. He

expresses an earnest wish to retire into privacy, to abandon poetry, and

to devote himself to the study of philosophy and virtue, which he

recommends as the only true wisdom.

1. _Prima dicte mihi,_] This is an affectionate way of speaking. It has

no particular reference to anything Horace had written. It is like

Virgil's address to Pollio (Ec. viii. 11): "A te principium, tibi

desinet"; or Nestor's to Agamemnon (Il. ix. 96):

Ἀτρείδη κύδιστε, ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν Ἀγάμεμνον,

Ἐν σοὶ μὲν λήξω, σέο δ᾽ ἄρξομαι.

2. _Spectatum satis et donatum jam rude_] When gladiators received their

discharge, they were presented by the 'lanista,' or the 'editor

spectaculorum,' who owned or hired them, with a 'rudis,' which was a

blunt wooden instrument, some say a sword, others a cudgel. The name may

have belonged to any weapon used in the 'praelusio,' or sham fight that

generally preceded the real battle with sharp swords. The gladiators

thus discharged were called 'rudiarii,' and, if they were freemen,

'exauctorati.' 'Spectatum' is a technical term. Tickets, with the

letters SP upon them, were given to gladiators who had distinguished

themselves. 'Ludus' means the place where the training took place, and

the gladiators were kept. (See A. P. 32, n.)

4. _Veianius armis Herculis ad postem_] Veianius was a 'rudiarius,' and

when he was discharged, he hung up his weapons in the temple of

Hercules, just as the man is made to hang up the arms of love in the

temple of Venus, when they had ceased to profit him, in C. iii. 26. 3;

or as the slave hung up his chain to the Lares (see S. i. 5. 65, n.), to

whom also boys dedicated their 'bulla' when they assumed the 'toga

virilis'; and, generally, those who gave up any trade or calling

dedicated the instruments with which they had followed it to the gods,

and to that god, in particular, under whose patronage they had placed

themselves. Hercules would naturally be chosen by a gladiator, or by a

soldier.

6. _Ne populum extrema_] The gladiatorial shows at this time were

exhibited in the Circus. The arena was separated from the seats, which

went round the building, by a wall called the 'podium,' near which a

gladiator would station himself to appeal to the compassion of the

people, at whose request it usually was that they got their freedom and

the 'rudis.' We learn from Juvenal, that the persons of highest

condition sat by the 'podium,' and to their influence the appeal would

be more immediately made. Veianius, Horace says, retired into the

country to escape the temptation to engage himself again, and to place

himself in the position he had so often occupied, of a suppliant for the

people's favor. When they liked a man, they were not easily persuaded to

ask for his discharge.

7. _Est mihi purgatam_] He has a voice within him, he says, the office

of which is to whisper in his attentive ear the precept that follows,

the idea of which is taken from Ennius, who takes it from the Circus.

His words in Cicero de Senect. (c. 5) are:

"Sicut fortis equus spatio qui saepe supremo

Vicit Olympia, nunc senio confectu' quiescit."

'Purgatam aurem' means an ear purged from all that could obstruct the

entrance of the truth.

9. _ilia ducat._] 'Ilia trahere' and 'ducere' are ordinary expressions

for panting; they mean to contract the flanks, as is done in the act of

recovering the breath. The reverse is 'ilia tendere.' See Virg. Georg.

iii. 536, "imaque longo Ilia singultu tendunt." 'Ilia ducere' here means

to become broken-winded.

10. _et versus et cetera ludicra pono,_] He did not keep his word, for

he wrote much of the fourth Book of Odes, and the Carmen Saeculare,

after this; so that he says of himself (Epp. ii. 1. 111):

"Ipse ego qui nullos me affirmo scribere versus

Invenior Parthis mendacior."

'Ludicra' means the follies of light poetry, jokes, amours, &c. See Epp.

ii. 2. 55.

13. _quo lare tuter,_] This is equivalent to 'qua in domo,' respecting

which see C. i. 29. 14, n.; and as to 'jurare in verba,' see note on

Epod. xv. 4. The metaphor is taken from the oath of the gladiator

('auctoramentum'), by which he bound himself to the 'lanista' to whom he

hired himself, which was a very stringent oath indeed.

16. _Quo me cunque rapit_] Horace says he follows no school and knows no

master, but, like a traveller always changing his abode, he follows the

breeze that carries him hither and thither, just as his temper happens

to be, or his judgment chances to be influenced; "tossed to and fro, and

carried about with every wind of doctrine," as St. Paul says, using the

same sort of language.

16. _Nunc agilis fio_] That is, he agrees with the Stoics, whose virtue

was essentially a Roman virtue (see C. S. 58, n.), and lay in action.

With them, the perfection of virtue was the perfection of happiness,

utility, wealth, power (see below, v. 106, n.).

18. _Nunc in Aristippi_] After holding for a time to the rigid school of

virtue and the Stoics, he insensibly went over to the lax doctrines of

the Cyrenaics, whose founder was Aristippus of Cyrene, one of the least

worthy disciples of Socrates. He held that every man should control

circumstances, and not be controlled by them. Hence he did not hesitate

to expose himself to the greatest temptations. An instance of his

indifference in another way is given above (S. ii. 3. 100). See Epp. 17.

23.

19. _Et mihi res_] 'I try to bend circumstances to myself, not myself to

circumstances.' But Aristippus departed from his own theory, when he

departed from the rule of his teacher, and took money from his pupils.

He was the first of the Socratics that did so, and Xenophon is supposed

to refer to him when he says that some of the disciples of Socrates got

for nothing a little of his wisdom, and sold it at a high price to

others (Mem. i. 2, § 60). Those that took money from their disciples,

Socrates said, sold themselves into slavery, and he must therefore have

held this opinion of Aristippus (Ib. § 6). His dialogue with Socrates

(in Xen. Mem. ii. 1) throws light upon his opinions as here stated by

Horace. The word 'subjungere' is taken from putting the neck of beasts

of burden under the yoke.

21. _ut piger annus Pupillis_] Every boy who had lost his father was

under a 'tutor' or guardian in respect of his property, while the care

of his person belonged to his mother, or, in the case of her death, to

his nearest relation, provided he was not a 'pupillus' himself. This

lasted till the age of puberty (fourteen). The boy was a 'pupillus,'

not in relation to his mother, but to his tutor. Thus 'tutela' and

'custodia' were different things. 'Tutela' was a technical term,

'custodia' was not.

25. _locupletibus aeque,_] 'Aeque' is repeated, though not wanted, just

as 'inter' is repeated in S. i. 7, and elsewhere (see note). The Greek

writers used ὁμοίως in the same way.

27. _Restat ut his_] Horace says he is impatient, till he shall have

reached the perfection of active virtue and wisdom. But as he has not

done so, it only remains that he shall regulate and comfort his mind

with such elementary knowledge of truth as he possesses, and be content

with that; for, if he cannot reach perfection, he may make some steps

towards it. 'His' means, that which he has at his command.

28. _Non possis oculo_] The keen sight of Lynceus, one of the Argonauts,

who, as the story goes, could from Lilybæum count the number of vessels

in a fleet coming out of the harbor of Carthage, has been proverbial in

all ages.

30. _invicti membra Glyconis,_] This person is said to have been an

athlete of prodigious strength.

31. _Nodosa--prohibere cheragra._] The gout in the hand is called

'nodosa' from its twisting the joints of the fingers (S. ii. 7. 15). As

to the construction of 'prohibere,' see C. i. 27. 4.

32. _Est quadam prodire tenus_] Horace is probably indulging a little

irony at the expense of the philosophers, in the implied comparison of

their perceptions and powers with those of Lynceus and Glycon, and in

the humble tone he takes towards them. 'Tenus,' as a general rule, takes

the ablative of the singular, and is so used in the compound words

'hactenus,' 'eatenus,' &c. The form 'quadamtenus' is used occasionally

by Pliny; and the feminine gender appears in all the combinations of

'tenus' with pronouns.

34. _Sunt verba et voces_] Compare Euripides (Hippol. 478):

εἰσὶν δ᾽ ἐπῳδαὶ καὶ λόγοι θελκτήριοι·

φανήσεταί τι τῆσδε φάρμακον νόσου.

Philosophy, Horace says, has remedies for every disease of the mind. The

remedies he means are the precepts of the wise, to be derived from books

(37). He also calls them 'piacula' (36), which is equivalent to

'medicamenta,' because, disease being attributed to the wrath of the

gods, that which should remove their wrath ('piaculum') was the means of

removing disease. 'Ter' is used by way of keeping up the religious

notion (that number being common in all religious ceremonies, see C. i.

28. 36, n.): 'pure' is used in the same connection. The book must be

read with a pure mind, as the body must be washed before sacrifice or

libation can be offered. By 'libello' I understand Horace to mean any

book that instructs the mind in virtue.

41. _Virtus est vitium fugere_] If you cannot all at once attain

perfection, you may at least begin to learn, and the first step towards

virtue is to put away vice. What follows is an illustration of this.

'You see what trouble you take to escape from poverty, which you count

the worst of all evils; but if you will only give heed to instruction,

you shall learn well to care about it.' This is the sense. As to

'repulsa,' see C. iii. 2. 17. He who would secure an election, must have

a command of money.

44. _capitisque labore._] 'Caput' is here put for the whole body. We do

not use it so, but for the seat of intelligence, which the Romans placed

in the heart, not in the brain. On 'per saxa, per ignes,' see C. iv. 14.

24; S. ii. 3. 56.

47. _Ne cures ea_] 'In order that you may cease to care for those things

which you now so foolishly admire and long for, will you not learn and

listen, and trust the experience of a better man than yourself?' As to

this position of 'ne,' see C. iv. 9. 1.

49. _Quis circum pagos_] These were boxers, who went about the streets

and the country villages, and fought for the amusement of the

inhabitants, and for what they could pick up. 'Coronari Olympia' is a

Greek way of speaking. Horace says, What boxer who goes about the

country towns exhibiting, would despise the Olympic prizes, if he had a

hope, still more a promise, that he should be crowned without a

struggle? By this he means, men strive after happiness in the shape of

riches, &c.; but if they will learn wisdom, that shall give them all

they can desire without trouble or pain. The world may judge otherwise,

he proceeds to say, and make wealth the standard of worth, but the world

is not to be listened to,--it is foolish and inconsistent. 'Sine

pulvere' seems to be taken from the Greek ἀκονιτί, and means without a

struggle.

54. _Janus summus ab imo_] See S. ii. 3. 18. 'Perdocet' means it

persists in teaching, it enforces. Horace breaks out into the praises of

virtue, and says, that, as gold is more precious than silver, virtue is

more precious than gold, whereas, from one end of the Forum to the

other, the opposite doctrine is insisted upon, and old and young go

there to learn it, as boys go to school, and repeat it as schoolboys

repeat their tasks dictated to them by the master. Verse 56 is repeated

from S. i. 6. 74. As to 'dictata,' see S. i. 10. 75, n.

58. _Sed quadringentis sex septem_] 'Suppose you lack six or seven

thousand out of 400,000 sesterces (which make an equestrian property),

whatever your genius, character, eloquence, and uprightness may be, you

are put down for one of the common sort, and will not be allowed, under

Otho's law, to sit in the front rows.' (See Epod. iv. 15, n.) 'Plebs' is

not used in its regular sense, but contemptuously, 'a common fellow.'

The equestrian order consisted of all citizens who had the above income

and were not senators; for when a man became a senator, he ceased to be

an 'eques.'

59. _At pueri ludentes, Rex eris, aiunt,_] See note on C. i. 36. 8. At

Athens, it appears, the boys had a game, at which they who threw or

caught the ball best were called kings, while they who were beaten were

called asses. Some such game must have been in use among the Roman boys,

and their king-making had become a proverb. The world may despise you,

he says, because you are poor, but, according to the boys' rule, which

makes the best man king, you shall be a king if you do well. As to

'murus aëneus,' see C. iii. 3. 65, n. For the different senses in which

Horace uses 'nenia,' see Epod. xvii. 29, n. Here it signifies a sort of

song of triumph.

64. _Et maribus Curiis et decantata Camillis?_] On this plural, see S.

i. 7. 8. The persons referred to are M. Curius Dentatus, the conqueror

of Pyrrhus, and M. Furius Camillus, the man who saved Rome from the

Gauls. The contempt of money displayed by Curius is especially related

by Cicero (De Senect. c. 16), in terms which account for Horace's

selecting him for an illustration here. The boys' strain was ever in the

mouths of these noble soldiers, giving honor to none but the worthy.

'Mares' is used in this sense in A. P. 402. We use 'masculine' in the

same way.

67. _lacrimosa poëmata Pupi,_] Pupius appears to have been a writer of

tragedies, which Horace says were pathetic, but he says it with some

contempt. We know nothing more of him than this. 'Lacrimosa' is used

ironically. As to 'responsare,' see S. ii. 7. 85. 'Praesens' means

stands by you and urges you on, and teaches you to meet the insults of

fortune with an independent heart and erect bearing. 'Aptat' is

explained by "pectus praeceptis format amicis" (Epp. ii. 1. 128), which

province belongs, Horace says, to the poet.

71. _Non ut porticibus sic judiciis_] As to 'porticus,' see S. i. 4.

134. He has said that the world are not fit guides, and he goes on to

prove this by the inconsistencies of men, both rich and poor (71-93). He

says, if people ask him why he mixes with them in the ordinary way of

society, in the promenades, etc., but does not form his judgment of

things as they do, he answers them as the fox answered the lion in

Æsop's fable; and the meaning of the answer here is, that he found that,

of all those who joined the world and made money their chief pursuit,

none had survived or recovered their right judgment.

76. _Bellua multorum es capitum._] 'The avarice of the world is like the

hydra with many heads; if you check it in one form, it springs up in

another; whom, then, or what, is one to take for one's guide?' On the

use of 'nam' in this verse, see S. ii. 3. 41, n. As to 'conducere,' see

C. ii. 18. 17, n. On the subject of will-hunting, see S. ii. 5, and

compare with 'quos in vivaria mittant' v. 44 of that Satire: "Plures

adnabunt thunni et vivaria crescent." There the 'captator' appears as a

catcher of fish; here as a hunter of game. 'Vivaria' are preserves.

'Excipere' is the word used for catching the wild boar in C. iii. 12.

12. 'Occulto fenore' means interest which was greater than the law

allowed (see S. i. 2. 14, n.), and therefore privately agreed upon. Of

all the classes of money seekers in Rome, Horace fixes as the most

prominent upon three, the 'publicani,' those who ingratiate themselves

with old people in the hope of becoming their heirs, and extortionate

usurers. 'Publica' may refer to public buildings and works.

80. _Verum Esto aliis alios_] But allow different men their different

tastes, yet even this is of no use; for the same men, when they get

rich, get capricious, and are always changing their minds.

83. _Nullus in orbe sinus_] If the rich man has set his heart upon

building a house at Baiæ, he does not brook a moment's delay; the waters

of the Lacus Lucrinus on one side and the sea on the other, are

disturbed with the eager preparations with which he begins to satisfy

his desire. The allusion is the same as in C. ii. 18. 19, sqq., and iii.

1. 33, sqq., 24. 3, where see notes. Baiæ was for several generations a

favorite resort of the wealthy Romans. Julius Cæsar had a house there,

and also Cn. Pompeius.

84. _lacus et mare_] The Lucrinus lacus was an arm of the sea. Its basin

was filled up by the rising of the volcanic hill called Monte Nuovo, in

the middle of the sixteenth century.

85. _vitiosa libido_] This means a corrupt, capricious will, which is

said 'facere auspicium,' to stand in the place of birds and other omens

usually consulted before new enterprises were undertaken.

86. _Cras ferramenta Teanum_] Teanum (now Teano) was a town belonging to

the Sidicini, an ancient people of Campania. It was situated on the Via

Latina, and about thirty miles from Baiæ. The whim for the coast having

vanished, and a desire to live inland, in a country town, having seized

upon the man of money, he sends off the workmen with their tools to

Teanum, at a day's notice.

87. _Lectus genialis in aula est,_] 'Aula' means the 'atrium,' the

entrance-room; and 'lectus genialis,' also called 'adversus,' because it

was opposite the door, was the marriage-bed which was dedicated to the

genii of the bride and bridegroom. The bed was a symbol of domestic love

and peace, and was placed at the entrance of the house for a good omen.

Respecting the genii, see below, Epp. i. 7. 94; ii. 2. 187.

90. _Protea_] See S. ii. 3. 71.

91. _coenacula,_] All the rooms above the ground floor were called

'coenacula.' While the rich lived in their own houses, poorer persons

(and it must be remembered that 'paupertas' is comparative poverty, not

want) took single rooms in the upper story of houses which went by the

name of 'insulae,' the inhabitants of which were called 'coenacularii,'

and they who kept them were said 'coenaculariam exercere.' Horace speaks

of persons changing from caprice and aping the ways of the rich.

92. _conducto navigio_] 'Navigium' expresses the vulgar craft which the

poor man hires in imitation of the private yacht, as smartly built and

well found as a trireme belonging to the rich man. He hires his boat,

which he cannot afford to do, and goes through the horrors of sea

sickness, that he may have the honor of serving as a foil to the

elegance of his wealthy neighbor.

94. _Si curatus inaequali tonsore_] He goes on to tax Mæcenas,

good-humoredly, with the prevailing inconsistency (94-105). 'Capillos

curare' was a common expression. Domitian wrote a book 'de cura

capillorum,' according to Suetonius (c. 18), which he addressed to a

friend who was bald, like himself. 'Subucula' was a second tunic worn

under the 'intusium,' which was the upper tunic. 'Pexae' signifies a

cloth of which the nap was not closely shorn, and was still fresh. The

upper tunic, therefore, would be new, while the under one was old and

shabby. The 'subucula' had sleeves, which the 'intusium' had not. Any

difference in the cloth, therefore, would be very perceptible. Out of

doors the toga would conceal both, but in doors the toga was not worn.

'Intusium' is from 'induo.' 'Subucula' is connected with 'duo' (that is,

'do') likewise. 'Disconvenit' is a word only found in Horace. It occurs

again, Epp. 14. 18.

100. _mutat quadrata rotundis?_] Orelli says this looks like a

proverbial expression for one who did not know his own mind. It may be

so, or it may have reference to alterations Horace was making on his

estate, in which case the whole would be only a joke against himself or

truth in jest, which Mæcenas would understand. He appears to have begun

building as soon as he entered on his new property, if there is any

meaning in the scolding he gets from Damasippus (S. ii. 3. 307).

102. _nec curatoris egere_] See S. ii. 3. 217, n. 'Tutela' was the

guardianship of a 'tutor,' the protector of an orphan's property till he

came to the age of puberty. 'Curatela' was the office of 'curator,' who

had the same relation to the orphan, in a modified form, till he was

twenty five (see above, v. 22, n.). It was also that of the protector of

insane persons. 'Tutela,' therefore, is not the precise word to keep up

the previous notion. Horace means that Mæcenas looks after him

anxiously, as if he was his 'tutor,' and he looks up to him as if he was

his 'pupillus,' but that his guardian had better look to his greater

faults, and correct those, than be put out by trifling defects such as

negligence of dress, and so forth. What Horace says, is a repetition in

a different form of "O et praesidium et dulce decus meum" (C. i. 1. 2).

105. _respicientis_] This word is much stronger than our term 'respect,'

which is derived from it.

106. _Ad summam:_] This is an ordinary formula, 'to come to the point,'

'to conclude.' The pursuit of virtue and wisdom is the point from which

he started, and, having digressed a little, he returns suddenly, and

concludes with a definition of the sage, which is a repetition of S. i.

3. 124, sqq. Here it is added that he is the only freeman, and inferior

to Jove alone.

108. _Praecipue sanus,_] Horace says jocularly, that the Stoic above all

his other attributes is of course 'sanus,' except when his digestion is

disturbed and the phlegm troublesome, 'sanus' bearing a double

application to the body (from the pains of which no exemption was

claimed for the Stoic sage, though he did not allow them to affect his

will) and to the mind, the sanity of which no one could lay claim to but

the sage himself (see S. ii. 3. 44, n.). As to 'pituita,' see S. ii. 2.

73, n.

EPISTLE II.

The person to whom this Epistle and the eighteenth are written, was

probably the son of M. Lollius, the consul, addressed in the ninth Ode

of the fourth Book. He was young, but had been with Augustus to the

wars, as we learn from the other Epistle (v. 55). When this Epistle was

written, he was at Rome, continuing his education, and Horace was at

Præneste. He had lately been reading Homer, and from the examples of the

Iliad and Odyssey he takes occasion to derive some advice for Lollius,

whom he urges to the study of philosophy.

1. _maxime Lolli,_] This is probably no more than a familiar and

good-humored way of addressing the young man, 'most noble Lollius.'

2. _Dum tu declamas Romae_] Horace writes to Lollius as to one familiar

with Homer's poems. He says of himself, referring to his early education

at Rome (Epp. ii. 2. 41):

"Romae nutriri mihi contigit atque doceri

Iratus Graiis quantum nocuisset Achilles."

After the Romans had begun to expand the course of their sons'

education, (as mentioned in the note on S. i. 6. 77,) Homer was one of

the first authors a boy studied. Boys attended the schools of the

rhetorical masters before they put on the 'toga virilis,' and there they

learnt to declaim upon subjects given them from history. This practice

was not introduced till the later years of the republic. Young men

continued studying declamation long after they left school. They had

teachers at home, who taught them the higher principles of oratory.

_Praeneste relegi;_] Præneste (Palestrina) was in Latium, about twenty

three miles due east of Rome on the edge of the Apennines. It was a cool

retreat, to which Horace appears sometimes to have gone in summer, even

when he had a place of his own elsewhere. See C. iii. 4. 21, sqq.

4. _Chrysippo et Crantore_] As to Chrysippus the Stoic, see S. i. 3.

126, n. Both he and Crantor were born at the Cilician town Soli. Crantor

studied philosophy in the Academia, under Xenocrates and with Polemo.

(See S. ii. 3. 254, n.) They were both voluminous writers. But Horace

says there is more instruction in the poems of Homer than in all they

ever wrote, and that it is more clearly conveyed. Horace takes a wrong

view of Homer's poems, which are not philosophical, nor meant to be so,

but noble specimens of art and poetical conception.

7. _Barbariae_] That is, Phrygia. (See Epod. ix. 6.) 'Aestus' is a

metaphor from the ebbing and flowing of the tide, and represents the

passions and variableness of the princes and people.

9. _Antenor censet_] At a meeting of the Trojan chiefs after the combat

of Hector and Ajax, Antenor proposes to restore Helen to the Greeks,

which Paris flatly refuses, ἀντικρὺ δ᾽ ἀπόφημι γυναῖκα μὲν οὐκ ἀποδώσω

(Il. vii. 362, sqq.).

12. _Inter Peliden--inter Atriden;_] See S. i. 7. 11, n; Epp. 1. 25, n.

13. _Hunc amor,_] From its position this seems to belong to 'Atriden.'

The allusion is to Nestor's attempt to mediate between Agamemnon and

Achilles, when the former angrily consents to restore Chryseis, whom he

loved above Clytemnestra his wife (Il. i. 113, sqq.)

19. _domitor Trojae_] The epithet πτολίπορθος is frequently applied to

Ulysses by Homer. The three first verses of the Odyssey are almost

translated in these lines.

22. _immersabilis_] Compare C. iv. 4. 65: "Merses profundo pulchrior

evenit."

23. _Sirenum voces_] How by the directions of Circe Ulysses eluded the

charming voice of the Sirens, is related in the twelfth book of the

Odyssey, 165, sqq.; and the way in which Circe poisoned his companions

and changed them into swine, will be found in the tenth book, 230, sqq.

The Sirens were as proverbial with the ancients as with us.

27. _Nos numerus sumus_] This expression is not uncommon in the Greek

dramatists. It means, a mere undistinguished heap, and 'fruges consumere

nati' is an adaptation of Homer's οἳ ἀρούρης καρπὸν ἔδουσι (Il. vi.

142). 'Nos' means the common sort of men, among whom Horace places

himself, and all but the sage, who is like Ulysses, while the rest are

no better than his wife's suitors, gluttons, wine-drinkers, and lazy; or

the subjects of Alcinous, king of Phæacia or Scheria (an island of

which, if it had any existence, the position is unknown), the host of

Ulysses, to whom he relates his adventures (Odyss. lib. ix. sqq.). The

king describes his people thus:

αἰεὶ δ᾽ ἡμῖν δαίς τε φίλη, κίθαρίς τε, χοροί τε,

εἵματά τ᾽ ἐξημοιβὰ, λοετρά τε θερμὰ, καὶ εὐναί.

(Odyss. viii. 248.)

The Phæacians were proverbial in respect to good living. See Epp. i. 15.

24. On 'cute curanda,' see S. ii. 5. 38, n.

31. _cessatum ducere curam._] 'Duco,' as a verb of motion, takes the

accusative of the verbal substantive to denote the object, just as

'venio' and 'mitto' do. "The accusative of the verbal in 'tu' is often

called the supine active, and the ablative of the same the supine

passive; but there is nothing passive in the latter, and therefore the

distinction is inappropriate." 'Factu' is 'in the doing,' as 'factum' is

'to the doing'; so neither is passive.

32. _Ut jugulent homines_] From the above examples of virtue, especially

Ulysses, Horace urges his friend to the pursuit of it, and asks whether,

if the robber can rise before daylight to take away other men's lives,

he will not wake up to save his own (32-43).

34. _Si noles sanus curres hydropicus;_] It appears that active exercise

was recommended by the ancient physicians for dropsical patients. Horace

means, that, if he will not learn wisdom while he is unharmed by the

world, he will have to do so when it has spoilt him.

39. _in annum?_] So he says below (Epp. 11. 23), "neu dulcia differ in

annum." It is the habit of procrastinators to put off the work of to-day

till to-morrow, of this week till next week, of this year till next

year, and this is Horace's meaning. 'In annum' is till next year.

'Dimidium facti qui coepit habet' is an adaptation of the Greek saying

ἀρχὴ δὲ τοι ἥμισυ παντός, attributed variously to Hesiod and Pythagoras.

44. _Quaeritur argentum_] This is advanced as a reason why men put off

the day of reformation, that they are anxious to make themselves

comfortable and rich (44-54).

47. _Non domus et fundus,_] See S. ii. 5. 108, n. 'Deduxit,' in the next

line, is used like the aorist.

52. _fomenta podagram,_] As to 'fomenta' in a derived sense, see Epod.

xi. 17, n. Horace means to say, that fomentations go a small way towards

curing the gout. Perhaps he means that they aggravate the pain.

55. _Sperne voluptates,_] This is part of the same subject. The pursuit

of sensual pleasure is connected with the pursuit of money, which is

wanted for it. The pursuit of money leads on to envy, and envy to wrath,

so that all these pithy sayings hang together.

58. _Invidia Siculi_] Horace probably alludes to the bull of Phalaris,

tyrant of Agrigentum in Sicily. It was made of bronze. Persons were put

inside, and the metal was gradually heated till they were roasted to

death. But the tyrants of Sicily were proverbial.

60. _et mens,_] 'Mens' signifies passion, μένος.

61. _poenas--festinat_] 'hurries after its revenge.' So Horace uses

'properare,' in C. iii. 24. 62, "pecuniam Heredi properet"; and in the

next Epistle (v. 28), "Hoc studium parvi properemus et ampli." It is

like the Greek σπεύδειν, which takes an accusative.

63. _hunc tu compesce_] In general precepts, emphasis is sometimes given

by the insertion of the pronoun 'tu.' See C. i. 9. 16.

64. _Fingit equum_] Here he goes back to v. 40, "sapere aude; Incipe."

For to be wise, he must learn, and put himself in the hands of those who

can teach him.

65. _venaticus, ex quo_] 'Catulus' is awkwardly placed at the end of the

sentence. The practice of training dogs by means of stuffed animals was

perhaps common. 'Latro' governs an accusative here and in Epod. v. 58.

On 'militat,' see S. ii. 2. 10, n.

69. _Quo semel est imbuta recens_] 'The testa keeps long the odor it

imbibed when new.' So, he means, the good or evil imbibed in youth

clings to the mind for many years.

70. _Quodsi cessas aut strenuus anteis,_] Horace says he cannot wait for

the dilatory, or trouble himself to keep up with those who are in a

great hurry to get on. He means he shall go his own way in the pursuit

of wisdom. At the same time, he hints that young persons are apt to get

on a little too fast, and to mistake their own powers and attainments.

The conclusion is abrupt, as Horace's conclusions often are.

EPISTLE III.

In B.C. 20 an embassy came from Armenia to Rome, expressing the

dissatisfaction of the people with their king, Artaxias, and praying

that Augustus would place upon the throne that king's younger brother,

Tigranes, who was then living in exile at Rome. Augustus assented, and

sent Tiberius with Tigranes to dethrone Artaxias. This Tiberius did, and

with his own hand crowned Tigranes. (See Epp. 12. 27, n.)

About his person Tiberius appears to have had a number of young men,

such as Titius, Celsus, and Munatius, mentioned in this Epistle, and

Julius Florus, to whom it is addressed. What little can be said about

the first three will be found in the notes. Florus, it appears from this

Epistle (v. 23), was practising to become an orator or a jurisconsultus,

and wrote verses of the softer sort; in the second Epistle of the second

Book (v. 59) we have the same information.

Quintilian (Inst. Orat. x. 3) tells an anecdote of one Julius Florus,

whom he calls the first man in Gaul for eloquence. This may be the

person Horace addresses, and if so, he carried out successfully in

Gallia the pursuit of which Horace here supposes him to be beginning the

practice. Horace had a great regard for him, as appears not only from

this, but from the other Epistle, in which he makes his excuses to him

for not having sent him any poetry.

Florus was evidently a young man at this time, and all the persons named

were young. One of them (Celsus) was secretary to Tiberius. Whether the

others had any definite occupation, or were merely travelling to enlarge

their experience, and see the world, is not stated. Horace assumes that

they are not wasting their time, but pursuing their studies and

practising their pens. He inquires after his young friends in a way that

shows his interest in them, offers them such advice and encouragement as

he thinks they need, and especially begs Florus to be reconciled to

Munatius, with whom he had for some reason quarrelled. This was probably

Horace's chief design in writing this Epistle.

3. _Thracane vos Hebrusque_] The first of these is the Latin form of the

Greek Θρῄκη. It has been observed before, that Horace generally uses the

Latin terminations in the Satires and Epistles, and the Greek in the

Odes. The Hebrus he elsewhere calls "hiemis sodalem" (C. i. 25. 19).

Tiberius passed through Macedonia and Thrace on his way to Armenia. (See

Introduction.)

4. _vicinas inter currentia turres,_] 'Turris' may mean a castle or

fortified place, and one of these that Horace mentions is probably

Abydos, on the Asiatic shore of the Hellespont. The other may have been

Sestos, on the European side. The strait takes a bend to the northeast

between the two towns, and Abydos stood directly south of Sestos, at the

distance of thirty stadia. The current runs very strong between them,

and this is expressed in the text; notwithstanding which, there is a

popular story that Leander, a youth of Abydos, swam across repeatedly by

night, to visit Hero, the priestess of Venus, at Sestos. Ovid has two

Epistles, supposed to have passed between the lovers (Heroid. 18, 19);

and Virgil (Georg. iii. 258, sqq.) refers to the story. The same

adventure was accomplished by Lord Byron and a companion, in the year

1810, in the month of May.

6. _Quid studiosa cohors operum_] As to 'cohors,' see S. i. 7. 23, n.

'Operum' belongs to 'quid,' and signifies 'writings,' either prose or

poetry.

7. _scribere sumit?_] Compare C. i. 12. 2, "sumis celebrare." 'Sumere'

is sometimes used in a bad sense, as we use 'assume,' 'presume'; but it

is not so here. It is the word Horace generally uses in this connection.

See A. P. 38. With 'diffundit in aevum,' compare C. iv. 14, init.

9. _Quid Titius Romana_] Of Titius the Scholiasts say, that he was a

tragic and lyric poet. According to Horace, he was not afraid to imitate

Pindar. This young man was more rash than Horace himself (C. iv. 2. 1).

There is no one upon record with whom the person in the text can be

identified, though some suppose he may be the person Tibullus mentions

(i. 4. 73), "Haec mihi quae canerem Titio Deus edidit ore."

_venturus in ora?_] This expression may have taken its rise from

Ennius's "volito vivu' per ora virum," which Virgil has imitated once or

twice.

10. _expalluit_] This is used as in C. iii. 27. 27, "mediasque fraudes

Palluit audax."

11. _lacus et rivos ausus apertos._] These are opposed to the deep and

hidden springs of Pindar's genius.

14. _An tragica desaevit et ampullatur_] The first of these words refers

to the passions represented in tragedy, the other to the pompous words

employed by inferior writers to express them. 'Ampulla' signifies a sort

of bottle with a big round belly, and corresponds to the Greek λήκυθος,

which was used to signify great, swelling words. Horace appears to have

been the first to substitute the Latin words 'ampullari' and 'ampulla'

(the first of which he probably coined) for ληκυθίζειν and λήκυθος. See

A. P. 97.

15. _Quid mihi Celsus agit?_] 'Quid agis' is the common formula for 'How

d' ye do?' See S. i. 9. 4; Epp. i. 8. 3. Celsus is most probably Celsus

Albinovanus, to whom the eighth Epistle is addressed. We know nothing of

him, except that he was one of the staff of Tiberius, and his secretary

("comiti scribaeque Neronis," 8. 2). The advice Horace here sends him

is, to write something original, and not confine himself to the ideas of

other authors, either in the way of translation or imitation. It has

been mentioned before (C. i. 31, Introduction) that Augustus attached a

library to the temple he built for Apollo on the Mons Palatinus. Æsop's

fable of the jackdaw, who dressed himself in the peacock's cast-off

feathers, is told by Phædrus (i. 3). Αἰσώπιος κολοιός was a proverb.

21. _Quae circumvolitas_] This similitude of a bee gathering honey from

thyme, Horace applies to himself (C. iv. 2. 27, sqq.). As to 'orator'

and 'respondere,' see S. i. 1. 9, n., and on 'hederae praemia,' see

C. i. 1. 29.

23. _seu civica jura Respondere_] This is a singular expression for the

usual 'jus respondere,' or 'de jure respondere,' which was said of the

jurisconsultus. (See S. i. 1. 9.)

26. _Frigida curarum fomenta_] 'Fomenta' here seems to mean honor,

riches, &c., by which care is sought to be alleviated, but which, after

all, are but cold remedies, and ineffectual; "fomenta vulnus nil malum

levantia," as Horace says (Epod. 11. 17, where see note).

28. _parvi properemus et ampli_] As to 'properemus,' see Epp. 2. 61, n.,

and with the sentiment compare Epp. 1. 25, "Aeque pauperibus prodest,

locupletibus aeque."

30. _si tibi curae_] Horace says, "You must write me back word whether

you make as much of Munatius as he deserves, or whether your mutual

regard, like a wound ill-sewn, refuses to unite, and is torn open

again." Munatius has been mentioned before (C. i. 7, Introduction) as

the son of Munatius Plancus, the consul of B.C. 42. We know nothing more

about him, except that he was consul in A.D. 13, and that he was

afterwards sent as one of the commissioners from the senate to the

mutinous German legions (Tac. Ann. i. 39). It appears he and Florus had

quarrelled; we are not told what it was about; but Horace attributes it

to youthful heat and ignorance of the world. He likens them to unbroke

horses, and tells them that they ought to make it up, and that when they

come home they will find the fatted calf ready for sacrifice. Compare C.

i. 36 written on the return of Numida. It is impossible to put the

different parts of the sentence together so as to make the construction

regular and natural, but the sense is clear enough. Horace frequently

uses 'dignus' with the infinitive. See C. iii. 21. 6, n. 'Indignus' he

uses in the same way here, and in A. P. 231, but in the usual prose

construction with 'qui' and the subjunctive in S. ii. 3. 236. By

'fraternum foedus' Horace only means that they were or had been and

ought to be, "paene gemelli Fraternis animis," as he says below, Epp.

10. 3.

EPISTLE IV.

This Epistle is addressed to Albius Tibullus, the poet, to whom also C.

i. 33 is written. The letter only professes to be one to inquire after

Tibullus; but occasion is taken to commend his fortunes and himself, and

to bid him live every day as if it were the last. Horace writes to his

friend (probably from Rome) at his place near Pedum, a town of Latium,

not far from Præneste. There Tibullus had a good estate, inherited from

his father, which before his death, he appears by some means to have

diminished. That his losses must have occurred after this Epistle was

written, we may perhaps infer from v. 7. He lived chiefly on his estate,

in the quiet pursuits Horace here supposes him to be engaged in; though

immediately after the battle of Actium he accompanied Messalla into Gaul

and was absent about a year, which, as far as we know, comprised all his

active life. Horace, among other blessings, assigns him good health;

nevertheless he died young. It appears that, while many disparaged

Horace's writings, Tibullus judged them kindly, and the affection the

two poets bore one another cannot be mistaken. Tibullus was probably ten

or twelve years younger than Horace. Tibullus died the same year with

Virgil (B.C. 20) or very soon after.

1. _sermonum candide judex_] See Introduction. The Satires must have

been published some time, and some of the Epistles may have been

written and made known to Horace's intimate friends. The word

'sermones' therefore applies probably (whether Horace published them

with that title or not) to the Epistles as well as the Satires, and

whatever Tibullus had seen he approved.

2. _regione Pedana?_] See Introduction.

3. _Cassi Parmensis opuscula_] Parma (Parma) was a town belonging to the

Boii, at the edge of the Macri Campi, in Cisalpine Gaul, on a river of

the same name, which runs into the Po about twelve miles north of the

town. The Via Æmilia passed through Parma. Cassius of Parma was one of

the murderers of Julius Cæsar, and a 'tribunus militum' in the army of

Brutus and Cassius. He was therefore, in all probability, well known to

Horace. After following the fortunes of Sextus Pompeius, he joined M.

Antonius, on whose side he fought at the battle of Actium. After that

battle he retired to Athens, and there he was put to death by order of

Augustus. What the 'opuscula' Horace refers to were, we do not know, but

it is clear that he thought well of them.

4. _silvas inter reptare salubres_] 'Repto' (frequentative of 'repo'),

which contains the same root as ἕρπω, signifies to saunter, or go about

quietly; and Lucretius applies it to flocks of sheep grazing on downs

(ii. 317). The woods are called 'salubres,' because their shade protects

from the heat of the sun, as Cicero says (Cat. M. c. 16): "Ubi enim

potest illa aetas (senectus) aut calescere vel apricatione melius vel

igni, aut vicissim umbris aquisve refrigerari salubrius?"

6. _Non tu corpus eras sine pectore._] 'Sine pectore' is used twice by

Ovid (Met. xiii. 290), "rudis et sine pectore miles." Heroid. xvi. 305:

"Hunccine tu speres hominem sine pectore dotes

Posse satis formae, Tyndari, nosse tuae?"

It means 'intellect,' of which the ancients held the heart to be the

seat. There is a difficulty in 'eras.' Terence uses 'Tune eras?' for 'Is

it you?' The idiom is unlike anything of our own. The imperfect is used

irregularly in C. i. 27. 19, and 31. 4.

6. _formam,_] In an old biography of Tibullus he is called "Eques

Romanus insignis forma cultuque corporis observabilis."

7. _dederunt_] The poets not uncommonly shorten the penult of the third

plural of this tense.

10. _Gratia,_] Tibullus was generally popular, and 'gratia' means

popularity.

11. _mundus_] This is explained by S. ii. 2. 65: "Mundus erit qui non

offendat sordibus."

15. _Me pinguem et nitidum_] This corresponds to Suetonius's description

of Horace's person, "Habitu corporis brevis fuit atque obesus." On 'bene

curata cute,' see S. ii. 5. 38. Horace indulges his friend with a joke

at his own expense. He was getting sleek and in good keeping.

EPISTLE V.

As to Torquatus, the person whom Horace in this Epistle invites to dine

with him, see C. iv. 7, Introduction. The occasion was the evening

before the birthday of Augustus, which was the 23d of September. The

Epistle contains a good-tempered invitation to dinner, nothing more.

1. _Si potes Archiacis_] These are said to be couches, named after their

maker, Archias.

2. _olus omne_] The fare Horace offers would not be very inviting to a

modern diner-out; but he seems to have lived chiefly on the produce of

the garden himself, and 'olus omne' may have been a sort of salad, or

other dish, compounded of different vegetables. The dinner is fixed at a

rather late hour for the time of year, to give Torquatus time to finish

his business. (See S. ii. 7. 33, n.) 'Patella' is the diminutive of

'patina,' as 'catillum' of 'catinum' (S. i. 3. 90).

4. _Vina bibes iterum Tauro diffusa_] T. Statilius Taurus was consul for

the second time B.C. 26. The age of the wine was usually noted by the

consulship in which it was bottled. See C. iii. 8. 12, n., and as to

'diffusa,' see C. iv. 5. 34, n., and S. ii. 2. 58. As to Minturnae and

Sinuessa, see S. i. 5. 40, n. Petrinus was a hill overhanging Sinuessa,

or a tract of land in its neighbourhood. The overflowings of the

Garigliano (Liris), on which Minturnæ stood, still render the

surrounding country damp, and it is very thinly inhabited. The Falernus

ager and Mons Massicus, with their celebrated vineyards, were in the

neighbourhood of Sinuessa. It does not appear that Horace's wine was of

the best, but two vineyards close to each other may produce wines of

very different quality.

6. _arcesse vel imperium fer._] "Fetch it, or else put yourself under my

'imperium,'" as if he as master had the 'imperium' at his own table.

'Arcesso' is compounded of 'ar' (which is equivalent to 'ad') and

'cesso,' which involves the same root ('ci-') as 'cieo.'

7. _Jamdudum splendet focus_] See Epod. ii. 43, n. As it was summer, he

does not mean that the fire was burning, but that the 'focus,' by which

he means that which stood in the Atrium, near the images of the Lares,

and which was probably of bronze, had been burnished and made gay for

the occasion. 'Supellex' legally included all household furniture but

such as was of gold or silver, gilded or plated; that is, it included

tables of all sorts, chairs, benches, couches (even when they were

ornamented with silver), with their drapery, footstools, napkins,

candelabra, lamps, and all sorts of vessels of earthenware, glass,

bronze, whether for eating or drinking. Wearing-apparel was not

included, nor perhaps ivory ornaments.

9. _Et Moschi causam:_] If we can trust the Scholiasts, Moschus was a

famous rhetorician of Pergamum, who was charged with the crime of

poisoning, and his cause was undertaken by Torquatus, and also by

Asinius Pollio ("insigne maestis praesidium reis," C. ii. 1. 13).

_cras nato Caesare_] See Introduction. It happened that the 23d of

September, Augustus's birthday, was one of those days in which the early

part was 'nefastus', that is, the prætor could not hold his court till a

later hour than usual. Hence it is marked in the Calendar N. P.

('Nefastus Prior'). So that it was doubly a holiday for Torquatus, and

he could lie in bed without damaging his cause, and therefore might sit

up late with his friend.

11. _Aestivam_] This word does not accurately apply, for the summer

ended and the autumn began on the Ides of September. But in that month

the nights are particularly oppressive in hot climates.

12. _Quo mihi fortunam_] This is an elliptical way of speaking, which

must be filled up according to the context. 'Quo mihi fortunam dedit

Deus' may do here. 'Quo' is 'to what,' that is, 'to what purpose,' as in

C. ii. 3. 9, sqq., where there is an ellipse. Ovid has "Quo mihi

fortunam quae nunquam fallere curet?" (Am. ii. 19. 7).

14. _Assidet insano:_] As 'dissidet' is used to signify difference,

Horace uses 'assidet' to signify resemblance. It is not so used

elsewhere. The guests not uncommonly wore wreaths of flowers on their

heads, and carried them in their hands; and we can understand their

scattering them about the table and floor, especially when they were

merry. But it appears that the slaves scattered flowers about, for the

sake of their perfume. Horace says: "Parcentes ego dexteras Odi: sparge

rosas" (C. iii. 19. 21). Fresh flowers were probably scattered at

intervals during the dinner.

15. _patiarque vel inconsultus haberi._] See C. ii. 7. 28; iii. 19. 18.

16. _Quid non ebrietas designat?_] 'Designat' is to do anything out of

the way, as in Terence (Adelph. i. 2. 6):

"quae facta sunt

Omitto: modo quid designavit. _Mi._ Quidnam id est?

_De._ Fores effregit atque in aedes irruit."

Horace says, 'What strange things will not ebriety do?' As to 'operta

recludit,' compare C. i. 18. 16; iii. 21. 16; Epod. 11. 14; and the

places quoted in the note on S. i. 4. 87.

18. _addocet artes._] That is, more particularly, the art of speech

mentioned in the next line. 'Addocet' is an uncommon word, and is like

the Greek προσδιδάσκει. 'Fecundi calices' are full cups. 'Contracta

paupertas' corresponds to 'angustam pauperiem' (C. iii. 2. 1).

21. _Haec ego procurare_] The 'procurator' was one of the chief slaves,

and general steward. But the 'promus' was also called 'procurator peni'

(see S. ii. 2. 16), and Horace says he has undertaken or ordered himself

to arrange everything for the dinner. 'Haec' refers to what follows. He

says he is 'idoneus,' competent to the duty, and 'non invitus,' he likes

it. 'Imperor' is nowhere else used as it is here. The proper

construction is 'imperatur mihi.' So Horace alone uses 'invideor' (A. P.

56). As to 'toral' and 'mappa,' see S. ii. 4. 81. 84. 'Corruget nares'

means to make the guests turn up their noses in disgust.

25. _eliminet,_] This is an old word for 'to turn out of doors.' Horace

applies it to telling tales out of doors. Of the guests nothing at all

is known. 'Potior puella' means one who has more attractions than

Horace's dinner.

28. _locus est et pluribus umbris:_] Horace says there is room for

several 'umbrae' (S. ii. 8. 22, n.), that is, four; for a full

'triclinium' held nine persons. But, considering the heat of the

weather, he thinks it as well not to have the full number. 'Capra,'

'caper,' 'hircus,' are all used to signify the smell from the arm-pits

when they perspire.

30. _Tu quotus esse velis_] He had only to say how many persons he

wished to have, and leave the rest to the host. Horace advises his

friend not to come out at the front door, 'ostium,' or 'janua

atriensis,' for fear he should find a client waiting to catch him, but

at the back door, 'posticum ostium,' which the Greeks called ψευδόθυρον,

a false door.

EPISTLE VI.

Who Numicius was, nobody can tell, and it is of no importance. Any other

name would have done as well. Nothing turns upon the character or

circumstances of the person nominally addressed.

As to the design of the Epistle, it is to support virtue, under the

aspect of a calm self-content as the chief good. The ordinary standards

of happiness are treated with contempt, and there is a strong vein of

irony running through the greater part of the Epistle.

1. _Nil admirari_] It is self control, or the power of keeping the mind

in an equable frame, that Horace says is the only means of making a man

happy and keeping him so. 'Nil admirari' can only be said to be

necessary to this rule when admiration amounts to a stupid wonder,

excessive fear, excitement, or other effects by which the judgment is

misled and the passions roused injuriously. As to 'prope,' see S. ii. 3.

32, n.

4. _sunt qui formidine nulla_] 'Formido' is here equivalent to

δεισιδαιμονία, a superstitious dread of the influences of the heavenly

bodies, which acts upon vulgar minds. As to 'sunt qui spectent,' see C.

i. 1. 3, n.

6. _Arabas ditantis et Indos,_] Comp. C. iii. 24. 1. The treasures of

the sea, brought from the East, were chiefly pearls and coral.

7. _Ludicra quid, plausus_] This refers to the exhibition of

gladiatorial and other shows, by which the favour of the people, and

such rewards as they could bestow, were sought. As to the singular

'Quiritis,' see C. ii. 7. 3.

9. _fere_] This is used much as 'prope' is above. Horace says that fear

and desire are much on a par, both indicating the want of that

equanimity which he commends at starting. 'Miratur' expresses the

astonishment of fear, as well as of admiration, and so does 'stupet'

frequently, and 'exterret' applies, like ἐκπλήσσειν, to either state of

mind. 'Torpet' does the same. (See S. ii. 7. 95.)

15. _Insani sapiens_] Whether ironically, or carried away by an unusual

fit of enthusiasm, Horace maintains that a man may seek virtue itself

"ultra quam satis est." What he means, or should mean, is, that

excitement is to be avoided in the pursuit of the chief good as well as

of subordinate goods. But, by saying that virtue itself may be admired

inordinately, he is able to introduce with more contemptuous force the

vulgar objects of admiration that follow, respecting which see C. iv. 8.

2; S. i. 4. 28; ii. 3. 118; and other places in the Satires.

17. _I nunc,_] The general meaning is, 'Now then, if you choose, go and

run after fine things and wealth, after what I have said about

excitement and excess.'

21. _dotalibus emetat agris_] This is equivalent to 'metat ex agris

dotalibus,' as in S. ii. 2. 105 he says 'emetiris acervo.' 'Emeto' is

not used elsewhere. Who is meant by Mutus, if anybody, is not known;

probably no one in particular is alluded to. The name, though it occurs

in inscriptions, and therefore is a Roman name, is perhaps adopted here

by way of opposition to the eloquent man, who by his own exertions was

running an unequal race with the other man's luck.

24. _Quidquid sub terra est_] This is like Sophocles (Aj. 646):

ἅπανθ᾽ ὁ μακρὸς κἀναρίθμητος χρόνος

φύει τ᾽ ἄδηλα καὶ φανέντα κρύπτεται.

'In apricum' means 'to the rays of the sun,' 'to the light of day.'

Horace means by this reflection, that the man need not be in such a

hurry to make himself a name, since time would swallow it up, while it

brought forward the obscure.

26. _Porticus Agrippae_] In B.C. 25, Agrippa built the Pantheon near the

Campus Martius, to which a 'porticus' was attached. He also built in the

same year, in commemoration of the naval victories of Augustus, a

porticus, to which he gave the name Porticus Argonautarum. Which of the

two is referred to, it is impossible to say; perhaps the second is more

likely to have been called 'Porticus Agrippae.'

As to the Via Appia, see Epod. iv. 14; S. i. 5. Most of the towns on

this road as far as Capua had country-houses belonging to wealthy

Romans. Their equipages, therefore, would frequently be seen on the Via

Appia.

27. _Numa quo devenit et Ancus._] This is a proverbial way of speaking,

differing little from C. iv. 7. 15, where see note.

28. _Si latus aut renes_] 'If you are sick, take medicine; if you want

to live properly, seek the proper means, virtue if you think virtue is

the way, or riches, or honours, or good eating.' This is the connection

of the parts that follow, this advice being given ironically, as

observed in the Introduction.

30. _fortis omissis_] 'Be resolute, abandon all self-indulgences, and

set about this work,' that is, the pursuit of virtue. On 'fortis,' see

C. S. 58, n. 'Hoc age' means 'set about this'; that is, the pursuit of

virtue.

31. _Virtutem verba putas_] Comp. "Aut virtus nomen inane est," etc.

(Epp. 17. 41). 'Lucus' is usually a grove dedicated to some divinity,

and Horace may mean that the man had no regard for what others held

sacred, but counted a consecrated grove no better than any other wood.

Or, since 'lucus' was sometimes used indifferently for any wood, Horace

may mean, 'if you think virtue consists only of words, as a grove does

of trees.'

32. _cave ne portus occupet alter,_] As to 'occupo,' see C. ii. 12. 27,

n. Horace says, "If you think lightly of virtue as the means of

happiness, be active and make money: see no one gets into harbour before

you, to carry off the business before you arrive." He supposes him a

'negociator,' the business of which class was chiefly that of banking

and money-lending, but they also engaged in mercantile transactions, the

difference between them and 'mercatores' being, that the latter

travelled with their own wares, while the 'negociatores' did business in

a general way.

33. _Ne Cibyratica,_] 'Cibyra Major' was situated on a branch of the

Indus, on the northwest borders of Lycia. It was called 'major,' to

distinguish it from a smaller town on the coast of Pamphylia.

Twenty-five towns belonged to the conventus of Cibyra, and its

commercial transactions were probably large. As to 'Bithyna negotia,'

see C. iii. 7. 3, n. 'Negotia' is commonly used for the business

transactions of a 'negociator,' as Cicero, in his letter introducing

Manlius Sosis to Acilius, proconsul of Sicily (Ad Fam. xiii. 20), says,

"habet negotia vetera in Sicilia sua." He had debts to get in, and

accounts of old standing to settle.

34. _Mille talenta rotundentur_] On 'talenta,' see S. ii. 7. 89, n.

'Rotundo' is not used in this sense elsewhere. The meaning is the same

as ours when we talk of a round number: it is a complete number, leaving

out fractions. 'Porro' means 'farther.' 'Quadrat acervum,' 'makes the

fourth side of the square,' as it were. In the next verse 'fidem'

signifies 'credit.'

37. _regina Pecunia_] 'Pecunia' is here personified and made a loyal

lady, and Juvenal apostrophises her thus:

"Funesta Pecunia, templo

Nondum habitas, nullas nummorum ereximus aras." (i. 113.)

Horace here repeats in effect what he said in S. ii. 3. 94:

"Omnis enim res,

Virtus, fama, decus, divina humanaque pulchris

Divitiis parent."

38. _Suadela Venusque._] 'Suadela' is another form of Suada, who

represented the Greek divinity Πειθώ, Persuasion. The name, Cicero tells

us, was Latinized by Ennius (Brut. 15). Πειθώ was usually associated

with Ἀφροδίτη, and their statues stood together at Athens, where it is

pretty certain Horace must have seen them. I cannot find that Suada had

any temple or separate worship at Rome. She was supposed to assist Venus

in presiding at marriages, and she, the Graces, and Mercury were the

acknowledged companions of that goddess. Therefore Horace associates

them here. Cicero tells us (Cat. Maj. xiv. 50) that Ennius called the

eloquent M. Cethegus "Suadae medullam," 'the marrow of persuasion.' (See

Epp. ii. 2. 117, n.)

39. _Mancipiis locuples_] See S. ii. 7. 3, n. Cappadocia was governed by

its own kings from a very early period. The last was Archelaus, who was

appointed by M. Antonius, B.C. 36; Ariarathes VII., who represented the

lineal kings of Cappadocia, having been deposed and put to death.

Archelaus was king at the time this Epistle was written, and he reigned

fifty years. At his death (A.D. 17) Cappadocia was reduced to the form

of a Roman province, in the third year of Tiberius (Tacitus, Ann. ii.

42). He had lands and slaves on them, and property of that sort, but

wanted the precious metal. Ariobarzanes, who was king of Cappadocia when

Cicero was governor of Cilicia, is described by him as "rex perpauper"

(Ad Att. vi. 3). "Nullum aerarium, nullum vectigal habet. Nihil illo

regno spoliatius, nihil rege egentius" (vi. 1). M. Brutus had advanced

him large sums of money at exorbitant interest, which he was unable to

pay, and Cicero, though he got 100 talents from him, was unable to

extract all the debt. Cn. Pompeius too was his creditor, and all he

could get was a promissory bond for 200 talents, payable in six months

(vi. 3). Horace advises his man not to let himself be as poor as this

king. 'Hic' is an adverb, like ἐνταῦθα: it means 'in this position.'

(See Epp. 15. 42.)

40. _Chlamydes Lucullus, ut aiunt,_] L. Licinius Lucullus, being

proconsul in Cilicia, conducted the war against Mithridates and

Tigranes, king of Armenia, as related by Plutarch in his life, but being

superseded in his command by Cn. Pompeius, he returned to Rome with

great wealth accumulated by himself in Asia, which he devoted to every

sort of costly self-indulgence. Plutarch relates this anecdote of

Horace's, with a little variation. A prætor who wished to get up a

public spectacle on an ambitious scale (φιλοτιμουμένου περὶ θέας)

applied to Lucullus to lend him some purple cloaks for a chorus.

Lucullus said he would inquire, and if he had any he would let him have

them. The next day he asked him how many he wanted, and when the prætor

said a hundred, Lucullus bade him take twice that number.

The 'chlamys' was an upper garment worn by the Greeks, a light sort of

shawl thrown loosely over the person in a variety of ways. The Romans

did not wear it till the time of the empire, and it was never more than

an occasional garment at Rome. Lucullus, it seems, had brought with him

a large number of a costly kind from Asia, where they were worn in the

Greek cities. What the representation may have been for which the

praetor wanted these 'chlamydes' is not certain, but Greek characters

must have been introduced.

45. _Exilis domus est_] This is said ironically.

50. _Mercemur servum_] There was a class of slaves called

'nomenclatores' or 'fartores' (crammers), ὀνοματολόγοι, whose office it

was to accompany their master when walking, or attend him at home at the

hour of 'salutatio' (when, if he was a person of consequence, people of

all sorts came to pay him their respects), and to remind him of the

names and circumstances of his visitors, and anything else that it might

be necessary for the master to remember. If he was aiming at any office,

he had to be particularly polite to the citizens of all classes, and his

'nomenclator,' if he were clever, would be of good service to him in

this matter. Horace's advice to the man who thinks happiness depends on

such things as show and popularity ('species et gratia') is, that he

should hire a clever 'nomenclator,' if he had not one of his own, to go

with him through the streets and nudge him whenever he came to any one

of influence, and remind him to shake hands and say something civil to

him, calling him affectionately 'my brother,' 'my father,' according to

his age. 'Nomenclatores' were also employed to explain to the guests the

names and qualities of the dishes, and parasites sometimes took this

office upon themselves, as we have seen in S. ii. 8.

_laevum Qui fodicet latus_] As to 'laevum latus,' see S. ii. 5. 17, n.

51. _cogat trans pondera dextram Porrigere._] 'Cogat' merely expresses

the energy of the nomenclator. 'Pondera' means obstructions of various

kinds, which were common in the narrow streets of Rome, as Horace

describes, Epp. ii. 2. 72, sqq., and Juvenal (iii. 245). He was to

stretch out his hand to shake hands with the voters. Cicero (Pro Planc.)

speaks of P. Scipio Nasica, when a candidate for the ædileship, shaking

hands with some rough voter, and asking him good humoredly "if he walked

on his hands," they were so hard.

52. _Hic multum in Fabia valet,_] Servius Tullius divided the Plebes

into thirty tribes, of which four were of the city and twenty-six were

of the country. Of these twenty-six, ten appear to have been swallowed

up by the conquests of Porsenna (see Epod. 16. 4), and of the remaining

sixteen the Fabia was one. The number was gradually increased from

sixteen to thirty-one; but it was not till B.C. 243, towards the end of

the first Punic War, that the Quirina and Velina were added, being

composed of persons belonging to Cures and Velinus in the Sabine

territory. (Liv. Epit. xxx.) These were the last tribes that were

formed.

53. _his fasces dabit_] On the 'fasces' and curule chair, see S. i. 6.

97. 'Importunus' means 'obstinate' or 'ill-natured'; 'facetus,'

'polite.'

56. _lucet, eamus Quo ducit gula;_] 'The day has dawned, let us be off

and lay in our supplies; let us hunt and fish, as Gargilius hunted when

he bought a boar, and pretended he had caught it himself'; that is to

say, let us go to market. Who is meant by Gargilius, we have no means of

knowing. The name is Roman. It occurs in inscriptions. He wanted to

establish his reputation as a huntsman: got up before daybreak and

returned to the city before the morning was over, and passed through the

Forum while it was full of people, with nets, spears, and men, and a

mule carrying a boar, which he had not caught, but purchased.

58. _plagas, venabula,_] As to 'plagae,' see C. i. 1. 28, n. They were

too large to be carried by men, and were laden on mules. (See Epp. 18.

46.) They were sometimes of enormous extent, as stated in Epod. ii. 32.

The 'venabulum' was a long hunting-spear, with a barbed point. Virgil

(Aen. iv. 131), describing the hunting-party of Æneas and Dido, says:

"Retia rara, plagae, lato venabula ferro,

Massylique ruunt equites et odora canum vis."

They were used, not for throwing, but thrusting.

61. _Crudi tumidique lavemur,_] It would seem that some gluttons, with

the idea of renewing their appetite, went to bathe immediately after

dinner, as well as (which was the general practice) immediately before.

Sudden death was sometimes the effect of this folly. See Juvenal i. 142.

62. _Caerite cera Digni,_] Cære (Cervetri) was a very ancient town of

Etruria, about twenty-seven miles north of Rome. About B.C. 354, the

people of Tarquinii having taken up arms against the Romans, the Cærites

were accused of aiding them, and were threatened with punishment; but

having asked pardon, they obtained it at the expense of half their

territory. They were also granted the Roman franchise, without the

'suffragium' or right of voting for magistrates. 'Caeritum cerae,' or

'tabulae,' would mean properly a register of the inhabitants of Cære,

who would be registered when they came into the above relation to Rome.

But it seems probable that, at this time, the name applied to the

registers of all those who were in the position of 'aerarii,' that is,

of the citizens of such towns as had not the perfect franchise, and of

those citizens who had for any cause been degraded from their tribes.

Thus Horace means, that they who took such a low view of life were not

worthy of being Roman citizens, being more on an equality with the crew

of Ulysses, whom Circe turned to swine (Epp. 2. 23, n.), and who slew

and ate the kine sacred to the Sun, though they swore they would not,

and their return home depended on their oath being kept. See Odyss. xi.

105, sqq.; xii. 303, sq.; 340, sqq. 'Remigium' is used for the rowers,

as 'mancipium,' 'servitium,' are used for a slave, and many other words

are used in the same way.

65. _Si, Mimnermus uti censet,_] Horace was familiar, we may be sure,

with the writings of Mimnermus, the elegiac poet of Smyrna. He preferred

him to Callimachus, as appears from Epp. ii. 2. 99, sqq. His poetry is

of a melancholy cast, as far as we can judge from the few fragments that

have come down to us: though love was their principal theme and the only

remedy he recognizes for the ills of life, it does not seem as if he was

very happy in his experience of it. One fragment that has been

preserved bears out what Horace says. He may have had many such passages

in his mind. It begins:

τίς δὲ βίος, τί δὲ τερπνὸν ἄτερ χρυσέης Ἀφροδίτης;

τεθναίην ὅτε μοι μηκέτι ταῦτα μέλοι, κ. τ. λ.

Horace adds 'jocisque,' as elsewhere he makes Jocus the companion of

Venus (C. i. 2. 34).

68. _his utere mecum._] There is no difficulty in understanding that

'his' refers to the rule laid down at the beginning, and taken up in v.

30:

"Si virtus hoc una potest dare fortis omissis

Hoc age deliciis";

for all that follows is only recommended ironically, and in such a way

as to hold up to contempt every rule of life but that of virtue.

EPISTLE VII.

On some occasion Horace, having gone into the country for change of air

on account of his health, at the beginning of August, was tempted to

stay away the whole month; and as he had promised Mæcenas to return in a

few days, he had perhaps received a letter from his friend, reminding

him of that promise, and begging him to come back. Mæcenas was a

valetudinarian, and had probably some of the querulous selfishness that

usually attends on that condition. We may infer as much from that Ode

(ii. 17) which begins, "Cur me querelis exanimas tuis?" and he very

likely felt the want of Horace's society at this time. We can only

gather the tone of his letter or message from the character of Horace's

reply. He says he has no mind to risk a return of his sickness by going

back during the autumn to Rome; indeed, that he meant to be absent at

some warm place on the coast through the winter; that he was no longer

as young and cheerful as he had been; that he was sure Mæcenas's

liberality was bestowed upon him in a generous spirit, and that he did

not mean to compromise his independence; for if he could suppose that

was in danger, he would give up everything he had ever received rather

than forfeit his liberty. He illustrates his position by two

stories,--one that of the fox who got into a vessel of corn and grew so

fat there that he could not get out again (which Horace was determined

to prove was not his case), and the other a splenetic trick played by L.

Philippus upon a worthy man, whom he seduced into leaving his home and

vocation and settling on a farm in the country, the result of which

unnatural change was the total destruction of his peace and

independence. To this, too, Horace means to say he will never let

himself be brought.

1. _Quinque dies_] This is a conventional phrase to express any short

time. It occurs in S. i. 3. 16, "quinque diebus Nil erat in loculis."

2. _Sextilem_] In B.C. 8 this month first received the name of Augustus.

5. _dum ficus prima calorque_] See S. ii. 6. 18, n. The 'designator' was

the man who arranged the procession at the funeral of any important

person, and the 'lictores' were his attendants who kept order. (See S.

i. 6. 43.)

8. _Officiosaque sedulitas_] That is, attending upon great people, and

so forth. It does not seem as if the diminutive form 'opella' had any

particular force. Horace uses diminutives when it suits the measure.

10. _Quodsi bruma nives Albanis_] 'Si' is used with reference to a

future event, even if it be not hypothetical, when any action depends

upon that event, as (S. ii. 3. 9),

"multa et praeclara minantis

Si vacuum tepido cepisset villula tecto,"

and elsewhere; so that it becomes nearly equivalent to 'cum.' He says,

as soon as the snow begins to be on the Alban hills, he shall go down to

the sea, whether to Tarentum or anywhere else, where it was milder than

at his own place or at Rome. 'Contractus' expresses the attitude of a

man sitting head and knees together, wrapped up by the fire to keep

himself warm. The west wind set in about the second week in February.

14. _Calaber jubet hospes,_] The man is made a Calabrian only to give

the story more point.

16. _Benigne._] This is a polite way of declining the offer. "You are

very good," the refusal being expressed in action. (See below, v. 62.)

It might mean acceptance, just as the French say 'merci,' meaning 'yes'

or 'no,' according to circumstances.

22. _dignis ait esse paratus,_] 'Dignis' is masculine: he is ready to

serve those who are worthy, but he is no simpleton; he knows the

difference between true money and counterfeit. 'Lupini' were a kind of

bean used for counters or sham-money on the stage; "comicum aurum" as it

is called in Plautus (Poen. iii. 2. 20).

24. _Dignum praestabo me_] Horace means to say that he will endeavor to

show himself worthy (referring to 'dignis' above) in proportion to the

excellence of him (Mæcenas) who has laid him under such obligations. He

says, in effect, that Mæcenas does not bestow his liberality stupidly,

as one who gave his friends what he was just as ready to throw to the

pigs, or the fool who does not know the value of his gifts. He only gave

to the worthy, and such Horace would try to prove himself.

26. _angusta fronte_] See C. i. 33. 5, n.

27. _Reddes dulce loqui,_] A similar instance, illustrating the nature

of the infinitive as a neuter substantive, occurs above (S. ii. 7. 43),

"Aufer Me vultu terrere." "In the Greek language this is so completely

the case, that the article may be prefixed to it in all its cases. The

English also treat their infinitive as a substantive, when they place

before it the preposition 'to.'"

28. _Cinarae_] See C. iv. 1. 4, n.

29. _vulpecula_] A fox eating corn is a little absurd, but this animal's

cunning brings him frequently into stories of this sort. In this

instance he over-reaches himself. In respect to 'cumera,' see S. i. 1.

53, n.

34. _Hac ego si compellor_] As to 'compellor,' see S. ii. 3. 297. Horace

says, if he is taunted with this illustration, he is willing to resign

everything; by which he means, if he is compared to the fox who had got

into a store and had become so fat he could not get out again; in other

words, if it was supposed that he had become lazy and self-indulgent,

and that he could not assert his own liberty till he should cast off the

bounties of his patron, he was willing to give them up; for he loved the

peace that waits upon poverty, not as those do who commend it at rich

tables spread with dainties, but as one who would not exchange his ease

and liberty for the wealth of Arabia (respecting which, compare C. i.

21. 1; iii. 24. 1; Epp. i. 6. 6). 'Altilia' were fattened poultry and

other birds, for which service there were particular persons employed

('fartores,' σιτευταί).

37. _rexque paterque Audisti coram,_] 'Rex,' which is generally used in

a bad sense (C. i. 4. 14, n.), is here used in a good. As to 'audisti,'

see S. ii. 6. 20, n. 'Verecundum' means 'reverential.' It expresses that

feeling which Cicero says is the greatest ornament of friendship, "Nam

maximum ornamentum amicitiae tollit qui ex ea tollit verecundiam" (Lael.

xxii. 82). Horace means to say that Mæcenas had always found him full of

affectionate respect and gratitude, and what he was in his presence, he

was no less in his absence; but he must not think so ill of him as to

suppose he only behaved so because he wanted to keep his bounties; or,

if he thought so, let him see how willingly he could resign them all,

even as readily as Telemachus declined the horses of Menelaus (Odyss.

iv. 601, sq.).

45. _vacuum Tibur_] 'Vacuum' means 'idle.' Whether Horace had a house of

his own at Tibur, or not, has been a subject of much discussion; it is

more probable that he had not.

46. _Philippus_] This was L. Marcius Philippus, who was tribunus plebis

B.C. 104, consul B.C. 81, and censor B.C. 76. He was a very

distinguished man, an energetic supporter of the popular cause, a friend

of Cn. Pompeius, and a powerful orator.

47. _octavam circiter horam_] The following is Martial's description of

the distribution of a Roman's day:--The first and second hours were

given to the 'salutatio,' or reception of clients and visitors. At the

third hour the courts opened and business went on for three hours. The

sixth hour was given up to rest (and the 'prandium'), the seventh to

winding up business, the eighth to exercise, and with the ninth began

dinner. (Mart. iv. 8.) In the main this appears to have been the

division of the day in Horace's time likewise.

48. _Foro nimium distare Carinas_] The Carinæ was a collection of

buildings on the north side of the Via Sacra under Mons Esquilinus. It

comprised the houses of many persons of distinction, among whom was

Philippus. The farthest part of the Carinæ could not have been above

three quarters of a mile from the Forum Romanum; but Philippus was old.

Horace means to show that he was inclined to be peevish, being tired

with his work in the Forum; and in this splenetic humor, which, if this

story be true, had become habitual with him, he fell in with the man

Mena, whose easy enjoyment of life made a strong impression upon him. It

made him jealous, and he resolved to spoil his independence if he could.

50. _Adrasum quendam_] He had just been shaved, and was paring and

cleaning his nails leisurely for himself ('proprios purgautem ungues');

he did not employ the barber for this operation, as people were in the

habit of doing. The shop was empty, because those who would come for

business came early, and those who came to lounge came later (S. i. 7.

3). 'Umbra,' which here means a shop, is used for different kinds of

buildings by the poets, as a 'porticus' and a school. See Juvenal (vii.

173): "Ad pugnam qui rhetorica descendit ab umbra." The shops were open,

probably, as they are in Italy now.

54. _unde domo,_] This phrase, which is equivalent to 'a qua domo,'

occurs in Virgil. (Aen. viii. 114): "Qui genus? unde domo?" Philippus

sends to know who the man is, where he comes from, whether he is rich or

poor; if 'ingenuus,' who is his father; if a freedman, who is his

'patronus.'

55. _Volteium nomine Menam,_] This person is represented as a freedman

of some person of the Volteia gens, of which one or two are mentioned in

the Roman writers. A freedman took the Gentile name of his master on his

manumission. The name Menas is akin to Menodorus, as Demas to Demetrius,

Lucas to Lucanus, Silas to Sylvanus, Artemas to Artemius, etc.

56. _sine crimine, notum Et_] The description Menas gives of himself is,

that he is a crier of small means, of unblemished character, well known

as a person who could be active or quiet as the occasion required, and

who enjoyed what he got; one who made himself happy in the company of

humble people, in the possession of a house of his own, at the theatres

and Circus, and with the amusements of the Campus Martius. 'Et quaerere

et uti,' 'to get and to enjoy,' expresses the reverse of him who is

'nescius uti Compositis' (S. ii. 3. 109). 'Lare certo' is opposed to a

lodging, 'coenaculum' (Epp. i. 1. 91, n.). It appears (v. 65) that he

transacted business as a seller; probably he had some second hand things

of his own to dispose of. But the 'praeco' was not usually the person

who managed an 'auctio,' which was presided over by an 'argentarius,'

and he employed a 'praeco.' See S. i. 6. 86, n. 'Certo lare' is a common

phrase, as Bentley himself has shown, as in Virgil (Georg. iv. 155), "Et

patriam solae et certos novere penates"; and (Aen. vi. 673), "Nulli

certa domus; lucis habitamus opacis." Compare Epp. i. 15. 28: "Scurra

vagus non qui certum praesepe teneret."

61. _Non sane credere Mena,_] 'Sane' is not commonly used in negative

sentences. It is an adverb of emphasis. As to 'benigne,' see above, v.

16, and on the subjunctive 'neget,' compare S. ii. 6. 31. "What, he deny

me?"

65. _tunicato scruta popello_] To be without the toga in the streets was

not considered respectable. It was confined to the lowest sort of

people, which is expressed by the diminutive 'popello.' This word is

used only here and by Persius (iv. 15). 'Scruta' signifies small wares,

being derived from the Greek γρύτη. As to 'occupat,' see C. ii. 12. 28,

n.

67. _mercenaria vincla,_] The bonds (that is, the occupations) of buying

and selling. Mena offers these as his excuse for not having waited upon

Philippus in the morning, at his 'salutatio,' as, after his attention of

the previous day, he would have felt bound to do if he had had time.

71. _Post nonam venies;_] See above, v. 47, n., and C. i. 1. 20, n.

72. _dicenda tacenda locutus_] This is a familiar adaptation of the

Greek ῥητὸν ἄῤῥητόν τ᾽ ἔπος (Soph. Oed. Col. 1001), which was a

conventional phrase. It means all manner of things. Persius (iv. 5) has

"dicenda tacendaque calles." Virgil (Aen. ix. 595), "digna atque indigna

relatu Vociferans." Horace means that Volteius was placed at his ease by

his host, and being a simple man, talked of what came uppermost without

waiting to see if it was out of season or not. 'Dimittere' was a word of

politeness used among equals, as above, v. 18.

73. _Hic ubi saepe_] After he had broken the ice, Volteius was easily

persuaded to repeat his visits, till at last he became an established

guest and a daily attendant at the rich man's morning receptions, till,

on one occasion, he was invited to accompany Philippus to his

country-seat in the Sabine country, during the 'feriae Latinae.' This

festival was of the highest antiquity. Its proper name was Latiar. The

holidays lasted six days, during which all manner of festivities went

on, and business was suspended. They were 'feriae conceptivae,' that is,

they were annual, but not held always at the same season, which is what

Horace means by calling them 'indictae.' The magistrates appointed the

time of their celebration.

79. _dum requiem, dum risus_] Philippus, tired with his work, refreshed

himself by getting amusement at other people's expense. He gave the man

a sum equivalent to about £60 of English money, and offered to lend him

as much more.

84. _vineta crepat mera:_] So Cicero says (Ad Att. ix. 12), "Mera

scelara loquuntur." (Ib. 13.) "Dolabella suis literis merum bellum

loquitur." (iv. 7) "Chaerippus mera monstra nuntiaret."

87. _Spem mentita seges,_] See C. iii. 1. 30, n.

91. _Durus--attentusque_] Philippus means that he appears to be too

hard-working and anxious about his affairs. Compare S. ii. 6. 82, "Asper

et attentus quaesitis"; and Epp. i. 16. 70, "sine pascat duras aretque."

92. _Pol me miserum,_] Gellius (xi. 6) says, respecting oaths of this

sort, that women never swore by Hercules, nor men by Castor, but both

men and women would swear by the temple of Pollux, 'Aedepol,' and this,

he says on the authority of Varro, was only adopted by men in later

times, whereas it had always been used by women, who got it from the

Eleusinian mysteries.

94. _Quod te per Genium_] See Epp. ii. 1. 144. This use of the relative

'quod' in entreaties is common, as in Virgil (Aen. vi. 363), and Terence

(Andr. i. 5. 54). It was customary for slaves to pray to their masters

by their genius. The Romans believed that every man had a genius,

though their notions on the subject were very confused apparently.

According to the name (which involves the same element as γέν-εσις,

γί-νομαι), it should be the attendant on a man's birth, as it was

believed to be the inseparable companion of his life. It represented his

spiritual identity, and the character of the genius was the character of

the man. Hence we understand why the marriage bed was sacred to the

genius (Epp. i. 1. 87, n.). Hence Horace speaks of "genium memorem

brevis aevi" (Epp. ii. 1. 143), and offerings of wine and flowers, and

such like, were said to be presented to the genius when a man was

indulging in that way himself (A. P. 209). This explains the expressions

"genio indulgere" (Persius v. 151), "genium suum defraudare" (Terence,

Phorm. i. 1. 10), "genium curare" (C. iii. 17. 14). Women had their

genii, but they were named Junones.

98. _verum est,_] See S. ii. 3. 312.

EPISTLE VIII.

Respecting the person to whom this Epistle was written, and the

occasion, see Ep. 3 of this Book, Introduction, and note on v. 15.

Horace, it appears, was not in very good humor with himself when he

wrote it. He describes himself as suffering less from bodily than mental

weakness, irritability, sluggishness, perverseness, and caprice. He may

use rather stronger language than was necessary, but there can be no

doubt he felt a good deal of what he says he felt. It shows that a man

may give good advice to his friends which he cannot steadily apply to

himself, and it helps us to understand the character of Horace, and his

philosophical aspirations, described, probably about this time, in his

Epistle to Mæcenas (i. 1).

2. _comiti scribaeque Neronis_] See S. i. 7. 23, n. The following words

in this Epistle have been referred to in former notes: 'quid agam' (Epp.

3. 15), 'minantem' (S. ii. 3. 9), 'momorderit' (S. ii. 6. 45), 'cur' (C.

i. 33. 3), 'cohorti' (S. i. 7. 23). 'Suaviter' occurs in the same

connection in S. i. 9. 5. 'Multa et pulchra minantem' refers to his

philosophical aspirations and professions. See Introduction.

6. _longinquis armentum aegrotet in agris;_] The pastures of Apulia,

Calabria, and Lucania, and those of the basin of the Po, have been

referred to before (C. iii. 16. 35; Epod. i. 27).

10. _properent arcere veterno;_] As to the construction, see C. i. 27.

4, n. 'Veternus' is a lethargy, here applied to the mind, and his

faithful physicians are the friends who would cheer and rouse him,

though we may take the word 'medicis' literally, and suppose he was

under medical treatment. His feelings probably arose out of the state of

his health.

14. _Ut placeat juveni_] Tiberius was now in his twenty-third year. But

on 'juvenis,' see C. i. 2. 41.

EPISTLE IX.

As to Septimius, on whose behalf this letter of introduction is

addressed to Tiberius, see C. ii. 6, Introduction. The occasion was that

journey into Armenia which has been referred to twice before (Epp. 3 and

7). It is a well-considered and careful production. Horace would have

written more warmly for such an intimate friend, if he could have

ventured to do so; but the character of Tiberius did not admit of

warmth, and he would not have responded to any very earnest eulogy.

Horace therefore satisfies himself with merely naming his friend, and

excusing his own boldness in doing so.

1. _nimirum_] 'Of course,' it would be strange if it were otherwise.

Horace sometimes uses the word seriously, sometimes ironically, as in S.

ii. 2. 106; 3. 120. He says, 'Of course Septimius knows my influence

with you better than anybody else does ('unus,' see S. ii. 6. 57, n.),

and better than I do myself, and thinks that I stand to you in the

relation of an intimate friend, or he would not press me for an

introduction.' There is about the same amount of ironical meaning in

'scilicet' (v. 3) as in 'nimirum.' 'Tradere' is the usual word for

introductions. (S. i. 9. 47.)

4. _Dignum mente domoque_] Tacitus says of Tiberius, that his genuine

character did not come out fully till after the fall of Sejanus. At this

time he was about twenty-two years of age, but even now was reserved and

unpleasant in his manners, so much so that even Augustus could hardly be

cheerful in his company. Horace speaks well of him, not only here, when

he is writing to himself, but in Epp. ii. 2. 1, written probably at a

later time, to his friend Julius Florus. The fourteenth Ode of the

fourth Book was written in honor of his successes, but there no great

amount of warmth is shown in his favor. 'Domo' means his family.

Tiberius was the son of T. Claudius Nero, and the Nerones belonged to

the patrician gens Claudia, which numbered many consuls and other high

magistrates, from the first establishment of the family in B.C. 504.

They were of Sabine origin.

5. _Munere cum fungi_] This phrase is like 'officium facio' below (Epp.

17. 21). It means to discharge the duties of friendship, but generally

expresses the relation of an inferior to one above him in rank, and

sometimes is used in a bad sense, to signify servility.

6. _valdius_] This comparative occurs again, in A. P. 321: "valdius

oblectat populum."

11. _Frontis ad urbanae descendi praemia._] 'Urbanae frontis' seems to

mean an 'impudent front,' such as one who had been bred in cities might

show. 'Praemia' seems to be opposed to 'opprobria' and 'descendere' is

commonly used in connection with the arena. Horace may mean (taking his

metaphor from this source), that, to avoid the discredit of a greater

fault, he has resolved to win the crown or prize of impudence, or

something of that sort.

13. _Scribe tui gregis_] This construction with the genitive is more

common in Greek. It occurs in C. iii. 13. 13: "Fies nobilium tu quoque

fontium." As to 'fortem bonumque,' see C. iv. 4. 29, n.

EPISTLE X.

This Epistle is addressed to Fuscus Aristius, whose name appears in C.

i. 22; S. i. 9. 61; 10. 83. For such particulars as can be stated about

him, see the Introduction to the above Ode. It appears that his habits

inclined him to a town life. He was making money in some way, and he was

associated with all Horace's literary and other friends. Horace praises

the freedom, the natural beauties, and the healthiness of the country,

and shows that they are natural to men's tastes, from the attempts they

make to get trees in their town houses, and a prospect over the fields.

He follows this up with a few miscellaneous remarks on the pursuit of

wealth, how it blinds the eyes to the distinction between truth and

falsehood, and how prosperity only makes adversity more hard to bear,

and disappointment more bitter, and subjects the mind to a galling

slavery.

8. _Quid quaeris?_] 'Why need you ask?' This is only a formula

equivalent to 'in short.'

9. _fertis rumore secundo:_] 'Rumore secundo' is a phrase which occurs

in various combinations. Virgil (Aen. viii. 90) has "Ergo iter inceptum

celerant rumore secundo," where Wagner applies it to the song of the

rowers. Tacitus, speaking of the honors conferred on Nero, says, "ut

haec secundo rumore ita adversis animis acceptum, quod filio Claudii

socer Sejanus destinaretur" (Ann. iii. 29). He uses 'adverso rumore' in

the opposite sense (xiv. 11). Here it means with an unanimous assent, or

loud assent.

10. _fugitivus liba recuso;_] He likens himself to the slave who ran

away from the priest, his master, because he fed him too much on the

sweet cakes offered in sacrifice. He got tired of them, and wanted

plainer food. These cakes, 'liba,' which the Greeks called πέλανοι, were

made of flour sweetened generally with honey, and sometimes made in the

shape of animals as a substitute for more costly sacrifices. Horace

appears to have had some story in his mind.

12. _Vivere naturae_] See S. i. 1. 49, n.: "quid referat intra Naturae

fines viventi." Horace considers the artificial state of society and

mode of life in large towns, as all must, to be a wider departure from

the natural condition of man than a country life.

13. _Ponendaeque domo_] There are three forms of this dative, 'domui,'

'domo,' 'domi'. 'Area' is an open space, here for building on. The

technical meaning of it is given on C. i. 9. 18.

15. _plus tepeant hiemes,_] See S. ii. 3. 10, n.

16. _rabiem Canis et momenta Leonis,_] See C. iii. 13. 8, n.; 29. 18, n.

'Momenta' here seems to mean the violence of the heat that accompanies

this constellation.

19. _Deterius Libycis olet_] Horace asks whether the field, covered with

flowers, smells less sweet and looks less beautiful than marble floors,

laid with mosaic pictures and strewed with flowers, or other perfumes.

Respecting the Libyan and other marbles, see C. ii. 18. 3, n. By

'lapillis' Horace means the small pieces of different marbles with which

the floors were laid, 'tessellae' or 'crustulae,' as they were called.

Such pavements, which are now so costly as only to be found in the

richest houses, were formerly very common in Italy. They were wrought in

colored marbles, or the more ordinary ones in white and black.

20. _aqua tendit rumpere plumbum_] 'Plumbum' means leaden pipes, which

were called 'fistulae.' Cisterns were called 'castella,' and there were

three sorts: 'publica,' which received the water intended for public

purposes; 'privata,' which were the common property of several persons

who clubbed together to build it, and laid on pipes to conduct the water

to their 'castella domestica,' the cisterns they had in their own

houses. These pipes therefore intersected the whole city. As mentioned

before (S. i. 4. 37, n.), those who could not afford to have water laid

on at their houses, resorted to the 'lacus' or public tanks erected for

their convenience, mostly by the liberality of individuals, in several

parts of the town.

21. _trepidat cum murmure_] Compare C. ii. 3. 11: "obliquo laborat

Lympha fugax trepidare rivo."

22. _nutritur silva columnas,_] See note on C. iii. 10. 5.

24. _Naturam expellas furca_] This was a common expression 'to toss out

with a pitchfork,' that is, forcibly and with contempt.

25. _mala--fastidia_] 'Weary vices,' such as occupy the dwellers in

great towns.

26. _Non qui Sidonio_] On the position of 'non,' see S. i. 6. 1. 'Not he

who knows not skilfully to compare with Sidonian purple the wool that

drinks the dye of Aquinum, shall suffer harm more certain or more deep

than he who cannot tell truth from falsehood.' There is strong irony in

these words, and they follow naturally on what goes before, as

representing the paltry objects with which the mind is employed in what

is called fashionable life, to the destruction of the moral sense.

The foreign purples (enumerated on C. ii. 16. 36) were most esteemed,

and these were imitated by the Italians (see Epp. ii. 1. 207). The

'fucus' was a marine plant of some kind, which yielded a red juice used

for coloring. It was commonly used in imitation of the real dye. Hence

it came to be used for deception in general. Aquinum (Aquino), the

birth-place of Juvenal, was a large town of Latium on the Via Latina,

between Fregellae and Venafrum.

31. _Si quid mirabere_] This maxim is consistent with the advice to

Numicius, Epp. 6. 1.

34. _Cervus equum pugna melior_] Stesichorus is said to have spoken this

fable to the citizens of Himera, when they were preparing to confer

absolute power on Phalaris, and give him a body-guard. The fable is told

by Phædrus (iv. 4), with the substitution of a boar for the stag.

37. _Sed postquam victor violens_] 'Violens' expresses the struggle with

which the horse won his victory and his servitude.

39. _potiore metallis_] The 'vectigalia' from mines ('metalla') were

very considerable at this time. The principal mines were the gold of

Aquileia and Ictimuli in the Alps, and the silver of Spain.

42. _ut calceus olim,_] See S. i. 3. 31, n. 'Olim' is used quite

indefinitely, as in S. i. 1. 25, "ut pueris olim dant crustula blandi

Doctores." See C. ii. 10. 17, n.

48. _Tortum digna sequi_] The metaphor is taken from a prisoner, led

with a rope round his neck by his captor.

49. _Haec tibi dictabam_] The imperfect tense is generally used in

letters, instead of the present, because the action is past to the

person receiving the letter. As to 'dictabam,' see S. i. 10. 92, n. The

Fanum Vacunae was about three miles from the confluence of the Digentia

and the Anio, close to the modern town Rocca Giovane. Vacuna was

originally a Sabine goddess, and seems to have been identical with

Victoria.

EPISTLE XI.

This Epistle is addressed to one Bullatius, of whom we know nothing at

all. He was travelling in the Ægean and in Asia Minor, and was absent

longer than Horace wished, or thought good for him; and the object of

this letter is to induce him to return.

1. _Quid tibi visa Chios,_] The island of Chios was rugged and

mountainous, but had, as it still has, an excellent climate and choice

wines; its women also were very handsome: in all of which particulars

ancient and modern accounts agree. Its principal town, Chios, was a

noble city, richly adorned with buildings and works of art. Not a trace

of anything remains.

_notaque Lesbos,_] From the Trojan war to the times of the Roman Empire,

when Tacitus calls it "insula nobilis et amoena" (Ann. vi. 3), the

fortunes of Lesbos, its revolutions and conquests, its connection with

Athens, its tradition of Orpheus, its poets and musicians and statesmen,

its cities and works of art, its fields and vineyards and climate, all

contributed to make it the most conspicuous island in the Ægean.

2. _concinna Samos,_] Samos (the island) is rough, but the town is

meant, and it is called 'concinna' from its buildings, of which a temple

of Juno was one of the most conspicuous. Outside and inside, this temple

was adorned with the finest works of art. There was also a celebrated

mole at Samos, made to protect the harbor, which would be an object of

interest to a traveller.

2. _Croesi regia Sardes,_] The town of Sardes (αἱ Σάρδεις), or the

greater part of it, which was burnt to the ground in the revolt of the

Ionians, B.C. 499, was originally built of slight materials, though it

was the seat of enormous wealth during the reigns of the Lydian kings,

and especially that of Crœsus, whose palace became the residence of the

Persian Satraps and was beautified by them, especially by Cyrus the

younger, whose gardens are celebrated (Cic. de Senect. c. 17).

3. _Smyrna quid et Colophon?_] Alexander the Great found Smyrna in

ruins, and conceived the design of rebuilding it, being prompted by

Nemesis in a dream. He did not live to do so, but Antigonus began and

Lysimachus finished a new town on a magnificent scale. Strabo speaks of

it as one of the most beautiful cities of Ionia. Among other objects of

interest was a temple erected to Homer, and called Homerium. The

inhabitants claimed him as their countryman, and showed a cave in which

it was said he wrote his poems.

Colophon, also in Ionia, on the Hales, was destroyed by Lysimachus, with

Lebedus (v. 6). Its chief attraction was its neighborhood to the shrine

of the Clarian Apollo. At present, only a few huts stand on the site of

this town.

_Majora minorave fama,_] 'Be they greater or less than report makes them

out to be (I care not which), are they not all tame compared with the

Campus Martius and the Tiber?' 'Ve' is probably formed from 'vel,' and

had much the same meaning, being chiefly used in poetry. When 'vel' is

used, an indifference in the speaker's mind is implied as to which of

the two cases or objects be taken. 'Ne,' being attached to 'cuncta,'

shows that the emphasis lies on that word.

5. _Attalicis ex urbibus_] One of the towns of the kingdom of Pergamum,

bequeathed by Attalus III. to the Roman people, and constituted a Roman

province on the defeat of Aristonicus, B.C. 129. The kingdom of

Pergamum, when it was handed over to the Romans, included Mysia, Lydia,

Ionia, and part of Caria, the principal cities of which (μητροπόλεις)

were Ephesus, Pergamum, Sardes, Smyrna, Lampsacus, Cyzicus. Other large

towns were Tralles, Adramyttium, Thyatira, &c., nearly all of which are

shown, by the ruins that remain, to have been built and ornamented on a

magnificent scale.

6. _An Lebedum laudas_] Lysimachus, after the battle of Ipsus (B.C.

301), when he became master of the western part of Asia Minor, destroyed

the towns of Lebedus and Colophon in Ionia, and transferred their

inhabitants to Ephesus. Lebedus never seems to have been rebuilt so as

to recover any of its former importance, and the ruins of the old town

probably helped to cause the desolate appearance described by Horace. He

writes as if he knew Lebedus, but did not know the other places he

refers to before. He must have seen this place, if at all, in his

campaigning with Brutus.

7. _Gabiis desertior_] Gabii was an ancient town of Latium, an Alban

colony, 100 stadia from Rome. Juvenal mentions it as a place of resort

for people in humble circumstances, and calls it "Simplicibus Gabiis?"

(iii. 190). In Horace's time, while cold bathing was the fashion under

the advice of Antonius Musa, it appears Gabii was resorted to. Horace

may have been there himself. See Epp. 15. 9.

8. _Fidenis_] Fidenæ was about five miles from Rome, in the Sabine

territory, and remains of it are still in existence near Castel

Giubileo. In B.C. 425 the town was destroyed by Æmilius Mamercus (Liv.

iv. 9), and it seems never to have risen to any great importance again.

Gabii and Fidenæ were proverbially joined together (see Juv. S. x. 99).

Virgil mentions them together as colonies of Alba (Aen. vi. 773):--

"Hi tibi Nomentum, et Gabios urbemque Fidenam,

Hi Collatinas imponent montibus arces";

where, it may be observed, Virgil shortens the first syllable, whereas

Horace and Juvenal and Silius (xv. 91) make it long.

_tamen illic vivere vellem,_] Horace seems to mean that, though Lebedus

was a place deserted, he could enjoy living there, though it cut him off

from all his friends, for the sake of the fine prospect it gave of the

sea, which would be an exaggerated way of speaking. He had probably in

mind some occasion when he had admired the sea from Lebedus, and the

recollection came upon him strongly as he wrote; or Bullatius may have

said something in a letter about the fine prospect, and Horace means

that he agrees with him. 'But,' he goes on to say, 'there is a time for

all things. The traveller, when he gets splashed, may be glad of a

tavern to retire to and clean himself, but he would not wish to stay

there all his life; and the man who has got chilled may be glad of a

fire or hot bath, but he does not reckon fires and hot baths the chief

good of life; and though you may have been glad to get on shore in a

foreign land, to escape from a storm, you will surely not think it

necessary to stay there for ever. If a man is in health, Rhodes and

Mytilene are not the places for him; so come back again while you may

and if you must praise those distant parts, praise them at home.' (vv.

11-21.) It appears as if Bullatius had been a good while absent, and

meant to remain much longer.

11. _qui Capua Romam_] The road Appius made (B.C. 312) extended only as

far as Capua. It was afterwards extended to Beneventum, and then on by

two different branches to Brundisium (see S. i. 5. 79, n.).

12. _nec qui Frigus collegit_] 'Colligere' is not used in this sense

elsewhere. The meaning is, he who has got chilled. 'Furnos' may be

bakers' ovens, or any furnaces to which a man might go to warm himself.

17. _Incolumi_] See S. ii. 3. 137, n.

18. _Paenula solstitio, campestre_] The 'paenula' was a thick outer

mantle worn in bad weather over the toga. The 'campestre' was a linen

cloth worn round the loins, in games or exercises in which the body was

otherwise stripped, as also in swimming.

19. _caminus._] See Epod. ii. 43, n.

23. _in annum,_] See Epp. i. 2. 38.

26. _effusi late maris arbiter_] That is, a place which commands (as we

say) a wide prospect over the sea, such as Lebedus was described to be

above. The south wind is called 'arbiter Hadriae' in a different sense

in C. i. 3. 15.

28. _Strenua nos exercet inertia:_] This is a very happy expression, and

has become proverbial for a do-nothing activity, such exertions as tend

to no point and produce no fruits. 'Navibus atque quadrigis' means

'running about by sea and land.' 'Quadriga' is any carriage drawn by

four horses (abreast, two under the yoke attached to the pole, and two

outside, 'funales,' fastened by traces), though the word is more

generally used for a triumphal or racing chariot than for a travelling

carriage, of which there were various kinds. 'Rheda' was the most

general name for such a carriage on four wheels (see S. ii. 6. 42, n.).

'Petorritum' was another name, and a third was 'carruca,' a later name,

not known in Horace's time. There were others, each differing more or

less from the rest: 'cisium,' 'essedum,' 'carpentum,' 'pilentum,'

'covinus.'

30. _Est Ulubris,_] All that we know of Ulubræ is that it was a small

town of Latium, not far from Velitræ, and that it was a place of no

importance.

EPISTLE XII.

Iccius, to whom this Epistle is addressed, has been mentioned, with all

that is known of him, in the Introduction to C. i. 29, and Pompeius

Grosphus in C. ii. 16. It is a letter of introduction for Grosphus to

Iccius, who was employed in managing Agrippa's estates in Sicily. The

Epistle begins with some general remarks on the position and

circumstances of Iccius, exhorting him to contentment, and commending

his pursuit of philosophy in the midst of common employments. It then

passes on to the recommendation of Grosphus, and finishes with one or

two items of public news.

1. _Fructibus Agrippae_] From what sources Agrippa derived his immense

wealth we do not know. From this Epistle we learn that he had estates in

Sicily, probably given him after his successes against Sextus Pompeius.

Horace means to say to Iccius, that he has got a good post, and may be

very comfortable if he is careful. He probably got a percentage on what

he collected. He collected Agrippa's rents, 'fructus'.

4. _cui rerum suppetit usus_] 'Rerum usus' here seems to mean the supply

of things needful. 'Suppeto,' meaning 'to be sufficient,' occurs in

Epod. xvii. 64. 'Pauper' is here used more in the sense of privation

than Horace generally uses it.

7. _positorum_] 'Ponere' is the usual word for putting dishes on the

table, as observed on S. ii. 2. 23. Here fine dishes are meant, as we

can tell by the context. The nettle, 'urtica,' forms an ingredient in

the broth of poor people in this country, and still more in Scotland.

'Protinus' means 'right on,' and is applied in various ways. Here it

means 'in an uninterrupted course,' that is, 'always'. 'Ut' means 'even

supposing,' as in Epod. i. 21. 'Confestim,' 'straightway,' has the same

root as 'festino.' 'Fortunae rivus' seems, as Orelli says, to have been

a proverbial expression.

10. _naturam mutare_] Horace says the same in a different application

elsewhere (Epod. iv. 5):

"Licet superbus ambules pecunia,

Fortuna non mutat genus."

12. _Miramur si Democriti_] "I am surprised that Democritus should have

allowed his sheep to eat the corn off his fields, while his mind was

wandering in swift flight far away, leaving his body; and yet you, in

the midst of such sordid work and the infection of money, are bent on

wisdom, and that of no mean sort, and continue to study things sublime."

Democritus of Abdera had a considerable patrimony, which he neglected

for travel and study. It seems his name had passed into a proverb.

20. _Empedocles an Stertinium_] Empedocles was born about B.C. 520, and

was a man of wealth and station at Agrigentum in Sicily. He was a

philosopher, but his opinions are hard to trace. He pretended to a

divine nature. (See A. P. 463, sqq.) His poems, of which fragments are

extant, were much read and admired by the Romans. Horace refers perhaps

to a dogma imputed to Empedocles, to which Cicero alludes (De Amic.

vii.) when he says "Agrigentinum quidem doctum quendam virum carminibus

Graecis vaticinatum ferunt, quae in rerum natura totoque mundo

constarent quaeque moverentur, ea contrahere amicitiam, dissipare

discordiam."

Stertinius, of whom all that is known has been told in the Introduction

to S. ii. 3, is put again as the representative of the Stoics.

'Stertinium' is an adjective formed like 'Sulpiciis' in C. iv. 12. 18.

'Stertinium acumen' is an expression like 'sententia Catonis' and others

(see ii. 1. 72, n.). 'Deliret' is used, perhaps, by way of jocular

allusion to the Stoic theory noticed in S. ii. 3.

21. _Verum seu pisces_] This is only a way of changing the subject, and

passing from Iccius and his habits to that which was the chief purpose

of the Epistle, the introduction of Grosphus. Murdering leeks and onions

is a humorous way of alluding to the notion of Pythagoras mentioned in

S. ii. 6. 63, and the same is extended to fishes perhaps, because

Empedocles, who believed in the metempsychosis and held that to take

life was against the universal law, declared that he himself had once

been a fish, among other things.

23. _verum_] See Epp. 7. 98.

24. _Vilis amicorum est annona_] Horace means to say, that good friends

are cheaply bought, because they do not ask more than is right; they are

reasonable and modest in their demands, as Grosphus would be.

26. _Cantaber Agrippae_] See C. ii. 6. 2, n.

27. _Armenius cecidit;_] This is an exaggerated way of stating the case.

He refers to the completion of the mission of Tiberius, mentioned in the

Introduction to Ep. 3. At their own request, Augustus sent Tigranes to

the Armenians, he having been for some time living in exile at Rome.

They put the reigning king, Artaxias, to death and received Tigranes,

because they had chosen to have him for their king. Nevertheless, a coin

was struck for the occasion with the inscription Armenia capta.

--_jus imperiumque Phraates_] What Horace says is, that Phraates, king

of the Parthians, accepted or put himself under the law and 'imperium'

of Augustus, prostrating himself at his knees ('genibus minor'),--a

ridiculous exaggeration. (See Int. to C. iii. 5.) Ovid is nearly as

strong (Trist. ii. 227):

"Nunc petit Armenius pacem; nunc porrigit arcus

Parthus eques timida captaque signa manu."

29. _Copia cornu._] See C. S. 60, n., and compare the expressions in C.

iv. 5. 17, sqq., and 15. 4, sq.

EPISTLE XIII.

This letter professes to be written by Horace to one Vinius Asella, the

bearer of certain volumes of his to Augustus at Rome, Horace being

probably at his own estate. He writes as if he had given his friend

particular and anxious instructions when he started, as to how he was to

behave, and as if this was to be sent after him, to overtake him on the

road in order to impress those instructions upon his memory. It is

probable that some such jokes may have passed between Horace and his

messenger when he started, and that he amused himself afterwards by

putting them into the form of this Epistle. The person is assumed to be

ignorant of the world, and therefore liable to make mistakes in the

execution of his mission, to intrude at an unseasonable time; in the

eagerness of his affection for Horace to be too officious, to carry the

books awkwardly, so as to draw attention or to stop in the streets in

order to tell his curious friends what important business he was upon.

The person addressed is called Vinius, and the allusion in v. 8 leads to

the inference that his cognomen was Asellus, or Asina, or Asella, which

belonged to different Roman families.

What the volumes were that Horace was sending to Augustus, it is

impossible to say for certain.

2. _signata volumina,_] The number of volumes would depend upon the

number of books into which the work was divided, as each book, if it was

not very long, would be rolled on one stick. (See Epod. 14. 8, n.) Round

each would be wrapped a piece of parchment, and to this Horace's seal

would be affixed.

3. _Si validus,_] Augustus had very uncertain health.

6. _chartae,_] See S. ii. 3. 2, n.

9. _fabula fias._] Compare Epod. xi. 8: "fabula quanta fui."

10. _lamas;_] This is a rare word, signifying bogs. Horace writes as if

the man was going some arduous journey over hills and rivers and bogs,

whereas he had but thirty miles, or thereabouts, to go, along a good

road, the Via Valeria, which passed very near the valley of the

Digentia.

14. _glomus furtivae Pyrrhia lanae,_] Pyrrhia is said to be the name of

a slave in a play of Titinius, who stole some wool, and carried it away

so clumsily that she was detected. Titinius was a writer of comedies who

lived before Terence. Pyrrhia is formed from Pyrrha, the name of a town

in Lesbos, like Lesbia, Delia, &c. 'Glomus' is the singular number and

neuter gender. It means a clew or ball of wool.

15. _Ut cum pileolo soleas_] The notion here is of a person of humble

station invited to the table of a great man of his own tribe, who

perhaps wanted his vote and influence. Having no slave to carry them for

him, as was usual, he comes with his cap and slippers under his arm in

an awkward manner, not being accustomed to the ways of fine houses.

'Pileus' was a skull-cap, made of felt, and worn at night or in bad

weather. The man would bring it with him, to wear on his way home from

the dinner-party. The 'solea' was the slipper, worn in the house, as

'calceus' was the walking shoe. (See S. i. 3. 127, n.)

16. _Ne vulgo narres_] "Don't tell it to all the town, that you are the

bearer of poems from Horace to Augustus; and though they should stop

you, and entreat you to tell them your business, press on." Horace, by

way of keeping up the joke, supposes his messenger to arrive, hot from

his journey, and to be besieged by inquisitive people, wanting to know

what brings him to Rome.

19. _cave ne titubes_] This is perhaps another jocular allusion to his

name, and, as an ass stumbling might chance to break what he was

carrying, he adds, 'mandataque frangas.' In plain prose it means, 'Take

care you make no mistake, nor neglect to deliver your charge.'

EPISTLE XIV.

Horace appears to have had a discontented 'villicus,' or steward of his

property, whom he had promoted to that post from having been originally

one of the lower sort of slaves in the town establishment. While in that

position, he sighed for what he thought must be the superior freedom of

the country; but as soon as he had reached the highest place he could be

trusted with on the farm, he began to regret the former days when he

could get access to the tavern and cook-shop, forgetting, as is common,

the vexations that had made him long for deliverance before. This man's

discontent suggested to Horace this Epistle. It is such only in form,

for we are not to suppose it was ever sent to the villicus. Horace means

to describe his own feelings in respect to the country, and the change

in his habits and character, and at the same time to draw a moral from

his slave's conduct as to the temper of those who never know what they

want, who are envious, discontented, and lazy.

1. _Villice silvarum_] The 'villicus' was one of the principal slaves in

the 'familia rustica,' who had the superintendence of a man's farm and

'villa rustica.' He collected his rents, looked after his slaves, and

had charge of everything but the cattle, of which there was a separate

superintendent. Horace says his woods and fields restored him to

himself; that is, they gave him liberty and enjoyment of life.

2. _habitatum quinque focis_] 'Focis' is put for 'families.' Horace says

there lived on his estate five families, the heads of which were good

men, who went up from time to time to the neighbouring town of Varia.

Some suppose they were 'coloni' (C. ii. 14. 11, n.), lessees who farmed

different parts of the estate. Varia was thirty miles from Rome, and ten

from Tibur, on the Via Valeria. It was four miles from Horace's farm.

Its modern name is Vico Varo.

5. _an res._] His land. 'Praedia' were 'res mancipi.'

6. _Lamiae_] See Introd. to C. iii. 17. 'Insolabiliter' occurs nowhere

else.

9. _rumpere claustra._] At the end of the Circus were stalls

('carceres'), in which the chariots remained till the race was ready to

begin. They were then brought out, and ranged side by side behind a rope

called 'alba linea' or 'calx,' which was stretched across the course,

and formed a barrier, beyond which the chariots could not advance till

the signal was given and the rope withdrawn. It is from this

obstruction, or from the 'carceres,' that the metaphor in the text is

taken.

13. _se non effugit unquam._] Compare C. ii. 16. 19.

14. _Tu mediastinus_] He had been one of the lowest slaves, used for all

manner of work in the 'familia urbana,' and by his pitiful countenance

(for he was afraid perhaps to speak) had shown how much he wished to be

delivered from that condition, and to be sent to work on the farm,

though that was generally considered to be the greatest punishment (see

S. ii. 7. 118, n.). When there, he had risen, it may be supposed, to be

villicus. 'Mediastinus' was the name for the lowest sort of slave, both

in the town and country establishment. It is derived from 'medius,' from

his standing in the midst, and being at every one's call.

_tacita prece_] See Epp. i. 16. 59, n.

18. _eo disconvenit_] 'To this comes the difference between me and you.'

19. _tesca_] 'Tesca' means any rough wilderness. It is a rare word.

21. _uncta popina_] As to 'popina' (which Horace calls 'uncta,' because

of the greasy viands cooked there), see S. ii. 4. 62, n.

23. _Angulus iste feret_] Horace writes as if he were repeating the

contemptuous language of the villicus. 'That little nook of yours would

produce pepper and frankincense (which of course was impossible) sooner

than grapes.' The grapes grown on the farm he did not think worthy of

the name. That Horace made his own wine and that it was not too bad to

put before Mæcenas, we know from C. i. 20. Pepper the ancients must have

obtained, through some channel, from India. 'Thus' or 'tus olibanum,'

which is a gum resin, extracted from a tree called now the Boswellia

Thurifera, was brought chiefly from Arabia. See Virgil (Georg. i. 57):

"India mittit ebur, molles sua tura Sabaei."

25. _meretrix tibicina,_] The 'tibia' was played by women as well as

men, and chiefly by women at meals.

26. _et tamen urges_] This is said with a sort of mock compassion: 'And

yet, poor man! (though you have none of these comforts to help you on

your way,) you have to go on turning up the rough soil, feeding the

oxen, looking out for floods, and all that.' 'Jampridem non tacta'

implies that Horace's property had been neglected before it came into

his possession. Mæcenas had probably never resided there, and perhaps he

had not been long owner of it when he gave it to Horace. One of the

duties the 'villicus' had to attend to, was looking to the banks of the

river (Digentia), which it was apt to burst or overflow when the rains

came down heavily. Horace has 'docere' again in this connection (A. P.

67).

31. _quid nostrum concentum dividat_] 'What disturbs our harmony,' or

prevents us from agreeing in opinion; which is, that whereas I can look

back upon my past enjoyments with pleasure, and am glad to quit them,

now that my time of life requires it, to retire to the country, where I

am free from jealousies and vexations, you are longing to get back to

your former life and give up the country, which many a poor slave in the

town envies you. So the ox envies the horse, and the horse envies the

ox, but my judgment is, that each should do the work he is best fitted

for (31-fin.).

32. _tenues decuere togae_] The toga was generally made of a thick

woollen cloth, but there were lighter and finer sorts for summer. These

were called 'rasae,' because the nap was clipped close. 'Nitidi capilli'

refers to the anointing of the head at meals. See C. ii. 7. 23, n.

33. _immunem Cinarae_] Though Cinara loved money, and he had none to

give, yet she was fond of him. As to this woman, see C. iv. 1. 3, n.

34. _media de luce_] 'Soon after noon' (see S. ii. 8. 3, n.). It need

not be taken too literally. Then drinking was not uncommonly carried on

from three or four o'clock till past midnight, but with idle people, or

on particular occasions, it began earlier. 'Bibulum' depends upon

'scis.' As to Falerni, see C. i. 20. 10, n.

36. _sed non incidere ludum._] 'I am not ashamed to amuse myself

sometimes, but I am ashamed never to break off or interrupt my

amusements.' He liked relaxation, but thought it shame to be always

idle.

40. _urbana diaria_] See S. i. 5. 69.

42. _calo argutus_] The word 'calo' was applied to the menial slaves in

general, though it is not a generic title for such, like 'mediastinus'

(v. 14). See S. i. 6. 103, n. The meaning of 'argutus' here is doubtful.

It may mean 'sharp,' or it may mean 'noisy.'

43. _ephippia_] 'Ephippium' was a saddle, which the Romans appear to

have used, having copied it from the Greeks. It did not differ

materially from ours, except that it had no stirrups. A saddle cloth was

worn under it, sometimes highly ornamented.

EPISTLE XV.

Nothing is known of the person to whom this Epistle was written. He is

called, in the MSS. inscriptions, C. Numonius Vala. It appears that he

was acquainted with the southern coast of Italy, and Horace, who had

been recommended by his physician no longer to go (as he had been wont)

to Baiæ, had a mind to try one of the southern ports; and he writes to

Vala for information about them. It is an unconnected sort of Epistle,

with a long digression upon the lament of Baiæ at the loss of her

invalids, and another upon wines, and a third, which occupies half the

Epistle, upon the profligacy of one Mænius, who squandered all his money

on good living, and then turned to living at the expense of others. When

he had nothing better, he ate tripe, and abused all spendthrifts; and as

soon as he had got any money, he spent it in the same way again. Such am

I, says Horace; when I am short of money, I commend the serenity of a

humble life; when a windfall drops in, I am ready to be as extravagant

as you please.

All this has not much connection with the professed object of the

letter.

1. _Quae sit hiems Veliae,_] Velia or Elea, famous as the residence of

Xenophanes, the founder of the Eleatic school of philosophy, and the

birthplace of Parmenides and Zeno, was a town of Lucania, near the

mouth of the river Heles or Elees (Alento). Salernum in Campania was

situated at the head of the bay of Pæstum, now the gulf of Salerno, on

the heights above the modern town, which is close to the sea. These

places were not very much frequented, it would seem, at this time, but a

new doctor was bringing them into fashion.

2. _qualis via,_] Salernum was situated on a very good road, the Via

Aquilia, of which there was a branch from Picenum as far as Pæstum.

Thence to Velia, about twenty miles, there was no Roman road.

_Baias_] The atmosphere of Baiæ appears to have been clear, and the

place attractive. (Horace calls it 'liquidae,' C. iii. 4. 24, and

'amoenae,' Epp. i. 1. 83.) This made it the most favourite resort of

wealthy Romans. To invalids there was the additional attraction of hot

sulphurous springs. Horace had been in the habit of going to Baiæ, as we

may infer from his connecting it with the Sabine hills, Præneste, and

Tibur, in C. iii. 4; but it appears he was now advised to try a

different treatment, and seek some other climate. 'Supervacuus' means

'useless'; the place would do him no good. As to the form of the word,

see C. ii. 20. 24.

3. _Musa--Antonius_] This physician was a freedman of Augustus, and came

into notice chiefly through curing him of a bad illness he contracted in

the Cantabrian expedition. Having found cold bathing successful with the

emperor, Musa appears to have made that his general principle of

treatment. At any rate, he recommended it to Horace, and he followed his

advice, not without reluctance, as it would seem from this Epistle. The

death of Marcellus may have contributed to making Baiæ unpopular for a

time, but it soon recovered its character (see above, Epp. 1. 83). There

are some fragments of medical works by Musa still extant, and he is

frequently referred to as an authority by Galen. The order of the names

is inverted, as in C. ii. 2. 3; 11. 2.

_et tamen illis Me facit invisum,_] The sentence is this: "Antonius Musa

makes out that Baiæ is useless for me, and yet he makes Baiæ hate me,

because I am drenching myself with cold water in the middle of winter."

Horace goes on to say that the town is angry with all the patients for

deserting it.

5. _Sane murteta relinqui_] 'Murteta' means groves in which houses were

erected over sulphur springs for vapour baths.

8. _Qui caput et stomachum_] A douche bath on the head or stomach would

now be thought a strong remedy even by hydropathists; but it is one of

those which ancient physicians recommended.

9. _Clusinis Gabiosque_] Clusium (Chiusi) was one of the chief towns of

Etruria, the capital of Porsenna, and the place where the Gauls received

that insult which led to their siege of Rome (Liv. v. 33). It was

situated on the Via Cassia, about one hundred miles north of Rome.

Strabo (v. 3) mentions several cold streams at this place, called τὰ

Ἄλβουλα, which were useful in many complaints both for bathing and

drinking.

10. _deversoria_] See S. i. 5. 2, n. There was a branch of the Via Appia

at Sinuessa, leading to Cumæ, called the Via Domitiana; but that, as the

name shows, was not constructed at this time, and probably the traveller

would have to continue along the Via Appia till he came to Capua, from

whence the Via Campana went to Cumæ to the right, and the Via Aquilia

went straight on to Salernum, and the Appia branched off through Caudium

to Beneventum. (See S. i. 5. 50. 71.) This explains 'laeva habena.' The

horse would turn to the right as usual to go to Cumæ (whence the road

was continued to the Lucrine Lake and to Bauli and Baiæ, about four or

five miles from Cumæ).

16. _vina nihil moror illius orae;_] The nearest place to Salernum

spoken of as growing wines is Surrentum (Sorrento), at the end of the

promontory that bears its name, and forms the southern boundary of the

bay of Naples. This wine is mentioned in S. ii. 4. 55. Horace had no

high opinion of it. He did not think it worth while to ask about the

wine, which he knew was bad.

17. _perferre patique,_] This pleonasm occurs again in the next Satire,

v. 74. It serves to make up a verse.

21. _Lucanae_] This supposes he was going to Velia.

24. _Phaeaxque reverti,_] See Epp. i. 2. 28.

26. _Maenius,_] See S. i. 1. 101, n. 'Fortiter' is used ironically.

'Urbanus' means 'witty.' 'Scurra vagus' means a parasite who was ready

to dine anywhere, paying for his dinner with his jokes.

31. _Pernicies et tempestas barathrumque_] All these words belong to

'macelli,' as to which see S. ii. 3. 229, n. He was a plague that

wasted, a tempest that swept, a gulf that swallowed up, the whole

contents of the market.

37. _corrector Bestius._] The meaning is, that Mænius, whenever he could

not get a good dinner from one of those who patronized or were afraid of

him, would dine prodigiously off tripe and coarse mutton, and then

declare all good livers ought to be branded on the belly: a censor as

strict as Bestius, who was, no doubt, some person well known at the

time, perhaps as a spare liver or reprover of profligate living, though

nothing is known of him now. 'Corrector' is here used for a reformer of

morals, as in Epp. ii. 1. 129 it is applied to poets.

39. _Verterat in fumum et cinerem,_] This was evidently an ordinary way

of speaking. He got rid of all the plunder he made from fools who

patronized him.

41. _Nil melius turdo, nil vulva_] As to 'turdus,' see S. ii. 5. 10, n.

The womb and breast ('sumen') of a sow, especially after her first

litter, were considered great delicacies.

42. _Nimirum hic ego sum;_] Compare Epp. 6. 40: "ne fueris hic tu."

ἐνταῦθ᾽ εἰμί is a common expression with the Tragedians. 'Nimirum,' 'of

course, as is natural: how could anything better be expected of me?'

(See Epp. 9. 1.) He means to say, that of course, like his neighbours,

he professes love for poverty while he is poor, but as soon as he gets

any money he is ready for any extravagance.

46. _nitidis fundata pecunia villis._] 'Villa' was a country house, as

opposed to 'aedes,' a town house. There were 'villae rusticae,'

farm-houses, and 'villae urbanae,' houses in the neighbourhood of towns

(to which sense we limit the word in our use of it) or in the country,

but built in many respects after the fashion of town houses. The

'urbanae villae' were often built at great expense, with much marble

about them, which is referred to in 'nitidis.' 'Fundata' means

'invested.' It is not so used elsewhere.

EPISTLE XVI.

Quintius, to whom this Epistle is addressed, cannot be identified with

any known person. The same name is connected with the eleventh Ode of

the second Book; but there is no reason to suppose them to belong to one

person. There is no more reason in the Epistle than in the Ode why a

name should appear at all; for the subject is general, being the

liability of men to be deceived in respect to their own goodness and

that of others by the judgment of the multitude. This discourse is

appended, rather abruptly, to a short description of Horace's

residence, in anticipation of the inquiries he supposes Quintius might

make on that subject.

1. _fundus_] See S. ii. 5. 108, n.

2. _Arvo pascat herum_] Horace had some of his land under his own

cultivation; but it was no great quantity, as we may infer from the

number of slaves employed upon it (S. ii. 7. 118). The rest he seems to

have let (Epp. 14. 2, n.). Part of his land was arable, and part of it

meadow (Epp. 15. 26-30, and C. iii. 16. 30, "segetis certa fides meae").

He had a garden (Epp. 14. 42). He must also have had vines (23, n.). In

short, it was an ordinary farm on a small scale. In the second and third

verses Horace recounts the different productions of his farm, while he

supposes Quintius to ask about them.

2. _opulentet_] This is a rare word, and does not occur in any earlier

writer.

3. _an amicta vitibus ulmo,_] See C. ii. 15. 5: "platanusque caelebs

Evincet ulmos."

5. _Continui montes_] The valley of the Licenza is the only valley which

cuts the range of mountains extending from the Campagna above Tibur to

Carseoli, about forty-five miles from Rome. Without this valley this

immense body would be a continuous mass. It lies nearly north and south,

which corresponds with the description of the text. See C. i. 17. 1, n.

8. _Temperiem laudes._] The position of the valley keeps it cool in

summer and warm in winter, the latter by the exclusion of the north wind

(Tramontana). The Scirocco ('plumbeus Auster') is modified in its

strength and character as it penetrates the mountains.

_Quid, si rubicunda_] 'Why, if I tell you that my thorns bear abundantly

the red cornel and the plum, that my oaks and my ilexes delight my pigs

with plenty of acorns, and their master with plenty of shade, you may

say it is the woods of Tarentum, brought nearer to Rome.' 'Fruge' is

nowhere else used for acorns, the common food for pigs.

12. _Fons etiam_] There are two small streams which feed the Licenza in

this valley, which that river nearly bisects. Either of these rivulets

may be the one Horace alludes to.

14. _fluit utilis,_] See note on v. 8 of the last Epistle.

15. _dulces, etiam si credis amoenae,_] A place may be 'dulcis' from

association or other causes: it can only be 'amoenus' from its climate,

its beauties, and so forth. As to 'Septembribus horis,' see S. ii. 6.

18, n., and for 'audis' see note on v. 20 of the same Satire.

17. _Tu recte vivis_] He goes on to compliment and advise his friend:

'Your life is what it should be, if you are careful to be what you are

accounted. For all Rome has long spoken of you as a happy man. But I am

afraid lest you should trust the judgment of others about you, rather

than your own.'

24. _pudor malus_] See S. ii. 3. 39, n. He says it is a false shame that

would induce a patient to conceal his sores from the physician; and so

it is for a man to hide his defects, rather than bring them to the wise

to cure.

25. _Si quis bella tibi_] 'Tibi' depends on 'pugnata,' which is joined

with 'bella' in C. iii. 19. 4. See note on C. ii. 6. 11. Quintius had no

doubt seen service; but, says Horace, if any one were to speak of your

campaigning in such language as this (then he quotes two lines, said to

be taken from the panegyric of Varius on Augustus, referred to on C. i.

6. 11), you would recognize it as meant, not for you, but for Cæsar. But

if you allow yourself to be called wise and correct, does your life

correspond to that name any more than your military exploits to the

above encomium? Literally, 'Do you answer in your own name,' or 'on your

own account?' 'Vacuas aures' are ears which, being unoccupied, are ready

to receive what is spoken.

27. _Tene magis--populum_] 'Whether thy people care for thy safety more,

or thou for theirs, may Jove ever doubtful keep, he who watches over

both thee and Rome.' The meaning of this is, 'May thy country ever care

for thee, and thou for thy country, with an equal affection.'

30. _Cum pateris sapiens_] See C. i. 2. 43, n.

31. _Nempe Vir bonus_] Quintius is supposed to answer, 'Yes, surely, I

like to be called good and wise, and so do you.' 'Nay,' replies Horace,

'such praise as this is given one day, and may be withdrawn the next;

and you are obliged to resign your claim, because you know you do not

deserve it. But if a man attacks me with charges I know I am innocent

of, is that to affect me and make me blush?'

40. _Vir bonus est quis?_] The answer is to this effect: "In the eyes of

the people the good man is he who never transgresses the laws; who is

seen acting as 'judex' in important causes, and has never been known to

be corrupt; whom men choose as their sponsor, and whose testimony

carries weight in court; but all the while the man's own neighborhood

and family may know him to be foul within, though fair enough without."

41. _Qui consulta patrum,_] Of the component parts of the Roman civil

law Horace mentions three. 'Jura' signifies legal rights and rules of

law. It has the latter meaning here. 'Leges,' properly so called, were

laws passed in the 'comitia centuriata.' They were first approved by the

senate, and then proposed to the comitia by a magistratus of senatorial

rank. 'Plebiscita,' laws passed by the plebs in their comitia tributa,

were made binding on the whole people by the 'lex Hortensia,' passed

B.C. 288, and thenceforward they had the force of leges. 'Senatus

consulta' ('consulta patrum') appear, in some instances, to have had the

force of law during the republic; under the empire, they superseded the

legislation of the comitia. Horace might have added other parts of law,

and more particularly 'mores,' which were all those laws that sprang

from immemorial usage.

42. _secantur_] See S. i. 10. 15, n. 'Tenere,' in the sense of gaining a

cause, is not common. It is used by Cicero (Pro Caecina, c. 24):

"Scaevola causam apud centumviros non tenuit."

43. _Quo res sponsore_] See S. ii. 6. 23, n. Horace means a man whose

credit is good as a sponsor and a witness.

46. _Nec furtum feci_] There are some who think themselves very good,

who would be bad if they dared. To such a one Horace answers as he

answered his slave, when he boasted of his goodness. Vv. 46-56 are a

dialogue between the slave and his master; the application, being easily

made, is not expressed. Not to be very wicked does not make a man good;

nor is it sufficient to abstain from crime through fear of punishment;

our motive should be the love of virtue for her own sake. 'Sabellus' may

mean the 'villicus,' or it may be taken for any plain-judging man. Many

suppose Horace means himself. Orelli does so. 'Frugi' is explained on S.

ii. 5. 77.

57. _Vir bonus, omne forum_] He whom the people believe to be good, whom

everybody turns to look at as he walks through the Forum, and looks up

to when he speaks in the courts. "Gaude quod spectant oculi te mille

loquentem." (Epp. 6. 19.) There were three principal 'fora' in Rome, in

which judicial and other public (as well as mercantile) business was

carried on. The Forum Romanum was simply called Forum, because it was

the largest; and till the time of Julius Cæsar it was the only one. The

dictator began the erection of another, adjoining the Forum Romanum, and

it was called after him. It was finished by Augustus. Afterwards

Augustus built a small forum in the same neighborhood, wherein none but

judicial business was transacted. It was partially destroyed by fire,

and restored by Hadrian. Other 'fora' were afterwards erected by

different emperors (Nerva, Trajan, Vespasian). In every 'forum' there

was a 'basilica' (or more than one), a building devoted to the joint

purposes of judicial and commercial business. At the end of the building

was a part called 'tribunal,' devoted to law.

58. _vel porco vel bove_] The animals most commonly sacrificed by the

Romans were sheep, pigs, and oxen. On public occasions these three were

sacrificed together, and the sacrifice was called 'suovetaurilia,' being

a combination of the three names. Private persons would only sacrifice

the three on great occasions, and on some there would be several of each

or any of them, offered together. Ordinarily they sacrificed but one,

according to their means or their zeal.

59. _Jane pater!_] See S. ii. 6. 20, n. Silent devotion was not

practised or understood by the ancients, any more than it is by the

heathen or Mahometans now. μετὰ φωνῆς εὔχεσθαι δεῖ is reported to have

been a saying of Pythagoras. Silent prayers were supposed to be a veil

either for improper petitions, or magical incantations, or something

wrong. To speak with men as if the gods were listening, and with the

gods so as men might overhear, is a rule found in more than one writer.

60. _Pulchra Laverna,_] Laverna was a goddess associated with Mercurius,

as the god who presided over thieving. The derivation of the word is

uncertain.

64. _In triviis fixum_] Persius, speaking of a man who was above sordid

ways, says (v. 110), "Inque luto fixum possis transcendere nummum,"

where there is a Scholium which says that boys used to fasten an as to

the pavement, and amuse themselves with watching people stop to pick it

up. Whether this is referred to by Horace, or whether any such practice

existed, is doubtful. It is very likely Horace means no more than a man

stooping to pick up an as from the mud.

65. _qui cupiet metuet quoque;_] Horace joins fear and desire in Epp. i.

2. 51, and ii. 2. 155.

67. _Perdidit arma,_] The man who is ever hurrying after money, and

swallowed up in love of it, has cast away his arms and run away from the

ranks of virtue. If you catch him, do not put him to death, but sell him

for a slave, which is all he is fit for. He may do good service in

keeping cattle, or ploughing, or going with his master, the mercator, to

sea, replenishing the market, and so forth.

69. _Vendere cum possis_] One of the principal sources from which the

Romans got their slaves, in earlier times, was the prisoners of war.

Dealers always accompanied the camp for the purpose of purchasing them.

They were sold on the spot by auction, 'sub corona,' that is, with a

chaplet on their head to mark them for sale. See Cæsar (B. G. iii. 16).

Captives reserved to follow the triumph of the commander were put to

death when the procession was over (see Epod. 7. 8, n.). The law-writers

derive 'servus' from 'servare,' as prisoners kept for slavery were not

put to death. 'Annona' properly signifies the year's supply of

provisions from the harvest. 'Penus' signifies provisions of all sorts;

here it means all sorts of imported provisions, preserves, etc. 'Penus'

is of two declensions, the second and third.

73. _Vir bonus et sapiens_] 'The virtuous and wise man can speak to

Fortune as Dionysus did to Pentheus.' The scene alluded to is that in

the Bacchæ of Euripides (489, sqq.). Vv. 495, 496 are almost literally

translated in vv. 77, 78. Pentheus, king of Thebes, hearing that a young

stranger has come to his country, giving himself out to be Dionysus, and

has tempted all the women to go out and do honor to him, sends his

servants to apprehend him. The god allows himself to be taken, and, when

brought before the king, describes himself as the servant of Dionysus.

Then follows a dialogue, of which the verses above referred to form

part. The application is obvious. The good man can bid defiance to the

reverses of Fortune, since at any time he wishes he can call death to

his assistance,--a bad doctrine for good men. Cicero did not approve of

it. He says, "vetat Pythagoras injussu imperatoris, id est Dei, de

praesidio et statione vitae decedere" (Cat. Maj. c. 20). The ancients

had very loose notions on suicide.

79. _mors ultima linea rerum est_] This refers to the 'alba linea'

mentioned on Epp. 14. 9, which was the goal as well as starting-point in

the chariot-races.

EPISTLE XVII.

Who Scæva was there are no means of determining, and it is quite

immaterial. He bears no part in the Epistle, which might have been

addressed to anybody of his age. Its professed purpose is to instruct a

young man how to rise in the world by paying court to great people,

which is declared to be an art of no small merit. The chief secret of

this art is said to be a well-affected modesty, and a tact in letting

your wants be rather felt than heard by your patron, and this is the

only advice that is offered. The Epistle ends abruptly, and is a mere

fragment.

3. _docendus adhuc,_] He was young, and had yet much to learn.

'Amiculus' is a diminutive expressing endearment.

4. _Caecus iter monstrare velit;_] Erasmus quotes as a proverb μήτε

τυφλὸν ὁδηγόν, μήτε ἐκνόητον σύμβουλον. Our Lord twice used it in

instructing his disciples (Matt. xv. 14, Luke vi. 39).

8. _Ferentinum_] This was a municipium on the Via Latina, about

forty-six miles from Rome, in the country of the Hernici. It still

retains its name Ferentino. It appears not to have been much frequented,

and Horace recommends his friend to go there, if the object of his

wishes is to avoid the noise of the town, and to lead a quiet life,

which he says is not without its recommendations.

10. _moriensque fefellit._] Horace uses 'fallere' as the Greeks used

λανθάνειν (see C. iii. 16. 32, n.). But it is only used absolutely here

and in the next Epistle (v. 103). Horace takes his expression from the

Greek proverb λάθε βιώσας, which appears to have been used by the

Epicureans and Cyrenaics.

11. _Si prodesse tuis_] Horace's argument for servility is, that it is

necessary, if a man wants to be of use to his friends, and to make

himself comfortable.

12. _siccus ad unctum._] As a poor man to the rich. 'Siccus' means poor,

as one who cannot command a dinner, or can only command a dry one; and

'unctus' means a rich man who fares sumptuously. The Cynics were called

ξηρόφαγοι from their abstinence, and ξηροφαγία among the early

Christians was a fast.

13. _Si pranderet olus patienter_] There is a story of Aristippus, that

he was one day passing Diogenes, the Cynic, while he was washing some

vegetables for his dinner, and he was accosted thus: "If you had learnt

to put up with this, you would not have been a slave in the palace of

kings," alluding to his having been the guest of Dionysius of Syracuse.

The answer of Aristippus was: "And if you knew how to associate with

your fellows, you would not now be washing herbs."

15. _qui me notat._] 'Notare' is used in a bad sense (see S. i. 6. 20,

n.).

18. _Mordacem Cynicum_] The Cynics received their name from the place

where Antisthenes taught, the Cynosarges, a gymnasium at Athens. The

popular notion of a Cynic (expressed by 'mordacem,' 'biting') is derived

rather from the conduct of the followers (of whom Diogenes was one) than

of the founder of the school.

19. _Scurror ego ipse mihi,_] This verb does not occur elsewhere. The

participle is used in the next Epistle (v. 2). Aristippus is supposed to

parry the blow ('eludere,' a metaphor taken from the gladiators) of

Diogenes by admitting, for the sake of argument, that he acted parasite

to a king; yet it was for his own advantage; whereas the Cynic acted

parasite to the populace for their amusement; he begged their dirty

provisions, and gave them snarling jests in return; and by accepting

their alms, he acknowledged himself their inferior, and this though he

professed to want nothing of them or any one else. 'Hoc' refers to the

remoter object, as in S. ii. 2, where see note on v. 30.

20. _Equus me portet, alat rex,_] The Greeks had a proverb, ἵππος με

φέρει, βασιλεύς με τρέφει, which words are said to have been first

uttered by a soldier of Philip of Macedon to his mother, who entreated

him to ask exemption from service.

21. _Officium facio:_] 'Officium' is commonly applied to attendance on

great people; and the most servile are wont to say they are only 'doing

their duty' by their betters. As to 'vilia rerum,' see C. iv. 12. 19,

n.; S. ii. 8. 83.

23. _Omnis Aristippum decuit color_] See Epp. i. 1. 18, n. 'Color' is

'color vitae' (S. ii. 1. 60), and corresponds to 'vitae via' below (v.

26). We use 'complexion' in the same double sense. Horace means that,

while Aristippus paid court to the rich, he could do without them, if

necessary. 'On the other hand,' he says, 'he who, on the principle of

endurance, puts on his double cloak, I should be surprised if a change

of life would suit him'; that is, he is more the creature of habit than

the man he condemns.

25. _duplici panno_] The asceticism of Diogenes was his way of carrying

out the principle of endurance, which was a chief feature in his

teacher's system. A coarse 'abolla,' a garment thrown loosely over the

person, served him for his dress, without tunic. He is said to have been

the first to wear it double and to have slept in it, and those who

followed him, adopting the same practice, were called διπλοείματοι and

ἀχίτωνες. Juvenal says the Stoics differed from the Cynics only in the

use of the tunic (S. xiii. 121).

28. _celeberrima per loca_] See C. ii. 12. 20, n.

30. _Alter Mileti textam_] The purple and wool of Miletus were held in

great esteem by the Greeks. As to 'chlamys,' see Epp. i. 6. 40, n. It

appears that there were several stories current among the ancients about

the indifference of Aristippus to dress. 'Cane pejus et angui' is a

proverbial way of speaking. 'Pejus' occurs in the same connection, C.

iv. 9. 50, "Pejusque leto flagitium timet."

33. _Res gerere et captos_] He says triumphs are fine things (they reach

the throne of Jove and affect the skies), but there is no small merit in

pleasing the great, and it is not everybody who can do it.

36. _Non cuivis homini_] Οὐ παντὸς ἀνδρὸς εἰς Κόρινθον ἔσθ᾽ ὁ πλοῦς.

There are various explanations given of this proverb, but none can

safely be relied upon. 'To go to Corinth' involved a difficulty in some

sense or other, and so the proverb applies to anything that is difficult

and requires unusual clearness.

37. _Sedit qui timuit_] The perfect is used as the aorist. 'He sits idle

who is afraid he shall not succeed. Esto! Be it so (let him pass): but

what of him who succeeds? Has he not done manfully?'

41. _Aut virtus nomen inane est,_] 'Either virtue is an empty name, or

the active man does well to look for his crown and his reward.'

42. _experiens vir._] This means an active man, who tries every means of

success.

45. _caput hoc erat,_] He means that modesty and the absence of

importunity is the best way of succeeding with the great; not to be

eager to ask, but to be modest, and take what is offered (see Int.).

'Erat' seems to mean 'this is the point I was coming to.' But see C. i.

37. 4, n.; Epp. i. 4. 6, n.

47. _nec vendibilis nec pascere firmus,_] 'Not salable (because worth

nothing) nor sufficient for our support.' 'Firmus' with the infinitive

mood is the construction found so frequently in the Odes. See C. i. 1.

18, n.

48. _clamat,_] He does as good as cry, 'Give me food!' and the

consequence is another chimes in with, 'The boon must be divided, and a

part cut off for me.'

49. _dividuo findetur munere quadra._] 'Dividuus' is used in the sense

of 'divisus': 'quadra,' a fourth part, is put for any fragment. See

Forcell. for several examples.

50. _Sed tacitus pasci_] If the greedy fellow could only have been

quiet, he might have kept it all to himself. A crow cawing over the

morsel luck or thieving has thrown in his way, and thereby attracting

the attention and envy of his brethren, applies to many a knave who

loses his ill gotten gains through his own folly in parading them.

52. _Brundisium comes aut Surrentum_] To Brundisium a man might go on

business; to Surrentum (Sorrento) for the climate and scenery, which are

still very healthy and beautiful. Surrentum was made a Roman colony

about this time. We do not hear much of it as a place of resort, though

from this passage we may infer that it was one of the pleasant spots on

the Campanian coast to which the wealthy Romans went for change of air.

Its wines were celebrated (see Epp. 15. 16, n.). In mentioning

Brundisium, Horace may have been thinking of his journey with Mæcenas.

He says, if a man, going into the country with his great friend, talks

of the roughness of the roads, the bitterness of the cold, the loss of

his purse, and so on, in order to get money from his patron, he is like

the woman who is always crying for the pretended loss of a trinket, in

hopes her lover will give her more, till at last she is no longer

believed; or the man who pretended he had broken his leg in order to get

a ride, but when he broke his leg in earnest, no one would listen to

him.

54. _viatica_] See Epp. ii. 2. 26, n.

55. _catellam,_] This is a diminutive form of 'catena,' and is used for

a bracelet or necklace: 'periscelis' appears to be an anklet, such as

women, and young children of both sexes, in the East, wear universally.

'Nota acumina' means 'the hackneyed tricks.'

59. _Fracto crure planum,_] The Romans adopted the Greek word πλάνος for

a vagabond and impostor. As to 'plurima,' see C. i. 7. 8, n. Horace

makes the man swear by the Egyptian Osiris, as if that were the most

sacred of oaths. Among other new superstitions, the worship of Isis had

been lately introduced into Rome. Efforts were made, from time to time,

to put it down, and Augustus forbade its being exercised in the city.

But under later emperors it became established, with the encouragement

of the government, in conjunction with that of Serapis. Osiris was not

worshipped separately, but shared, perhaps, the reverence paid to his

wife (Isis).

EPISTLE XVIII.

This Epistle contains some more advice to a young man beginning life, as

to how he should win the favor of the great. The person addressed is

young Lollius, respecting whom see the Introduction to Epp. 2 of this

book, which is also addressed to him. The counsel Horace gives is not

creditable to himself or the age he lived in.

1. _liberrime Lolli,_] 'My frank Lollius.' See Introduction. On

'metues,' see C. ii. 2. 7; and as to 'scurrantis,' see last Ep., ver.

19.

4. _Discolor,_] This means no more than 'different.'

5. _prope majus,_] See C. iv. 14. 20; S. ii. 3. 32.

6. _Asperitas_] A roughness, clownish, uncouth, and disgusting.

7. _tonsa cute,_] With the hair cut short down to the very skin, which

would show a want of regard to appearances.

9. _Virtus est medium vitiorum_] See C. ii. 10. 5, n.

10. _imi Derisor lecti_] See S. ii. 8. 20, n. 'Derisor' means a parasite

whose business it was to keep the company amused with jokes, such as the

man described in S. i. 4. 87, sq.

13. _dictata magistro_] See S. i. 10. 75, n.

14. _partes mimum tractare secundas._] 'Secundas agere' is a phrase

taken from the stage. It applied to all the actors, except the chief. In

the 'mimi,' which consisted chiefly of dumb show, the inferior parts

were all arranged, and the actors played, so as to support the principal

character. In most cases one of the parts was that of a parasite. The

subordinates were also called 'adjutores.' (See S. i. 9. 45, n.; A. P.

192, n.)

15. _de lana saepe caprina,_] To quarrel about goats' wool is plainly

equivalent to quarrelling about nothing at all.

16. _Scilicet ut non_] 'Forsooth, that I should not be believed before

anybody else, and boldly bark out what I know to be true! Why, a second

life would be a poor return' (for such an indignity).

19. _Castor sciat an Dolichos plus;_] This is the same sort of gossip

that Mæcenas is represented as discussing with Horace (S. ii. 6. 44,

sqq.). If Dolichos be right, the name is that of a Greek slave, derived

from Doliche, a town of Thessaly.

20. _Brundisium Minuci_] This road is only once more mentioned by any

classical writer (Cic. ad Att. ix. 6), and it is impossible to say

anything about it with certainty, except that it passed by the town of

Alba. There was a Porta Minutia leading out of Rome, the site of which

is unknown; but it is probable that this road led from that gate, and

that it was in the southern part of the city.

22. _Gloria quem--vestit_] See S. i. 6. 23, n.

25. _decem vitiis instructior_] 'Furnished with ten times as many

defects.'

26. _veluti pia mater_] Like a fond mother who wishes her child to be

wiser and better than herself, the patron advises his client.

30. _Arta decet sanum comitem toga;_] 'A narrow toga suits my humble

friend if he be wise.' The size and shape of the toga are referred to on

Epod. iv. 8.

31. _Eutrapelus_] Aristotle defines εὐτραπελία as πεπαιδευμένη ὕβρις, a

refined impertinence. It appears that for his wit this name was given to

P. Volumnius, an eques, and friend of M. Antonius, to whom are addressed

two of Cicero's letters (Ad Fam. vii. 32, 33). From the way Horace

writes, he must have been dead at this time.

34. _honestum Officium,_] This means the calls of duty, in a better

sense than in the last Epistle (v. 21). See Epp. ii. 2. 68.

36. _Thrax erit_] See S. ii. 6. 44. Horace says he will get into debt,

and be reduced to hire himself as a gladiator, or drive a costermonger's

hack. 'Ad imum' is not elsewhere used as 'ad extremum,' but it means

'when he has got to the lowest point.' As to 'nummos alienos,' see Epp.

ii. 2. 12, n.

37. _Arcanum neque tu_] He must not be inquisitive about his patron's

secrets, or betray them, nor praise his own tastes at the expense of the

great man's, nor take to his books when he wants him to go hunting.

38. _vino tortus_] This expression is repeated in A. P. 435.

41. _Amphionis atque Zethi_] These fabulous brothers, the sons of

Antiope by Zeus, were different in their dispositions, the one being

given to music and the other to country pursuits. Zethus, it appears,

had a contempt for Amphion's lyre, and advised him roughly to throw it

away, and take to arms, and to useful pursuits, like his own.

46. _Aetolis onerata plagis_] See Epp. i. 6. Ætolian toils are toils fit

for Meleager, the king of Ætolia, and the destroyer of the Calydonian

boar. With 'senium' compare 'senectus' (Epod. xiii. 5).

48. _pulmenta laboribus empta;_] Compare S. ii. 2. 20: "Tu pulmentaria

quaere Sudando." 'Pulmentum' originally signified anything eaten with

'puls,' porridge or gruel (a common dish with the early Romans), to give

it a flavor. It came afterwards to signify any savory dish.

54. _Proelia sustineas campestria;_] Compare A. P. 379. The allusion is

to the games on the Campus Martius.

55. _Cantabrica bella_] See C. ii. 6. 2.

56. _Parthorum signa_] See C. iii. 5, Introduction.

57. _et si quid abest_] This is mere flattery, like that about the

standards. Augustus had no intention of extending the Roman empire at

this time. No further conquest was attempted till B.C. 15, when some of

the Alpine tribes were beaten by Drusus and Tiberius, and their country

made into a province. (See C. iv. 4, Introduction.)

58. _Ac, ne te retrahas_] Horace adds another reason why he should not

refuse to join the amusements of his patron, that he cannot say he has

no turn for that sort of thing, for he is wont to amuse himself at home

with such sports as sham fights, though Horace does not mean to say he

is given to wasting his time on such matters.

59. _extra numerum--modumque_] This is, literally, 'out of time and

tune.'

60. _rure paterno;_] Where the estates of the elder Lollius lay or who

was his other son, is not known. The two brothers, it appears, got up a

representation of the battle of Actium, on a pond perhaps in their

father's grounds, and they made the slaves ('pueros') act the soldiers

and sailors, while they took the principal characters themselves, the

elder acting Augustus, and his brother M. Antonius.

64. _velox Victoria fronde coronet._] Victoria is always represented as

a young female, with wings, and with a palm branch or a wreath in her

hand, or both.

66. _Fautor utroque--pollice_] In the fights of gladiators, the people

expressed their approbation by fanning their thumbs down, and the

reverse by uplifting them. When a gladiator had got his adversary down,

or disarmed him, he looked to the spectators for this signal, and

according as the thumb was up or down he despatched or spared the man.

Thus 'fautor utroque pollice' is a proverbial way of speaking. See

Juvenal (iii. 36).

68. _Quid de quoque viro et cui_] 'Quoque' is from 'quisque,' 'every

man.' 'Percontator' is a gossip who is always asking questions in order

to retail the answers, generally in a perverted form. His ears are

always open to pick up remarks ('patulae'), and his tongue always active

to repeat them.

72. _Non ancilla tuum_] See S. ii. 5. 91, n. as to the use of 'non' for

'ne.'

75. _Munere te parvo beet_] 'Lest he be generous, and make you happy

with this trumpery present, or be cruel and refuse it you.' This seems

to be the meaning; that is to say, the patron may take it into his head

to gratify his dependant with a present of the slave he admires, and

then think he has done enough for him, or he may refuse to make him the

present, and this would give him pain.

78. _quondam_] See C. ii. 10. 17, n. S. ii. 2. 82.

79. _deceptus omitte tueri,_] 'When once you have found yourself

deceived, do not take him under your protection, but reserve your

influence for one you thoroughly know, that, if need be, you may be

able to shelter him from calumny; for when the good are slandered, what

do you suppose may not happen to yourself?' The Scholiasts say that

Theon was a man of malignant wit in Horace's time, and that he was a

'libertinus' who provoked his 'patronus,' and was turned out of his

house with the present of a 'quadrans,' and told to go and buy a rope to

hang himself. This is all we know of him, and this is very uncertain.

91. _media de nocte_] See S. ii. 8. 3, n.

93. _Nocturnos--vapores._] This must be taken to signify the feverish

heats that come on after much drinking.

95. _obscuri_] 'Reserved.'

100. _Virtutem doctrina paret,_] Whether virtue is a science (ἐπιστήμη)

and capable of being taught (διδακτή) was discussed by Socrates, who

held that it was so, in a certain sense. The question was a common

rhetorical theme in Horace's day.

103. _fallentis semita vitae._] See Epp. 17. 10, n., and compare Juvenal

(x. 363): "semita certe Tranquillae per virtutem patet unica vitae."

104. _gelidus Digentia rivus,_] The Digentia (Licenza), rising near

Horace's house (see Epp. 16. 12, n.), after a course of about six miles

emptied itself into the Anio, about half a mile beyond the Via Valeria,

which crossed it.

105. _Quem Mandela bibit,_] There is a village called Bardela, which

probably stands on the site of Mandela. From its position at the head of

the valley, and the winds that blow upon it from the northeast, it was

colder than Horace's residence, higher up the valley, which accounts for

the description 'rugosus frigore pagus' as compared with 'temperiem

laudes' in Epp. 16. 8. The expression may be suggested by pictures and

other representations of Hiems, who is exhibited as a wrinkled old man,

as Ovid describes him, apparently from a picture also: "Inde senilis

Hiems tremulo venit horrida passu" (Met. xv. 212).

111. _Sed satis est_] Horace prays for a good supply of books and

provisions, and a quiet mind; but retracts the last, and says he will

pray to Jove for what he can give and take away, but a quiet mind he

will secure himself.

EPISTLE XIX.

It would appear that Horace had imitators among those who abused him;

and if we are to understand him to mean what he says, there were those

who took his convivial odes literally, and, coupling them with the

example of the old Greek poets, conceived that the way to write verses

was to propitiate Bacchus and drink a great deal of wine. Or else he

means that they took to writing in the same strain, all about wine and

driving dull care away, and so forth, which at second hand would be very

poor stuff. Such servile imitators he speaks of with great disgust; and

while he exposes their shallowness, he accounts for their malevolence

towards himself by the fact of his not having sought their company or

hired their applause. He at the same time claims to have been the first

to dress the lyric measures in the Latin language, while he defends

himself for having adopted the metres of another, by pointing to the

examples of Sappho and Alcæus, and takes credit for having avoided the

virulence of Archilochus, while he imitated his verse. This is

introduced by the way, the chief purpose of the Epistle being to show

the folly of his calumniators and the cause of their abuse.

1. _Maecenas docte, Cratino,_] He addresses Maecenas elsewhere as

"doctus utriusque linguae" (C. iii. 8. 5). Cratinus, though he lived to

a good old age, and kept his powers to the last, as we have seen (S. i.

4. 1, n.), was a proverbial drunkard.

4. _Adscripsit Liber_] 'Adscribere' is a military term. As to Liber's

attendants, the Fauns, Pans, and Satyrs, see note on C. ii. 19. 4. The

poets immediately under the protection of Dionysus were the lyric, the

dithyramb having been performed first at the Dionysia. Compare C. i. 1.

31. So the poet is called "cliens Bacchi" (Epp. ii. 2. 78). Liber, the

Latin divinity, is here, as elsewhere, confounded with the Greek Bacchus

or Dionysus, with whom he had only this in common, that he presided over

vines. 'Ut' means 'ever since' (C. iv. 4. 42).

5. _Vina fere dulces_] The ancients did not spare the reputation of

their poets in this matter; for besides the fame of Cratinus mentioned

above, Alcæus, Anacreon, Æschylus, Aristophanes, and many others, have

the credit of indulging freely in wine. As to Homer, there is no

foundation in his poetry for Horace's libel, which is simply absurd.

David might as well be charged with excess because he speaks of wine as

making glad the heart of man. Ennius said of himself that he only wrote

when he had got the gout: "Nunquam poëtor nisi podager."

8. _forum putealque Libonis_] See S. ii. 6. 35, n. Horace speaks as if

he had delivered an 'edictum' that the business of the Forum was only

fit for the sober and dull, who had nothing to do with poetry; whereupon

all that would be thought poets took to drinking day and night. 'Putere'

is a stronger word for 'olere,' used above, v. 5.

12. _Quid, si quis vultu torvo_] Cato of Utica is here referred to, of

whom Plutarch says, that from his childhood he showed in his voice and

countenance, and also in his amusements, an immovable, unimpressive, and

firm temper. He seldom laughed, or even smiled; and though not

passionate, when his anger was roused it was not easy to pacify him. He

set himself against the fashions of the times, in dress as in other

things, and often went out of doors after dinner without his shoes and

tunic; and the fashion being to wear a 'lacerna' of bright colour, he

chose to wear a dark one. (Cat. c. 1. 6.) He may have worn his toga of

smaller dimensions than other people, from the same dislike to the

usages of the day. For 'textore' we should expect 'textura' in this

place.

15. _Rupit Iarbitam Timagenis_] It appears that the person here called

Iarbitas (from Virgil's Numidian king, Iarbas) was a Mauritanian by

birth, and that his Roman name was Cordus or Codrus. Timagenes was a

native of Alexandria, where he was taken prisoner by A. Gabinius, and

sold as a slave. He was sent to Rome, and bought by Faustus, the son of

Sulla, who gave him his freedom. He afterwards taught rhetoric, and

became famous. It seems that Cordus, endeavouring to imitate Timagenes,

and failing, broke his heart with envy.

18. _biberent exsangue cuminum._] The fruit of this plant, which is a

pleasant condiment, is described by Pliny (xx. 15) as giving a pallid

hue to the complexion. It is a plant of Eastern origin. We are familiar

with it through the proverbial use of the name by our Lord in his

denunciation of the Pharisees, who gave tithes of mint, anise, and

cumin, but neglected the weightier matters of the law. It was used to

express littleness or meanness in any shape. Horace says, if he happened

to look pale by any chance, his imitators would eat cumin-seeds to make

themselves look interesting and poetical like him.

23. _Parios ego primus iambos_] The iambics of Archilochus of Paros. As

to his attacks upon Lycambes, see Epod. vi. 13, n.

26. _ne me foliis_] 'And that you may not crown me with less noble

wreath.' As to this position of 'ne,' see C. iv. 9. 1, n. Horace says he

is not to be blamed for imitating Archilochus in his measure and the

structure of his verse, for Alcæus and Sappho (he says, and we must take

his word for it) did the same; they tempered their Muse with the measure

of Archilochus. The iambics of Archilochus are imitated by Horace in the

Epodes. Other measures of his he has imitated in the Odes. There is

little left of Archilochus but his iambics. The vigorous style of

Sappho's fragments shows the reason why Horace calls her 'mascula.' See

C. ii. 13. 24, n.

32. _Hunc ego non alio dictum_] Compare C. iv. 9. 3:

"Non ante vulgatas per artes

Verba loquor socianda chordis";

and 3. 23: "Romanae fidicen lyrae." 'Hunc' Orelli refers to Alcæus,

comparing C. iii. 30. 13:

"Princeps Aeolium carmen ad Italos

Deduxisse modos."

It may refer to Archilochus. I do not feel certain about it. Forcellini

only mentions one other example of 'immemoratus' from Ausonius.

'Ingenuis' means 'candid' or 'uncorrupted.'

35. _ingratus_] He means that the reader is ungrateful who gets

gratification from his poems at home, and yet abuses them abroad.

'Ingratus' belongs to the second clause as well as 'iniquus.' The reason

Horace gives is, that he does not go about seeking the good opinion of

vulgar critics, giving them dinners and cast-off clothes, and so on, but

keeps himself to the company of respectable authors, listening to their

writings and getting them to listen to his own. The language is taken

from the notion of canvassing for votes at an election.

39. _auditor et ultor_] These words are reciprocal. The man who listens

to a stupid recitation has his revenge when he recites in return. Here

it is meant in a good-humored way. Juvenal's first Satire begins,

"Semper ego auditor tantum? nunquamne reponam?" As to the practice of

recitation among friends and in public, see C. ii. 1, Int., and S. i. 4.

73, n.

40. _Grammaticas ambire tribus_] Those who made a profession of

literature were called 'literati,' 'eruditi,' or 'grammatici.' The last

name was applied principally to those who kept schools or gave lectures,

of whom there were a great many at this time at Rome. Inferior writers

would give a good deal for their favorable opinion, which would help

their books into demand among their scholars. Horace calls them

'critici' elsewhere (A. P. 78). 'Pulpitum' meant any raised platform

from which speeches were delivered. Here it applies to that from which

the teachers delivered their lectures.

41. _Hinc illae lacrimae._] This became a common way of speaking after

Terence (Andr. i. 1. 99): "Atat hoc illud est: Hinc illae lacrimae, haec

illa est misericordia."

_Spissis indigna theatris_] 'Theatra' here means any audience before

which recitations of this kind might take place, though the poetry of

popular writers was recited in the theatres by 'mimi' and 'mimae.'

43. _Jovis auribus_] This is the same sort of expression as S. ii. 6.

52: "deos quoniam propius contingis." 'Manare' is not commonly used as a

transitive verb. In this construction we find the like words, 'flere,'

'pluere,' 'stillare,' 'rorare,' &c. The expressions 'nugis,' 'poëtica

mella,' 'tibi pulcher,' all seem to apply rather to the lyrical

compositions than to the Satires, and the former appear to have been the

objects of all this servile imitation.

45. _naribus uti_] See S. i. 6. 5, n., and Persius (i. 40): "nimis uncis

Naribus indulges."

47. _diludia posco._] This word occurs nowhere else. It means, in the

first instance, an interval allowed to gladiators between their

contests. 'Iste locus' must mean the 'pulpita' or 'spissa theatra' above

mentioned. It seems as if the speaker meant to gain time, and, without

declining the contest, made objections to the ground, and asked for a

postponement, the language of the arena or palæstra being kept up. The

meaning, in plain terms, is, that he does not wish to be brought into

competition with others in the way of public recitations or criticism,

because such matters, though they may begin in good temper, generally

issue in strife and bad passions. 'Iste' expresses 'that place which you

propose.'

EPISTLE XX.

With this composition addressed to his book (which can hardly be any

other than this collection of Epistles) Horace sends it forth to take

its chance in the world. He addresses it as a young and wanton maiden,

eager to escape from the retirement of her home and to rush into dangers

she knows nothing of. He tells her it will be too late to repair her

error when she discovers it; that she will be caressed for a time and

then thrown away, and, when her youth and the freshness of her beauty

are gone, she will end her days in miserable drudgery and obscurity. He

concludes with a description of himself, his person, his character, and

his age.

1. _Vertumnum Janumque,_] The Vicus Thurarius, in which the Scholiasts

say Vertumnus had a temple, was part of the Vicus Tuscus (S. ii. 3.

228), and the Argiletum was a street leading out of that street. In the

Argiletum Janus had a temple. The Sosii were Horace's booksellers (see

A. P. 345), and their shop may have stood near temples of Vertumnus and

Janus, at which Horace says his book is casting longing glances. The

Scholiasts say they were brothers. The outside skin of the

parchment-rolls were polished with pumice-stone, to make them look well.

3. _Odisti claves_] The 'capsae' or 'scrinia' (S. i. 4. 21, n.) were

locked, or sealed, or both; and women and young persons were locked or

sealed up in their chambers, that they might not get into mischief,

which restraint Horace says they liked, if they were chaste. He

professes to reproach his book for being tired of staying at home, and

being shown only to his friends, and wanting to go out to be exposed for

sale, to which purpose he had not trained it. There can be no doubt that

what is here distinctly said of the Epistles is true of the other works

of Horace, that they were shown to his friends, and circulated privately

before they were collected and published.

8. _In breve te cogi_] As applied to the book, this means that it will

be rolled up and put into a case, and not taken out again. The

metaphorical language is kept up in the following words, in 'peccantis,'

and in the notion of its being thrown aside when the freshness of youth

shall have left it.

9. _Quodsi non odio peccantis_] 'But if the prophet is not blinded by

his aversion to the offender,' that is, if I am not led by my aversion

to your wantonness to prophesy too harshly of your fate. 'Aetas' is used

for any time of life, according to the context; but more frequently for

old age than youth.

13. _Aut fugies Uticam_] You will be shipped off to Utica (in Libya), or

to Ilerda (Lerida) in Spain, or anywhere else in the remote provinces,

tied up as a bundle of goods ('vinctus'), and I shall laugh, for what is

the use of trying to save such a willful thing? as the driver said, when

his ass would go too near the edge of the precipice, and he drove him

over in a passion. It is not known where this fable comes from. Compare

A. P. 467.

18. _balba senectus._] This keeps up the image in v. 10. Horace says his

book will be reduced in its old age to the poor people's schools in the

back streets (see S. i. 10. 75, n.). His writings came very soon to

take their place with Homer and Virgil in all the schools. See Juvenal

(vii. 226):

"Quot stabant pueri, cum totus decolor esset

Flaccus, et haereret nigro fuligo Maroni."

19. _Cum tibi sol tepidus_] In the heat of the day, and before dinner in

the baths, people read to themselves or one another. It is not easy to

see the connection of this line with what goes before. It is something

of a contradiction. But he supposes the book may perhaps be popular for

a time.

20. _Me, libertino natum patre_] Compare S. i. 6. 6, 46, 47.

23. _Me primis Urbis_] This he considers no small praise. See Epp. i.

17. 35, and S. ii. 1. 75. He does not mind at this time referring to his

old generals, Brutus and Cassius. The description he gives of himself

corresponds with that we find in his biographer. See also C. ii. 11. 15.

Epp. i. 4. 15.

24. _solibus aptum,_] This means that he liked warm weather. See S. ii.

3. 10, n.

28. _Collegam Lepidum_] Horace was born on the 8th of December, B.C. 65,

in the year of the consulship of L. Manlius Torquatus and L. Aurelius

Cotta. He completed his forty-fourth year, therefore, in December, B.C.

21. In that year M. Lollius (to whom C. iv. 9 is addressed) and Q.

Æmilius Lepidus were consuls. 'Duxit' merely means that he had Lepidus

for his colleague. Why Horace should be so particular in letting the

world know his present age in the above year I cannot tell. He was in a

communicative mood when he wrote, and tells us in a few words a good

deal about himself.

EPISTLES.--BOOK II.

EPISTLE I.

Among other anecdotes connected with Augustus, Suetonius, in his Life of

Horace, says that he complained, after reading the Epistles, that he had

not written one to him, whereupon Horace wrote the following Epistle to

the Emperor.

The parts of the Epistle do not hang together very closely, especially

after the first ninety lines. They consist of compliments to Augustus; a

remonstrance about the patronage bestowed on the old poets; a

description of the rapid growth of art in Greece after the Persian war;

a complaint that everybody at Rome has taken to writing verses, whether

they can or no; a commendation of poets as good and useful citizens and

contributors to the national piety; a history of the growth of poetry in

Italy; a comparison between tragedy and comedy; an account of the

troubles of dramatic authors through the caprices and bad taste of their

audiences, which at that time is stated to have been especially

depraved; an appeal to Augustus on behalf of the poets of the day; and a

reproof to such poets as are unreasonable or officious, and attempt

themes too exalted for them.

There is much polish in the versification of this Epistle. The flattery

with which it opens is cleverly written, and the verses towards the end,

in which Horace compendiously states the military successes of Augustus,

are terse and elegant. His commendation of the poet is a fair tribute to

his own profession. The description of the vulgar taste for spectacles

is natural, and reminds us of our own times; and there is enough in the

Epistle to account for the high estimation it is held in by the general

reader.

2. _moribus ornes,_] See Introduction to C. ii. 15, and the Odes there

referred to.

3. _Legibus emendes,_] The principal laws passed in the time of Augustus

are given in Smith's Dict. Antt., under the head 'Juliae Leges.' See C.

iii. 24. 33, n.

5. _Romulus et Liber pater_] All these heroes are joined, in C. iii. 3.

9, sqq. As to 'Liber,' see Epp. i. 19. 4, n. There is additional

confusion here by the Latin adjunct 'pater' being affixed to his name.

Dionysus, Hercules, Castor, and Pollux were the favorite heroes of the

Greeks, who attributed chiefly to their labors the civilization of the

world, and to their care its preservation.

11. _fatali_] The labors of Hercules are called 'fatales,' because

thereby he fulfilled his destiny. Virgil so describes them in Aen. viii.

291.

12. _Comperit invidiam_] See C. iii. 24. 31, sq.

13. _Urit enim fulgore suo_] 'For that man scorches with his brightness

who overpowers capacities inferior to his own'; that is, inferior minds

are galled by the consciousness of their inferiority, and extinguished

by his greatness. 'Artes' here probably means attainments of any kind.

15. _Praesenti tibi maturos_] See note on C. iv. 5. 29, sqq., and C.

iii. 5. 1, sqq. Augustus during his life refused to receive the honor of

a temple at Rome, and in the provinces he would only have them if the

name of Rome was coupled with his own. He had two of this sort in Asia

Minor, and one built by Herod the Great at Cæsarea. A temple in the

provinces was an honor which the governors often enjoyed. During his

life, Augustus desired to be accounted the son of Apollo, and was

represented on coins in the character of that god playing on a harp.

After his death, several temples were erected to him, and his worship

was regularly established, but the altars Horace speaks of were those

which were raised in the provinces, like that below.

16. _Jurandasque tuum per nomen_] The person who swore by the altar laid

his hand upon it, and invoked the name of the divinity to whom it was

consecrated.

17. _Nil oriturum alias,_] This is a repetition of C. iv. 2. 37.

18. _Sed tuus hic populus,_] They who are wise in honoring you while

among them, are not wise in their excessive admiration for all other

things that are old and gone, and contempt for things modern.

20. _simili ratione modoque_] This is the third time Horace uses this

combination. See S. ii. 3. 266, 271.

23. _Sic fautor veterum_] Augustus was particularly simple in his

language, and had a contempt for affectation of any kind. He would

therefore, as Orelli says, be pleased with these remarks of Horace.

24. _Quas bis quinque viri sanxerunt,_] In B.C. 452 ten patricians were

appointed, with absolute powers for one year, to draw up a code of laws,

of which the greater part was finished in that year, and engraved upon

ten tables of ivory or bronze. In the following year the decemvirate was

renewed, with the difference that three plebeians were elected among

them, and two more tables were added. These tables contained the

fundamental principles of Roman law to the latest times. Down to

Cicero's time they were committed to memory by boys at school. As to

'sanxerunt,' see S. ii. 1. 81, n.

_foedera regum_] A story is told by Livy (i. 53, sqq.) respecting the

way in which Gabii (Epp. i. 11. 7, n.) came into the hands of the

Romans. Another historian mentions having seen a treaty made on that

occasion. 'Gabiis' and 'Sabinis' are both governed by 'cum.' Compare C.

iii. 25. 2, "quae nemora aut quos agor in specus." As to 'rigidis

Sabinis,' see C. iii. 6. 38. The treaty Horace alludes to may be that

between Romulus and Tatius, king of the Sabines, by which the two

nations became one (Livy i. 13). 'Aequatus,' in this sense of treaties

or agreements made on equal terms, does not occur elsewhere.

26. _Pontificum libros,_] The College of Pontiffs had books containing

the regulations by which they were guided, and all matters pertaining to

their office and the worship of the gods, the general supervision of

which was their principal duty. The original books were, according to

tradition, given to them by Numa at their first creation; but they were

added to from time to time, and they must have been numerous when Horace

wrote. Some parts were no doubt very antiquated in expression and ideas.

_annosa volumina vatum,_] Not long after this Epistle was written,

Augustus caused a multitude of books professing to be Sibylline oracles,

and others of a prophetic character, to be burnt (see C. 9. 5, n.).

Those that were counted genuine he preserved in the Capitol.

27. _Dictitet Albano_] There is force in 'dictitet,' 'would persist in

affirming,' that the Muses themselves had uttered them (not on

Parnassus, but) on the Alban Mount; that the Muses had changed their

habitation to dwell in Latium.

29. _pensantur eadem Scriptores trutina,_] See S. i. 3. 72, n.

31. _Nil intra est oleam,_] This may be a proverb, meaning we may

believe any absurdity, or disbelieve our senses; if because the oldest

poets of Greece are the best, therefore Roman poets must be weighed in

the same scale, why then the olive is hard without and the nut is soft;

we are at the height of good fortune; we paint, we sing, we wrestle,

better than the Greeks; which every one knows is not the case.

35. _quotus arroget annus._] See C. iv. 14. 40, n. Horace uses

'decidere' (v. 36) in the same sense in C. iv. 7. 14.

45. _caudaeque pilos ut equinae_] When the soldiers of Sertorius

insisted on attacking the enemy against his wish, and were beaten, he

took the following means of showing them their error and the policy he

chose to pursue. He put before them two horses, one old and infirm, the

other young and fresh, with a remarkably fine tail. A strong man stood

by the old horse, a small man by the young one. They were desired to

pull the hair out of the tails of the animals, and the strong man pulled

at his with great force, while the little man proceeded to pull out the

hairs of the other, one by one. The weak man soon accomplished his work,

while the strong man of course failed. (Plutarch, Vit. Sert. c. 16.)

Horace appears to refer to this story, which was probably well known.

The application here is plain, though it has no very close analogy to

the original.

46. _demo et item_] Terence uses 'et item.' Andria (i. 1. 49): "Sed

postquam amans accessit pretium pollicens Unus et item alter"; and

Lucretius (iv. 553):

"Asperitas autem vocis fit ab asperitate

Principiorum, et item levor levore creatur."

47. _ratione ruentis acervi_] The Greeks had a logical term called

σωρίτης (from σωρός, 'acervus,' a heap), signifying a series of

propositions linked together and depending each upon the one before it,

till a conclusion is come to which connects the first proposition with

the last; but it may go on for ever without any conclusion at all. The

invention of the σωρίτης is attributed to Chrysippus the Stoic.

48. _Qui redit in fastos_] The word 'fasti,' as applied to records,

belonged properly to the sacred books or tables in which the 'fasti' and

'nefasti dies' were distinguished, that is, the Calendar. When these

were made public (Livy ix. 46), calendars became common, and in these

(which were usually engraved on tables of stone) remarkable events were

inserted, so that they became a source of historical information. There

were also consular annals, or registers of the consuls and other chief

magistrates, kept among the records of the state, and these were also

called 'fasti,' or 'annales,' either of which words came, in

consequence, to be used generally for historical registers of any kind,

particularly by the poets. Horace applies it to the family genealogies

of the Lamia family (C. iii. 17. 4). See also C. iv. 13. 15, 14. 4, and

S. i. 3. 112, where it is applied in the most general way to the history

of the world.

49. _Libitina_] See S. ii. 6. 19, n.

50. _Ennius et sapiens_] Ennius was born at Rudiæ, in Calabria, B.C.

239. He followed the opinions of Pythagoras, holding the doctrine of the

transmigration of souls; and in the beginning of his epic poem, called

'Annales,' he declared that the spirit of Homer had passed into his

body, having meanwhile inhabited, among others, that of a peacock. This

is what Horace alludes to in 'somnia Pythagorea.' He says, however, that

Ennius need not mind what was thought of his professions and his dreams,

since he was certainly worshipped as if he were a second Homer. As to

'critici,' see Epp. i. 19. 40, n. Ennius is called 'fortis,' not for his

personal bravery (though he saw some service), but for the boldness of

his style.

53. _Naevius in manibus non est_] Cn. Nævius was born about the middle

of the third century B.C., and wrote plays and an epic poem on the first

Punic war, in which he served. To the latter poem Virgil seems to have

owed some of his ideas. Terence ranks him, with Plautus and Ennius, as

one of his models. Nævius was perhaps rather the oldest of the three.

Cicero often has 'non est' in interrogative sentences.

54. _Paene recens?_] 'As if he were almost modern.'

56. _Pacuvius docti famam senis,_] Pacuvius was nephew to Ennius, and

was born, like his uncle, in Calabria, about B.C. 220. His chief

compositions were tragedies, and they were nearly all translated from

the Greek. A scene from his Orestes is referred to by Cicero (De Amicit.

c. 7), and he elsewhere places him at the head of the Roman tragedians.

In respect to Accius, see S. i. 10. 53, n.

As to 'senis,' see S. ii. 1. 34, n.

57. _Dicitur Afrani toga_] Comedies written after a Greek model, with

Greek scenes and characters, were called 'palliatae'; those of which the

incidents and persons were Roman were called 'togatae,' from the dress

of the actors, the Greek 'pallium' corresponding to the Roman 'toga.'

Afranius wrote principally 'togatas,' and Horace says that, according to

the judgment of the critics, his toga would have suited Menander; that

is, Menander need not have been ashamed of his plays. Afranius was some

years younger than Cæcilius and Terence.

Of Menander, who flourished at Athens during the latter part of the

fourth century B.C., mention has been made on S. i. 4. 1. Horace seems

to have studied Menander. (See S. ii. 3. 11, n.)

58. _Plautus ad exemplar Siculi properare Epicharmi,_] As to Horace's

opinion of Plautus, see below (170, sqq.). What his critics meant, when

they said what Horace here attributes to them, I do not know; and since

we have no means of comparing the writings of Plautus and Epicharmus, I

do not see how the question can be decided. Epicharmus, a native of Cos,

lived from B.C. 540 to the age of ninety. The chief part of his literary

life was spent at the court of Gelon and his successor Hiero, at

Syracuse, with Pindar, Æschylus, and other poets who were patronized at

that court, where he composed comedies, thirty-five of which are known

by their titles and some by fragments. He is commonly called the

inventor of comedy, the fact being, perhaps, that his were the first

that were written.

59. _Vincere Caecilius gravitate,_] This comic poet was born at

Mediolanum (Milan). He was a slave, but afterwards received his

freedom. He died B.C. 168, the year after Ennius. His contemporaries

held him in high estimation. Cicero places him at the head of the comic

poets, but speaks ill of his Latin. What is meant by 'gravitate' is as

uncertain as 'properare' in the verse before, and for the same reason.

_Terentius arte._] The exact sense in which Horace meant this word is

equally uncertain with the others; perhaps it has reference to the

elegance of Terence's language, or the skill with which he draws real

life in his plays. There are few like him now. His name was P. Terentius

Afer. He was a slave in the family of one P. Terentius Lucanus, whose

prænomen and gentile name he took, on his manumission, retaining as a

cognomen the name which he derived from the place of his birth,

Carthage. The plays we have of his are all 'palliatae,' derived more or

less from the Greek, chiefly of Menander.

60. _arcto stipata theatro_] The plays of Terence and all the earlier

and more celebrated poets were performed, at first, either on

scaffoldings erected in the Circus, and afterwards taken down, or in

temporary wooden theatres, usually on a very large scale; the notion

being that a systematic encouragement of plays, by the erection of

permanent buildings, was injurious to public morals. The first permanent

stone theatre at Rome (for they had them in the country towns some time

before) was built by Cn. Pompeius, after the Mithridatic war, outside

the walls, near the Campus Martius.

62. _Livi scriptoris ab aevo._] T. Livius Andronicus is spoken of by

Quintilian as the first Roman poet. The date of his birth is uncertain,

but he died B.C. 221, or thereabouts. He wrote a translation of the

Odyssey, and plays. These were all, as far as we know, 'palliatae,' from

the Greek. Cicero says they were not worth a second reading.

63. _Interdum vulgus_] The multitude, he means, are not altogether blind

to the defects of these old writers, though many think there is nothing

like them.

66. _dure--ignave_] The first represents the harshness of the style, the

second its carelessness. Compare A. P. 445. 'Jove aequo' is the opposite

of 'Jove non probante' (C. i. 2. 19).

70. _plagosum mihi parvo Orbilium dictare;_] Orbilius Pupillus was a

native of Beneventum. In his fiftieth year (B.C. 63) he came to Rome and

set up a school. He seems to have held the rod as the principle of

school government. He lived in great poverty, in a garret, to nearly a

hundred years of age, having long lost his memory. His townspeople were

proud of him, and erected a marble statue to his memory. Orbilius was in

his forty-eighth year when Horace was born. He was therefore not young

when the poet went to his school. As to 'dictare,' see S. i. 10. 75, n.

73. _verbum emicuit_] 'If a decent word starts up.'

75. _ducit venditque poëma._] 'It brings forward and gives a value to

the whole poem.' Compare Juvenal (vii. 135): "Purpura vendit Causidicum,

vendunt amethystina."

79. _crocum floresque perambulet Attae Fabula_] Atta was a writer of

comedies ('togatae'), of which a few fragments remain. He died B.C. 78.

It is not clear that Horace had any particular play in mind, but it may

have been an affectation of Atta's to have flowers scattered on the

stage, on which it was usual to sprinkle a perfume extracted from the

crocus. The perfume was mixed with water and thrown up through pipes, so

as to sprinkle not only the stage, but the spectators. The most famous

crocus was that of Mount Corycus, in Cilicia (see S. ii. 4. 68, n.).

82. _Quae gravis Aesopus,_] Claudius Æsopus, the tragic actor, was an

intimate friend of Cicero's, and most of the distinguished men of that

time. He was older than Cicero, though the date of his birth is not

known, or that of his death. He was a freedman of some person belonging

to the Clodia gens. 'Gravis' is a good epithet for a tragic actor.

82. _quae doctus Roscius egit:_] Q. Roscius, the comic actor, was also

an intimate friend of Cicero, who often speaks of him, and pleaded a

cause for him in a speech still in part extant. The meaning of 'doctus'

can only be explained by the study he gave to his profession, and the

accurate knowledge he acquired of the principles of his art. He died

about B.C. 62, and was enormously rich, like Æsopus, whose wealth has

been referred to on S. ii. 3. 239.

86. _Jam Saliare Numae carmen_] See C. iv. 1. 28, n. The hymns of the

Salii appear to have been very obscure; but there were those who thought

themselves clever enough to make them out, which Horace takes leave to

doubt. It may be that popular belief attributed the composition of these

verses to Numa, who established the Salii of Mars.

93. _Ut primum positis_] Here follows a description of the Athenians, as

they quickly became after the Persian war (B.C. 480), and especially

under the administration of Pericles and afterwards. It is only to

Athens that Horace's language will accurately apply. On this subject the

student may refer to Thirlwall's Greece, Vol. III. 62, sq., 70, sq.; IV.

256.

95. _athletarum studiis,_] The term ἀθλητής (from ἆθλα, the prizes of

victory) was applied by the Greeks only to those who contended in the

great games (the Olympian, Isthmian, Nemean, and Pythian) for prizes in

exercises of personal strength, as wrestling, running, boxing, leaping,

throwing the discus or javelin. The honour that was paid to successful

'athletae' was enormous. They were introduced at Rome about two

centuries B.C., and under the emperors were a privileged class, and

formed a 'collegium.'

96. _Marmoris aut eboris fabros aut aeris_] All the great artists of

this period, as Pheidias, Polycleitus, Myron, wrought in bronze as well

as marble, and were scarcely less distinguished for engraving and

chasing, than in the higher departments of art. The most celebrated

works in ivory were the statues of Jupiter Olympius at Elis, and of

Minerva in the Parthenon at Athens, executed by Pheidias.

101. _Quid placet aut odio est_] Horace introduces the example of Athens

to show that greatness was reached by their love, not of what was old,

but what was new. Peace and prosperity brought with it tastes and

elegances of a high order; and though, no doubt, there was fickleness in

the pursuit of these things, this was to be expected, says he, and may

be excused, seeing what human nature is.

104. _Mane domo vigilare,_] See S. i. 1. 10, n. Horace goes on to

compare the change which had come upon the character of the Romans

through their new taste for poetry, with that which passed upon the

Athenians when they turned from arms to the arts of peace, and he

justifies the change (103-167).

105. _Cautos nominibus rectis_] To lend money on security to good

debtors. 'Expendere' is equivalent to 'expensum referre,' which means to

debit a person in one's books with money lent (see S. ii. 3. 69, n.).

'Cavere' is the usual word for giving or taking security. 'Nomen'

signifies an item or entry in a book of accounts, and 'referre nomina'

to make such entries. It also is used for a debt, and 'nomen solvere' is

to pay a debt; 'nomen facere,' either to incur a debt or to lend money;

for 'facere' is used in both senses but 'nomen' is also used for the

debtor himself.

110. _carmina dictant._] 'Dictare' is equivalent to 'scribere,' because

they did not usually write themselves, but dictated to a slave who

wrote. See S. i. 10. 92, n.

112. _Parthis mandacior,_] This expression, which seems as if it were

proverbial, savors of the jealousy the Romans of that day felt towards

the Parthians. Elsewhere Horace calls them 'infidi,' C. iv. 15. 23. As

to 'calamus' and 'charta,' see S. ii. 3. 2. 7, and for 'scrinia,' see S.

i. 4. 21, n.

114. _abrotonum_] This is the plant which we call southern-wood, which

is still used for medicinal purposes.

117. _indocti doctique_] See C. i. 1. 29, n.

119. _avarus Non temere est animus;_] 'Not readily given to avarice.' In

S. ii. 2. 116 he says, "Non temere edi luce profesta Quidquam praeter

olus" (see note), and in Epp. ii. 2. 13, "Non temere a me Quivis ferret

idem," where the sense is much the same as here.

122. _Non fraudem socio puerove_] See C. iii. 24. 60, n., and as to

'pupillo,' see Epp. i. 1. 21, n.

123. _siliquis et pane secundo;_] 'Siliqua' is the pod or husk of any

leguminous vegetable; but it was applied particularly to a plant, the

'siliqua Graeca,' which is still found in Italy and Spain. It has no

English name. 'Panis secundus,' or 'secundarius,' is bread made from

inferior flour.

127. _jam nunc_] See C. iii. 6. 23, n. As to 'formo,' see C. iii. 24.

54; S. i. 4. 121; A. P. 307, and other places. For 'corrector,' see Epp.

i. 15. 37. 'Orientia tempora' means the time of youth; as we say, the

dawn of life.

132. _Castis cum pueris_] The Carmen Saeculare was sung by a choir

consisting of twenty-seven boys, and as many girls, of noble birth (see

Introduction); and such choruses were usual on special occasions of that

sort.

133. _Disceret unde preces_] The vestal virgins addressed their prayers

to their goddess, 'docta prece,' the equivalent for which is 'carmine.'

See C. i. 2. 26, where 'prece' is opposed to 'carmina,' though the

latter too were prayers, and perhaps in verse, but in a set form,

'doctae preces.'

138. _carmine Manes._] The great annual festival at which the Manes, the

souls of the departed, were worshipped, was the Lemuria, which was

celebrated in May, on the 9th, 11th, and 13th days of the month. They

were also worshipped shortly after a funeral at the 'feriae denicales,'

when the family of the deceased went through a purification. The Lares

being also the spirits of the dead, differed only in name from the

Manes, which were ordinarily inserted in sepulchral inscriptions, as the

Dii Manes of the departed. The name is derived from a root signifying

'good,' for none but the good could become Manes. Their existence was a

matter of some scepticism, as observed on C. i. 4. 16. Here the name

seems to embrace all the infernal deities, as Dis, Proserpina, Tellus,

the Furiæ, &c., as, well as the spirits of the dead.

143. _Tellurem porco,_] The temple of Tellus in the Carinæ has been

mentioned before, Epp. i. 7. 48, n. She was worshipped among the 'dii

inferi,' or Manes. Her annual festival, the Fordicidia, was celebrated

on the 15th of April. 'Forda' in the old language signified a cow. See

Ovid, Fast. iv. 629, sqq. But it appears that sacrifices were also

offered after harvest, and that the victim was a hog, which was commonly

offered to the Lares. (C. iii. 23. 4, where the feminine is used; S. ii.

3. 165; C. iii. 17. 5; Epp. i. 16. 58.)

_Silvanum lacte piabant,_] In Epod. ii. 22 the offerings to Silvanus are

fruits, and there he is spoken of as 'tutor finium': in Tibullus (i. 5.

27) he is called 'deus agricola,' and the offerings are different for

wine, corn, and flocks, all of which he protected:

"Illa deo sciet agricolae pro vitibus uvam,

Pro segete spicas, pro grege terre dapem."

Juvenal (vi. 447) mentions a hog as an offering to this god, to whom

women were not allowed to sacrifice, as appears from that passage.

144. _Genium memorem brevis aevi._] See Epp. i. 7. 94, n.

145. _Fescennina per hunc inventa licentia_] There was a sort of rude

jesting dialogue carried on in extempore verse at these rustic

festivals, full of good-tempered raillery and coarse humor. These were

called 'Fescennina carmina,' as is generally supposed from the town

Fescennia or Fescennium, belonging to the Falisci. From these verses

others took their name, which were more licentious and scurrilous, and

satires got the same name, but the sort of poetry with which it

originated was harmless, as Horace says. Compare Virgil, Georg. ii. 385,

sqq.

152. _quin etiam lex Poenaque lata_] See S. ii. 1. 80, n. 'Lata'

properly belongs to 'lex.' When a penalty was inserted in the 'lex,' it

was 'lex sancta,' as stated in the note just referred to.

154. _Describi;_] This is used in the same sense in S. i. 4. 3: "Si quis

erat dignus describi." 'Fustuarium' was a mode of putting to death by

beating with sticks and stoning, usually, but not only, as the passage

shows, inflicted on soldiers. (See Dict. Antt.)

156. _Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit_] The taking of Syracuse by

Marcellus, B.C. 212, the seventh year of the second Punic War, led to

the introduction into Rome of a taste for Greek art, many fine works

being at that time first made known to the Romans. In B.C. 146, the last

year of the third Punic war, Corinth was taken by Mummius, and Southern

Greece was formed into the Roman province of Achaia. Horace had probably

both these periods in his mind, as well as the conquest of Southern

Italy, in the towns of which were some of the finest works of Grecian

art. The first play copied from the Greek was not exhibited at Rome till

after the first Punic war, which ended in B.C. 241. It was by Livius.

See v. 62, n.

158. _Defluxit numerus Saturnius_] The Saturnian verse, according to

Niebuhr (i. 259, n.), continued in use till about B.C. 100. Horace says

traces of the old rudeness remained in his day, probably in the less

polished 'mimes,' and in the 'Fescennina carmina,' which were not

extinct.

161. _Serus enim_] 'Romanus' must be understood here.

163. _Quid Sophocles et Thespis et Aeschylus_] Thespis is here

introduced as being the reputed founder of Greek tragedy. It is doubtful

whether any of his plays were translated by or known to the Roman

tragedians, of whom Horace has mentioned Livius, Ennius, Nævius,

Pacuvius, and Accius. We know of no others earlier than Accius, the last

of these; and the number of tragedies by these writers, the titles of

which have been preserved, is one hundred and nineteen. As to Thespis,

see A. P. 275, n.

167. _metuitque lituram._] 'But ignorantly thinks an erasure

discreditable, and shuns it.' That is, they were bold enough in their

style, and had the spirit of tragedy in them, but they did not look

sufficiently to the correction and polishing of their language; they

admitted words which were out of taste, and thought too much care in

composition beneath them. This is pretty much what he says of Lucilius

(S. i. 10. 56, sqq.).

168. _arcessit_] See Epp. i. 5. 6, n. 'Ex medio' is from common life.

Horace says comedy is supposed to be very easy, because the matter is

common; but, in fact, it gives more trouble in proportion to the

readiness with which it is criticised and faults are detected and

condemned. The following remarks on the stage grew out of the allusion

to the Greek writers, but they are not closely connected with what is

passed. They are introduced for the purpose of deprecating the excessive

admiration and support bestowed on the drama at the expense of other

poetry (168-213).

170. _Plautus_] It appears that Horace had no great opinion of Plautus,

all whose greatness, he says, lay in the drawing of small parts. Niebuhr

judges otherwise: he calls him one of the greatest poetical geniuses of

antiquity. The language of Plautus would be rough to the ears of Horace,

and his jokes and allusions, drawn principally from the lower orders, or

taken from the Greek and adapted to the common sort of people, did not

interest him.

173. _Quantus sit Dossennus_] This person, who is not mentioned

elsewhere, must have been a comic writer of the day.

174. _percurrat pulpita socco;_] The front part of the stage where the

actors spoke was called 'pulpitum,' by the Greeks λογεῖον. As to

'soccus,' see S. i. 3. 127, n. It was worn by comic actors, as being a

less dignified order of covering for the feet than the 'cothurnus.' A

good representation of it will be found in the Dictionary of

Antiquities. Other shoes worn in comedy were 'baxeae' and 'crepidae,'

for the same reason, each being a loose sort of slipper, and the latter

not materially different from the 'soccus.' Horace means that Dossennus

is careless in the composition of his plays, which he expresses by his

running about the stage with loose slippers. His only care, he says, is

to make money.

177. _ventoso Gloria curru_] See S. i. 6. 23, n.

185. _Si discordet eques,_] See S. i. 10. 76, n.

186. _Aut ursum aut pugiles;_] Augustus himself had a liking for boxers,

as mentioned on Epp. i. 1. 49. The interruptions to the regular drama

which Horace here mentions appear to have been of common occurrence.

Though the acting of plays was in Horace's time carried on in a theatre

(v. 60, n.) erected for this special purpose, it appears the people

insisted sometimes on having a bear-bait or a boxing match there to

amuse them, in spite of the remonstrances of the equites in the front

rows, who, however, Horace says, were themselves taken too much with

processions and shows that appealed more to the eye than to the ear.

187. _Verum equitis_] 'But with the eques, too, all his pleasure was

shifted from the ear to the erring eye and vain delights.' He means that

the eye is easily dazzled and deluded. The ear takes in what it

receives, and conveys it to the mind without error.

189. _aulaea premuntur_] At the back of the stage was the 'scena,' or

wall on which was painted some scene suitable to the performance. Before

this 'scena' was a curtain, which was let down below the stage when the

acting began, and raised when it was over. This curtain was called

'aulaeum.' The raising of the curtain at the end of the play is referred

to in A. P. 154, sq.

191. _regum fortuna_] This is equivalent to 'fortunati reges.' The

expression is like those noticed at S. i. 2. 32; ii. 1. 72.

192. _Esseda festinant,_] The 'essedum' was originally the name of a

British or Gaulish war-chariot, derived from a Celtic root. The name

came to be applied to a travelling carriage on two wheels and drawn by

two horses. The 'pilentum' was a carriage used in processions, and

appears to have been usually of a luxurious kind, with well-stuffed

cushions, and used by women. It was also a travelling carriage. As to

'petorritum,' see S. i. 6. 104, n., and Epp. i. 11. 28, n.

193. _captiva Corinthus._] The taking of Corinth may have been

represented by spoils of Corinthian bronze.

194. _Democritus,_] See Epp. i. 12. 12, n. Democritus had the character

of a laughing philosopher, one who turned things habitually into

ridicule.

196. _Sive elephas albus_] The king of Ava has for one of his many

titles the Lord of the White Elephant; and it has been usual for the

British government, when an elephant of this color was caught in their

territories, to send it with due ceremony as a present to his Majesty.

White elephants are merely _lusus naturae_; they are not a distinct

species, as some have supposed. They have pink eyes, like other albinos,

but do not differ from the brown animal in other respects. They are not

common.

198. _mimo_] See S. i. 10. 6, n.

202. _Garganum mugire putes_] See C. ii. 9. 7.

207. _Lana Tarentino_] The different shades of the purple dye were

obtained by different mixtures of the juice of the 'murex' with that of

the 'purpura,' both of which were shell-fish, found in great abundance

on both coasts of Italy. Those of Baiæ were most celebrated on the west

coast (S. ii. 4. 32), and those of Tarentum on the east. The violet

color was much in fashion at this time, together with the scarlet

peculiar to Tarentum. The Tarentines imitated all the foreign varieties.

But these imitations, whether made from the fish or the 'fucus,' never

came up to the original dyes, and were easily detected. (See Epp. i. 10.

26, n.)

208. _quae facere ipse recusem_] That is, what his nature refuses to do,

what he has no capacity for. Horace denies that he is disposed to

detract from the merits of good dramatic poets; on the contrary, he

considers that he who could succeed in exciting his feelings with

fictitious griefs and fears, and transport him in imagination to distant

places, could do anything he chose to try, dance on a tight rope if he

pleased, in which there is a little jocular irony perhaps. Dancing on

the tight rope was carried, it seems, to great perfection among the

ancients. The Greek name for a rope dancer was σχοινοβάτης, the Latin

'funambulus'; those who exhibited at Rome were usually Greeks.

216. _Curam redde brevem,_] 'Reddere' is 'to pay,' and 'curam redde

brevem' is 'pay a slight, passing attention.' 'Munus Apolline dignum,'

'an offering worthy of Apollo,' means the library mentioned, C. i. 31,

Introduction.

220. _Ut vineta egomet caedam mea,_] The man who damages his own vines

hurts himself more than any one else, and this is the meaning of the

proverb. Horace goes on jocularly to relate many offences of poets

arising out of their want of tact and knowledge of the world.

223. _revolvimus irrevocati;_] The compounds of 'volvo' are used for

reading from the shape of the books rolled up. 'Revolvere' is to read

again. One of the ways that he says authors get themselves into trouble

is by reading over again and again passages they think very fine, but

which their patron has not taken the trouble to ask for again.

225. _deducta poëmata filo;_] See S. i. 10. 44, n.

230. _Aedituos_] This word means the keeper of a temple. Horace says, it

is worth while to see what kind of persons should be intrusted with the

keeping of the fame of Augustus, what poets should be allowed to tell of

it,--and with this subject he concludes.

233. _Choerilus,_] Chœrilus of Iasos was a poet who accompanied

Alexander and wrote verses on his battles. They were very poor,

according to Horace. This poet has been confounded with a native of

Samos, who was in the pay of Xerxes. He is mentioned again, A. P. 357.

'Male natis versibus' means verses made by a poet who was not born such,

seeing that 'poëta nascitur non fit.'

234. _Rettulit acceptos,_] See note on S. ii. 3. 69. 'Philippi' were

gold coins with Philip's head on them, the Macedonian 'stater,' of which

many specimens are in existence. Its value is reckoned at £1 3_s._ 6_d._

of English money. (See Dict. Antt.)

236. _Atramenta,_] Ink was used by the ancients. The Greeks called it

μέλαν, the Romans 'atramentum scriptorium' or 'librarium,' to

distinguish it from shoemaker's dye, also called 'atramentum,' and a

paint which had the same name. See Dictionary of Antiquities. Horace

says it is a common thing for poets to defile great deeds with bad

verses, as the fingers are defiled when they handle ink.

239. _ne quis se praeter Apellen_] Apelles flourished during the latter

half of the fourth century B.C., at the court of Philip and in the camp

of Alexander. This story--that Alexander would not suffer himself to be

painted by any but Apelles--is referred to by Cicero, Pliny, and

Plutarch (Alex. c. 4). His reputation as a painter stood higher than any

other of antiquity.

240. _alius Lysippo_] Lysippus was a younger contemporary of Apelles,

and a native of Sicyon. He wrought almost entirely in bronze. He made

several statues of Alexander, whom he appears, like Apelles, to have

followed into Asia.

244. _Boeotum in crasso_] The dulness and sensuality of the Bœotians

were proverbial. The cause it is not easy to assign. Polybius says it

was unparalleled in Grecian history.

245. _tua de se judicia atque Munera,_] Respecting Virgil and Varius,

see S. i. 5. 40, n. Augustus had an affection for them both, and a

Scholiast says he made each of them a present of a million sesterces.

248. _aënea signa,_] The word 'signum' applies generally to all carved

or cast figures, while 'statua' applies only to full length figures.

251. _Repentes per humum_] This is expressed by 'pedestris.' See C. ii.

12. 9, n.

252. _arces Montibus impositas,_] See C. iv. 14. 12, and 33, n. This

description would especially apply to the conquest of the Cantabri, and

the Illyrian and Alpine tribes.

254. _Auspiciis_] See C. i. 7. 27, n.

255. _Claustraque custodem pacis cohibentia_] That which is commonly

called the Temple of Janus was a passage enclosed between two gates

leading out of the city. A statue of Janus was placed there, and from

this and the two gates the place was called Janus Geminus. It was built,

according to tradition, by Numa (Livy i. 19). The gates were open in war

and closed in peace. Horace's explanation is, that the gates were shut

during peace to prevent its guardian from leaving the city. The first

time the gates were shut during the Republic was B.C. 235. By Augustus

they were closed three times (see C. iv. 15. 9, n.), after the battle of

Actium and taking of Alexandria, A.U.C. 725, and after the Cantabrian

war, A.U.C. 729. The third occasion is not known.

256. _Et formidatam Parthis_] See Epp. i. 12. 27, n.

262. _Discit enim citius_] 'Quis' belongs both to 'discit' and to

'deridet.' Horace says men are more apt to remember what is ridiculous

than that which is good and serious; and therefore it is not pleasant to

have one's name associated with silly verses or an ugly wax image, such

as the admirers of public men might think to honor them with. Busts of

literary and other distinguished men were put up in the public libraries

(see S. i. 4. 21, n.), and were probably multiplied for sale. They were

sometimes made of wax, of which material were made the family busts

preserved in the atria of private houses.

268. _capsa porrectus aperta,_] As to 'capsa,' see the note last

referred to. Horace speaks of being stretched out in an open box as if

he were a corpse being carried on a 'vilis arca' (S. i. 8. 9, n.) to the

common burial ground, that is, to the grocer's shop. 'Vicum' may mean

the 'Vicus Thurarius,' which was a part of the Vicus Tuscus mentioned S.

ii. 3. 228. 'Porrectus' is used commonly for corpses. 'Aperta' keeps up

the notion of a 'sandapila,' or common bier, on which the poor were

carried out to burial. In plain language, Horace says he might expect

his panegyrist's verses to be carried to the grocer (to whom and the

trunk-maker waste paper goes still), and himself to be held up to

ridicule with the author.

EPISTLE II.

This Epistle is addressed to Julius Florus, to whom also the third of

the first Book was written. (See Introduction.) Its professed purpose is

to excuse Horace for not having sent Florus any verses. He says he had

warned him before he went that he should not be able to write, that he

had grown lazy. He reminds him, too, that he had originally only

written verses to bring himself into notice because he was poor, and now

he had not the same stimulus. Besides, he was getting on in years, and

people's tastes were so various, and the noises and engagements of the

town so distracting, and the trouble of giving and receiving compliments

so great, that he had abandoned poetry in disgust. It was better to

study philosophy, in respect to which he reasons with himself through

nearly a hundred lines, the substance of which is that he had better be

content with what he has got by his profession, set to work to purge his

mind, and leave jests and wantonness to younger men.

This Epistle furnishes materials for a considerable part of Horace's

biography, and makes us acquainted with his poetical career in

particular.

It is probable that Florus continued attached to Tiberius, and was with

him when he was campaigning with Augustus some years after the Armenian

expedition, on which they were engaged when the other Epistle was

written.

1. _Flore, bono claroque_] See Introduction; and as to the character of

Tiberius, see Epp. i. 9. 4, n. His name was that of his father, Tiberius

Claudius Nero, till his adoption by Augustus, A.D. 4, when he became

Tiberius Claudius Nero Cæsar.

2. _natum Tibure vel Gabiis,_] That is, 'anywhere you please.' The poets

like to give reality to their illustrations by being specific. This is

Dillenburger's remark. As to Gabii, see Epp. i. 11. 7, n.

5. _nummorum millibus octo,_] 8,000 sesterces, 'nummus' being used as an

equivalent for 'sestertius.' This sum was about 65_l._ sterling. Much

larger sums were given for handsome slaves, and this boy's

accomplishments, if they were real, would make him worth a good price.

There would be reason, therefore, to suspect, in such a case, that the

owner was anxious to get rid of him. See S. ii. 7. 42, n.

7. _Litterulis Graecis_] The 'literati' were a separate class in the

slave family, and were subdivided into 'anagnostae' or 'lectores' (who

read to their masters, chiefly at their meals, or, if their masters were

authors, they read their productions aloud for the benefit of the

guests), and 'librarii' or 'scribae,' used for writing from dictation,

taking care of the library, keeping accounts, etc., and hence called

pueri or servi 'a studiis,' 'ab epistolis,' 'a bibliotheca,' 'notarii,'

etc. There were also architects, sculptors, painters, engravers, and

other artists, who all came under the same general head of 'literati.'

The boy in this place might also be put among the 'cantores' or

'symphoniaci,' the choir or band who sang and played to their master at

meals. In short, he was fit for any of the above employments, according

to his owner's estimate; which he professes to put in a modest way, for

fear he should seem to be puffing his property, and so depreciate its

value. The diminutive 'litterulis' is used with this design.

12. _meo sum pauper in aere._] 'Aes alienum' is used for a debt, and

'aes proprium,' 'suum,' etc. is therefore money not borrowed. The man

here says he is not rich, but what he has is his own. "I am poor, (but

live) on my own means."

13. _Nemo hoc mangonum faceret tibi;_] He professes to deal as a friend.

The 'mangones' were slave-dealers, a class in no favor, but often very

rich. The name is derived from the Greek μάγγανον, μαγγανεύω, to juggle,

cheat. They were distinguished from 'mercatores,' being called

'venaliciarii,' 'venales' signifying slaves. The way of 'raising' slaves

for the market and selling them differed but little from the practice in

modern times.

14. _Semel hic cessavit_] He once was behind his time, and hid himself

under or on the staircase for fear of a flogging. 'Cessator' and 'erro'

were synonymous words. (See S. ii. 7. 100, 113, n.) The stairs may have

been dark sometimes, and, as in most houses the principal accommodation

was on the ground floor, it is probable that so much regard was not had

to the lighting of the staircase as we pay now. It appears a whip was

hung up in some conspicuous place.

17. _poenae securus,_] Among the faults the seller of a slave was bound

to tell was running away. See S. ii. 3. 285.

21. _ne mea saevus Jurgares_] 'Mea' belongs to 'epistola'. 'Jurgo' is

intransitive. 'Do not be cruel, and complain because I sent you no

letter in reply'. Florus had written, probably, more than once,

expostulating with him on his silence, and had got no answer.

24. _Si tamen attentas?_] 'Attentare' is to attack, or attempt to

overthrow. 'Mecum facientia' means that they are on his side.

_super hoc_] It is doubtful whether this means 'besides this,' as in S.

ii. 6. 3, "Et paulum silvae super his" (see note), or 'about this,' as

"Pallescet super his" (A. P. 429). Orelli takes it the former way.

25. _non mittam carmina_] 'Carmina' means lyric verses, which Florus

seems to have asked for.

26. _Luculli miles collecta viatica_] As to Lucullus, see Epp. i. 6. 40,

n. Whatever groundwork of truth there may be in this story, Horace has

evidently altered it to suit his purpose. 'Viatica' would include money

as well as baggage. Cicero uses the word metaphorically for money (Cat.

Maj. c. 18): "Avaritia senilis quid sibi velit non intelligo. Potest

enim quidpiam esse absurdius quam quo minus viae restat eo plus viatici

quaerere?"

30. _Praesidium regale_] This would be a fortress in which Mithridates

kept some part of his treasures.

33. _bis dena super sestertia_] The 'sestertium' (1,000 sestertii) was a

sum equal to about 8_l._ 17_s._ of English money, twenty of which

(166_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._) would not be a large sum for an officer of rank.

But he must be supposed, from his exploits, to have held some command.

34. _Forte sub hoc tempus_] 'Soon after this time' (see Epod. 2. 44, n.

in respect to 'sub' with an accusative in phrases of time). Lucullus had

the title of 'proconsul' of Cilicia. But he is here called 'praetor'. He

had been 'praetor urbanus,' but went into Asia at the expiration of his

consulship, and therefore with the title of 'proconsul.' A 'praetor'

taking a province went with the title of 'propraetor,' as Brutus did

into Macedonia. (See S. i. 7. 18.)

40. _qui zonam perdidit,_] The Romans wore a girdle when walking or

actively occupied, to hold up the end of their tunic. Hence the

expressions 'praecinctus,' 'succinctus,' for those who were hastening or

engaged in active work. (See S. i. 5. 6, n.) In this girdle ('zona' or

'cingulum') they often carried their money. Hence 'zona' came to be used

generally for a purse. The more common word 'crumena' was a bag,

generally of leather, hung on the arm or round the neck, or sometimes

perhaps to the 'zona.'

42. _Iratus Graiis_] See Epp. i. 2. 2, n.

43. _Adjecere bonae_] The knowledge acquired at Athens was not only

philosophy in all its branches, but Greek literature, with which Horace

became familiar, especially with the lyric poets, whose works were

probably never taught in the schools at Rome. But he here only refers to

his dialectical studies, which he pursued in the school of the Academy,

the head of which at this time was Theomnestus, whose lectures Brutus

attended (Plut. Brut. c. 24). Academus was an Attic hero, and there was

a spot of ground about three quarters of a mile from the city, on the

banks of the Cephisus, which was dedicated to him and planted with

olives, and called after his name, Academia. Here Plato taught, and

hence his school was named.

44. _curvo dignoscere rectum,_] 'Curvum' is used here like 'pravum,' for

'falsehood.'

48. _non responsura lacertis._] Not destined to match the strength of

Augustus. (See S. ii. 7. 85, n.) In the first engagement at Philippi

(A.U.C. 712), Brutus defeated the forces of Augustus, and got possession

of his camp, while M. Antonius on the other hand defeated Cassius, who

destroyed himself. But twenty days afterwards a second engagement went

against Brutus, and he likewise put an end to himself. Brutus attached

to his cause the young Romans studying at Athens, and the battles and

wanderings he led them through are related by Plutarch in his Life (c.

24, sqq.).

51. _Et laris et fundi,_] 'Laris' is equivalent to 'domus'. As to the

difference between 'domus' and 'fundus,' see S. ii. 5. 108, n. Horace's

patrimony was forfeited because he was of the republican party. He says

nothing of the scribe's place which Suetonius says he bought (with what

means does not appear), nor does he mention how he got his pardon and

permission to return to Rome. He only says he was driven by poverty to

write verses, which therefore he first wrote for fame, that is, to bring

himself into the notice of those who were able to relieve his wants, as

Mæcenas did. It is impossible to tell what he wrote at first. It is

probable that he suppressed much of his early poetry.

53. _Quae poterunt unquam_] The 'cicuta,' κώνειον, hemlock, was used as

an antifebrile medicine. Horace asks what amount of 'cicuta' would be

sufficient to cool his veins, if he were so feverishly bent upon writing

as to do so when he could live without it.

60. _Ille Bioneis sermonibus_] Bion was born on the Borysthenes, and was

hence called Borysthenites. He flourished about the middle of the third

century B.C. He studied philosophy at Athens, and, after passing through

various sects, became at last a Peripatetic. It is said he wrote certain

books on the follies of mankind of a very bitter character. As 'sal' is

put for wit (S. i. 10. 3), 'sale nigro' means coarse wit.

61. _Tres mihi convivae_] He treats his friends, all asking him for

different sorts of verse, as guests at a dinner each liking different

fare, so that he does not know what to give them.

67. _Hic sponsum vocat,_] This is a repetition of S. ii. 6. 23.

68. _cubat hic in colle Quirini,_] As to 'cubat' see S. i. 9. 18, n.

Mons Quirinalis was in the sixth, or most northern division of the city;

Mons Aventinus, in the opposite quarter, the thirteenth region.

70. _Intervalla vides humane commoda._] 'A pretty convenient distance,

you see.' 'Humane' is not used in this ironical way elsewhere.

71. _Purae sunt plateae,_] This is a supposed answer, the rejoinder to

which is in v. 72. 'Platea' is a less general name than 'vicus.' It

applies only to the broader streets. The word, being derived from the

Greek πλατεῖα, would properly have its penult long. It suits Horace to

shorten it. As to the obstructions in the streets of Rome, the best of

which were but narrow, see Epp. i. 6. 51, n. 'Purae' means unobstructed.

72. _redemptor,_] See C. ii. 18. 18, n.; iii. 1. 35, n. 'Calidus' only

strengthens 'festinat,' he is in hot haste: the substantives are in the

ablative, 'cum' being omitted.

73. _machina_] Probably a pulley raising a large stone or beam for the

upper part of a building, and swinging it over the heads of the

passengers. As to 'funera,' see S. i. 6. 43, n.

77. _amat nemus_] See C. i. 1. 30, n. Compare Juvenal (vii. 53, sqq.).

80. _contracta sequi vestigia_] 'To follow the confined steps of the

poets,' by which he means that the poets walk in a path narrowed by

fixed rules; and that it requires thought and diligence to tread in

their steps.

81. _vacuas desumpsit Athenas,_] See Epp. i. 7. 45, n. for 'vacuas.'

Horace says the man who has retired to study, as he had done at Athens,

and has shut himself up for several years, and got dull over his books

and his meditations, cannot open his lips when he gets to Rome, and is

only laughed at by the people for his sobriety. This is an odd defence

for one who had written so much as he had done at Rome. It is meant for

a joke. 'Septem annis' is not to be taken literally, as if Horace had

been seven years at Athens, which is very improbable, but for any

considerable number. He was only twenty-two when he joined Brutus,

A.U.C. 711.

87. _Frater erat Romae_] Who these brothers were Horace does not tell

us, and it does not matter. One was a jurisconsultus (see S. i. 1. 9,

n.), and the other a teacher of rhetoric. The lawyer said the

rhetorician was a perfect Gracchus for eloquence, and he returned the

compliment by declaring that his brother was a second Scævola for legal

learning. And this sort of mutual flattery goes on, Horace says, among

poets, and he cannot keep pace with their passion for praise. Tiberius

Gracchus and his brother Caius were both, in Cicero's opinion, great

orators. We need not therefore attempt to decide which Horace means us

to understand here. Q. Mucius Scævola the augur, son-in-law of C.

Lælius, and an early instructor of Cicero (Lael. c. 1), was learned in

the law; but his namesake and younger contemporary, the Pontifex Maximus

(mentioned in the same treatise), was more celebrated still. This name,

therefore, like that of Gracchus for oratory, stands for a consummate

jurist.

88. _meros audiret honores,_] Compare Epp. i. 7. 84, "vineta crepat

mera."

90. _argutos_] Compare iv. 6. 25: "Doctor argutae fidicen Thaliae." It

means melodious, and is a sort of mock compliment.

92. _Caelatumque novem Musis opus_] It is likened to a perfect piece of

carved work, in which all the Muses had a hand.

93. _quanto molimine_] This expresses the pompous strut with which they

pass the library of Apollo, in which they take it for granted a place is

reserved for them. As to 'aedem,' see S. i. 10. 38.

95. _procul_] This word signifies any distance, great or small. Here it

means hard by, as in S. ii. 6. 105; Epp. i. 7. 'Quid ferat' means what

each has to say.

97. _Caedimur et totidem plagis_] They carry on such a contest of mutual

flattery, that they are like two gladiators, each trying to get the

better of the other. 'Samnites' were a particular class of gladiators,

so called because they wore the same arms as that people, particularly

an oblong shield. See S. ii. 6. 44, n. 'Ad lumina prima' would be

usually till the second course, when the lights were brought in. Among

the amusements that rich men had at their dinners were gladiators who

fought with blunt weapons; and here the contest is said to be protracted

('lento') till the lights came in. It was a long trial of skill.

99. _puncto illius;_] In his judgment or by his vote. When an election

took place, there were certain persons called 'custodes' appointed to

take the votes and prick off the number given for each candidate. From

this process votes came to be called 'puncta.' See A. P. 343, n.

101. _Fit Mimnermus_] See Epp. i. 6. 65, n. Horace seems to think him

superior to Callimachus, who was a grammarian and voluminous

prose-writer as well as a poet, a native of Cyrene, and established at

Alexandria in the reigns of the Ptolemies, Philadelphus and Euergetes,

in the third century B.C. 'Optivo,' signifying 'desired,' does not occur

elsewhere.

105. _impune legentibus_] He says, when he has done writing and

recovered his senses (which was the same thing), he should stop his

ears, and they might recite without fear of reprisals. See Epp. i. 19.

39.

113. _Verba movere loco,_] The notion of the censor is kept up. See note

on S. i. 6. 20.

114. _Et versentur adhuc_] This is a way of saying that the verses,

though they may be expunged, still are kept in the author's desk,

because he has a regard for them, and cannot make up his mind to destroy

them. The sanctuary of Vesta could only be entered by her own

priestesses, and Horace calls his desk 'penetralia Vestae' because it

was private.

116. _speciosa vocabula rerum,_] 'Expressive terms'; words which make

themselves intelligible at once. So in A. P. 319 a play is said to be

'speciosa locis,' that is, 'plain in its points,' its commonplaces or

sentiments clearly put.

117. _Catonibus atque Cethegis_] As to the use of the plural number, see

note on S. i. 7. 8. M. Porcius Cato Censorius was born about B.C. 234,

and was therefore contemporary with Ennius, with whom he is associated,

A. P. 56, as successfully importing new words into the language.

Fragments remain of his treatise De Re Rustica, embracing a variety of

instructions on husbandry and subjects connected with domestic economy;

and of his Origines, an account of the early history of Italy. There are

also fragments of his orations, which Cicero appears to have studied

(Brutus, c. 17). He had the highest opinion of Cato, and complains that

he was not studied enough even in his day. M. Cornelius Cethegus was

older than Cato, since he was curule ædile when Cato was no more than

twenty. His eloquence was such that Ennius called Cethegus "Suadae

medulla, orator suaviloquenti ore." (Cic. Brut. c. 15; Cat. Maj. c. 14;

see Epp. i. 6. 36, n.) But it does not appear that any of his orations

were extant in Cicero's time, for he only mentions them on the authority

of Ennius, who had heard him speak. His reputation was sufficient at the

time Horace wrote, for him to name him twice as an authority on the

language (see A. P. 50, n.).

119. _quae genitor produxerit usus._] 'Usus' is 'custom,' which has

always been the parent of novelties in language. Compare A. P. 70, sqq.

120. _Vehemens_] The first two syllables are pronounced as one. Compare

S. i. 5. 67.

123. _virtute carentia tollet,_] 'He will remove what lacks merit.' He

will work hard to produce a result which shall appear playful and easy,

the turns being as easy as those of the 'mimus,' who dances either the

light measure of the nimble Satyr, or the clumsy dance of the Cyclops

(on which see S. i. 5. 63, n.). The poet's art is to conceal his art,

and to make that appear easy which has cost him a good deal of trouble.

126. _Praetulerim scriptor_] This is supposed to be the remark of one

who would be a poet without the necessary trouble. He would rather be

pleased with his own bad verses, even though he might be deceiving

himself, than be so learned and be perpetually vexed with himself.

'Ringi' is properly applied to the grinning of a dog when it snarls.

128. _Fuit haud iqnobilis Argis,_] Sir Henry Halford furnishes a

parallel story (Essays, p. 61): "One case, that of the gentleman of

Argos, whose delusion led him to suppose that he was attending the

representation of a play, as he sat in his bedchamber, is so exact, that

I saw a person of exalted rank (George III.) under those very

circumstances of delusion, and heard him call upon Mr. Garrick to exert

himself in the performance of Hamlet."

131. _Caetera qui vitae servaret_] "Though he observed all the other

duties of life."

134. _Et signo laeso_] The 'amphorae' or 'lagenae' were sealed with the

owner's seal when they were filled. Horace says that the man was not one

who would get furious if he found the slaves had opened a 'lagena,' and

drunk the contents. See C. iii. 8. 11. 12.

135. _puteum vitare patentem._] Wells were usually surrounded with a

wall ('puteal') two or three feet high. See Dict. Antt.

136. _cognatorum opibus_] See S. ii. 3. 217, n., and as to 'elleborum,'

see v. 83 of that Satire. 'Meracus' is generally applied only to wine.

141. _Nimirum sapere est_] See Introduction.

158. _quod quis libra mercatur et aere,_] There was a mode of sale which

was called 'per aes et libram.' A third person held a pair of scales

('libra'), which the purchaser touched with a piece of money, at the

same time laying his hand on the thing purchased. According to a set

form of words he claimed the thing as his own, and handed the money to

the seller as a token of the sum agreed upon. This form of purchase was

called 'mancipatio.' The seller was said 'mancipio dare' (to which

'mancipare' in this place is equivalent), and the purchaser was said

'mancipio accipere.' A man might become owner of 'res mancipii' by

having been in possession for a certain time, as much as if he had

received it by 'mancipatio.' Hence 'usus' is said 'mancipare,' because

the effect is the same whether a man got his ownership by 'usus,' that

is, possession, or by 'mancipatio.' 'Usus' here means that sort of

possession which consists in the enjoyment of the fruits by paying for

them. Before 'quaedam,' 'si' must be supplied again.

160. _villicus Orbi,_] Who is meant by Orbius, if anybody, it is

impossible to say. He had landed property and sold the produce. As to

'villicus,' see Epp. 1. 14. 1, n.

163. _cadum temeti:_] 'Temetum' is an old word signifying 'wine.' See

Forcell.

164. _trecentis--nummorum millibus_] 'Three hundred sestertia.' Taking

the value of the 'sestertium' at 8_l._ 17_s._ 1_d._, this sum would be

2,656_l._ 5_s._ of English money.

167. _Emptor Aricini quondam_] 'Emptor quondam,' as Orelli says, is

equivalent to 'is qui quondam emit,' 'he who buys at any time.' As to

Aricia, see S. i. 5. 1, n. The old Veii had long ceased to exist. It had

been replaced (whether on the same site or not is uncertain) by a new

city, which again fell into ruin in the civil wars. Julius Cæsar divided

its lands among his soldiers. It appears, however, that Augustus

restored it, and made it a municipium.

170. _qua populus adsita certis Limitibus_] 'Usque' in this verse is an

adverb of place, not of time. It means 'all the way up to where the

poplar stands.' There were many different kinds of private boundaries,

as, for instance, a stone or an image of the god Terminus, with a tree

or a clump planted near it, such as Horace alludes to. A ditch or a

hedge, a stream or path, and many other marks, were sufficient to define

the limits of property, and prevent neighbors from quarrelling ('vicina

refugit jurgia').

177. _Quid vici prosunt_] 'Vicus' is used for any collection of houses.

'Vicus urbanus' was a street in the city; 'vicus rusticus,' a village.

Here it appears to mean a villa with the adjoining cottages.

_Calabris Saltibus adjecti Lucani,_] 'Saltus' expresses 'pastures,'

wooded or otherwise, on hills or in valleys and plains. Those of

Calabria were low and without wood; those of Lucania were among the

hills. See Epod. 1. 27, n.

180. _Tyrrhena sigilla,_] Small images of the gods, of Etrurian

workmanship, in bronze.

181. _Gaetulo murice_] See C. ii. 16. 35, n.

182. _Sunt qui non habeant,_] See C. i. 1. 3, n.

184. _Herodis palmetis pinguibus,_] Herod the Great derived a large

revenue from the woods of palm which abounded in Judæa. They were most

thickly planted about Jericho and on the banks of the Jordan. The

date-palm is that which most abounded there.

187. _Scit Genius_] See Epp. 1. 7. 94, n. 'Albus et ater' signifies

'cheerful and gloomy.'

192. _Quod non plura datis_] 'Because he finds that I have not left him

more'; lit. 'because he finds not more than what I have left him'; in

short, he gets less than he expected.

193. _simplex hilarisque_] 'A guileless cheerful man,' and so liberal.

He says he is anxious to learn the difference between such a one and a

prodigal, and between the thrifty and covetous, and of course to act the

part of the former of the two in either case. 'Plura' means 'more than

enough.'

197. _festis Quinquatribus olim,_] The Quinquatria was a festival in

honor of Minerva, held on the 19th of March and four following days.

Boys had holidays during this festival, that they might pay their

devotions to Minerva, the goddess of learning.

199. _domus_] This word is omitted, and an imperfect verse given in some

MSS. It has no meaning here. The best MSS. vary, and the commentators

seem agreed to give it up without being able to find out what Horace

really wrote. (See note on C. iv. 6. 17.)

205. _Non es avarus: abi;_] 'You are no miser: go to; what, do all your

faults vanish with that?' See Forcell. for a variety of uses of 'abi.'

209. _Nocturnos lemures_] The belief in ghosts was as common with the

ancients as with the superstitious among ourselves. The spirits of the

dead were worshipped as Manes, Lares, Lemures, and Larvæ. Under the two

former names were recognized the spirits of the good (see Epp. ii. 1.

138, n.); the other two represented cruel spirits coming up to terrify

and torment the living. The Thessalians had the credit of extraordinary

power in magic and drugs. (See C. i. 27. 21; Epod. 5. 45.)

210. _Natales grate numeras?_] 'Are you happy when you count up your

birthdays?' that is, 'Are you content to see yourself advancing in life

and drawing near the end of it?' As to 'natales,' see S. ii. 2. 60, n.;

C. iv. 11. 8, n.

213. _decede peritis._] 'If you do not know how to live properly, go off

the stage and give place to those that do.'

216. _lasciva decentius aetas._] 'A time of life which may be wanton

with less indecency'; that is, youth, to which it is more natural.

THE ART OF POETRY.

There are no internal evidences, at all fit to be trusted, of the time

when this poem was written, or of the persons to whom it is addressed.

They are three in number, a father and two sons.

The poem professes to contain a history of the progress of poetry, and

rules for composition, with criticisms of different authors and

different styles. The rules are miscellaneous, and have little or no

method, and the history is more fanciful than real. It is impossible to

look upon it as a finished poem.

1. _Humano capiti_] The picture supposed is monstrous enough; a woman's

head and a fish's tail, with a horse's neck, limbs from all manner of

beasts, and feathers from all sorts of birds. This portentous medley

(invented of course by himself, for we are not bound to suppose he had

ever seen a pictorial monster of this kind), Horace considered a good

illustration of some of the poetry of his day, in which figures and

images were thrown together without order or purpose.

9. _Pictoribus atque poëtis_] This is a supposed reply, that painters

and poets have always been privileged people, which Horace admits, but

within certain limits. They must not outrage common sense, not should

they patch their verses with images which, however pretty, have nothing

to do with the matter in hand.

18. _flumen Rhenum_] This is the same form as "Metaurum flumen" (C. iv.

4. 38).

19. _fortasse cupressum Scis simulare:_] The Scholiasts all agree in

saying this refers to a Greek proverb, μή τι καὶ κυπαρίσσου θέλεις; the

origin of which was an answer given by a bad painter to a shipwrecked

sailor, who asked him for a picture of his wreck (see C. i. 5. 13, n.).

The man considered himself clever at drawing a cypress, and asked the

sailor if he should introduce him one in his picture.

21. _Amphora coepit Institui;_] Of the 'amphora,' 'diota,' 'cadus,'

'testa,' 'lagena,' (all which names represent the same kind of vessel

for keeping wine, oil, honey, &c.,) drawings will be found in the

Dictionary of Antiquities. It was usually of clay, but sometimes of

glass. 'Urceus' was the name for a jug of earthenware or glass, of which

specimens of many different shapes have been found at Pompeii. As to the

'rota figularis' and other matters connected with the art of poetry as

practised by the ancients, all necessary information will be found in

the Dictionary of Antiquities.

24. _pater et juvenes patre digni,_] See Introduction. Horace passes on

to say that there are those who are led into error by some standard of

correctness that they have set themselves, some rule to which they

adhere at all costs. One man thinks brevity the right thing, another

smoothness of versification, another grandiloquence, another caution,

another vanity, and to avoid the opposites of these they run into the

excess of them.

29. _Prodigialiter_] 'Monstrously.' This belongs to 'variare.'

32. _Aemilium circa ludum_] This illustrates the case of those who can

invent details, but cannot compose an entire poem. The 'Aemilius ludus,'

near which this artist lived, is said to have been a gladiator's school,

built by Æmilius Lepidus, but by which of those who bore that name is

unknown. There were many celebrated persons so called. 'Unus' means

'singular,' surpassing all others, which sense it bears in S. i. 10. 42;

ii. 3. 24; 6. 57 (where see note).

38. _Sumite materiam_] The next consideration is the choice of a

subject, which should be well weighed with reference to the powers of

the writer ('potenter,' κατὰ δύναμιν, v. 40).

42. _Ordinis haec virtus_] Having said that, if a man chooses his

subject well, he will be at no loss to arrange his poem, Horace proceeds

to explain what arrangement consists in, which is, saying everything in

its right place and time.

45. _promissi carminis_] A poem he is known to have in hand, and which

the public are expecting.

46. _tenuis cautusque serendis,_] 'Judicious and careful in planting his

words.' 'Tenuis' signifies a nice discernment. The use of words is the

next point noticed,--skill in giving by its connection new force to an

old word, or in the introduction of new terms sometimes borrowed from

the Greek, for the fashion of words is conventional and liable to

change.

49. _Indiciis_] This means words, as being the signs by which things are

made known. As to 'abdita rerum,' see C. iv. 12. 19, n.

50. _Cethegis_] See Epp. ii. 2. 117, n. 'Cinctutus' means one that is

only girt about the lower part of his body, having the arms free from

the encumbrance of the tunic-sleeves. The use of the tunic by the

Romans was introduced, with other indulgences, from Greece and the Greek

colonies, the ancients having worn only the toga.

54. _Caecilio Plautoque_] See Epp. ii. 1. 59. 170. As to 'Romanus,' see

C. iii. 6. 2, n. 'Virgilio Varioque,' S. i. 5. 40, n. 'Catonis et Enni,'

Epp. ii. 2. 117, n.

55. _Ego cur_] The words which Horace appears to have used for the first

time have been observed in the course of these notes. Those which do not

appear in any other author are mentioned on C. iii. 11. 10. The

construction he here employs is unusual, and so illustrates what he is

saying. 'Ego invideor' should, according to usage, be 'mihi invidetur,'

as 'ego imperor' should be 'mihi imperatur' (Epp. i. 5. 21, where see

note).

59. _Signatum praesente nota producere_] To give currency to a word

stamped with a modern mark, a metaphor taken from the coinage of the

mint, respecting which see Dict. Antt., art. 'Moneta.'

60. _Ut silvae foliis_] 'As woods in respect of their leaves at the

close of the year are changed, yea they are the first to fall.' There is

a little irregularity in the construction, but the meaning is clear.

63. _Debemur morti nos nostraque;_] Horace probably remembered very well

the verses of Simonides:

χαίρει τις Θεόδωρος ἐπεὶ θάνεν· ἄλλος ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ

χαιρήσει· θανάτῳ πάντες ὀφειλόμεθα.

_receptus Terra Neptunus_] The 'lacus Lucrinus' was separated from the

bay of Baiæ by a narrow causeway, the construction of which tradition

attributed to Hercules. Beyond the Lucrinus lay the Avernus lacus (lago

d'Averno), a basin without any outlet, about a mile and a half in

circumference, and fed by streams from Mons Gaurus (Monte Barbaro). The

space between the two lakes was covered with wood. In the war with

Sextus Pompeius, B.C. 37, Augustus, advised by Agrippa, to whom he had

entrusted the task of reforming his fleet, opened a communication

between the lakes, and between lacus Avernus and the sea, whereby he

made a harbor in which he was able to practise his ships. This he called

'portus Julius.' This is the work Virgil alludes to (Georg. ii. 161).

The basin of the Lucrine lake has been filled up by the rising of a

volcanic hill (Monte Nuovo), and is now a swamp.

65. _Regis opus,_] This (like 'regiae moles,' C. ii. 15. 1) means a work

worthy of a king.

_Sterilisve diu palus_] What work Horace here alludes to is very

doubtful. The Scholiasts say that Augustus drained the Pomptine marshes.

That Julius Cæsar contemplated such a work we learn from Suetonius

(Caes. 44), and Plutarch (Caes. 58). That Augustus may have contemplated

it likewise, and made the canal mentioned on S. i. 5. 7, while that

design was in his mind, is possible. The canal extended from Forum Appii

to Terracina, which is said to have been the length of the marshes at

that time. Horace appears to be speculating upon a work which, though

often attempted, has never succeeded.

67. _Seu cursum mutavit_] Suetonius tells us that Augustus, to put an

end to the inundations of the Tiber, cleared out its bed, which had got

filled with rubbish. To some such work as this Horace probably refers,

in language a little exaggerated.

68. _Doctus iter melius,_] So it is said of the river in Epp. i. 14. 29:

"rivus si decidit imber Multa mole docendus aprico parcere prato."

69. _Nedum sermonum stet honos_] This construction is explained by

supposing the verb 'existumes' understood for the sake of brevity.

'Nedum' is 'not for a moment' or 'not ever so little.'

71. _si volet usus,_] See Epp. ii. 2. 119, n. Horace uses the words in

the next verse without reference to their technical distinction.

'Arbitrium' was the judgment of an arbitrator, as 'judicium' was that of

a judex. 'Jus,' in one of its senses, was a rule of law (Epp. i. 16.

41). 'Norma,' a carpenter's or mason's square. The deciding, ordering,

and shaping of words is all that Horace means.

73. _Res gestae_] Here Horace begins a sort of history of different

kinds of poetry, which is dropped at v. 85, and taken up again at v.

202.

75. _Versibus impariter junctis querimonia_] 'Impariter' is not used

elsewhere. What Horace here calls 'querimonia' is ἐλεγεία θρηνητική,

mourning for the dead. The earliest writers of elegy were Callinus of

Ephesus, Tyrtæus of Attica, Archilochus of Paros, and Asius of Samos,

all in the seventh century B.C. It was therefore of Ionian origin,

whichever of these poets first employed it. That question, which was not

settled in Horace's day, is not likely to be settled now.

78. _Grammatici certant_] See Epp. i. 19. 40, n.

79. _Archilocum proprio rabies_] See Epp. i. 19. 23, n.; Epod. vi. 13.

The principal Iambic writers who followed Archilochus were Simonides of

Amorgus, a younger contemporary of Solon, and Hipponax of Ephesus (B.C.

540).

80. _Hunc socci cepere pedem_] In respect to 'soccus' and 'cothurnus,'

as the characteristics of comedy and tragedy, see Epp. ii. 1. 174, n.

The metre most used in the dialogue of the earliest Greek tragedies was

the trochaic tetrameter, which metre is used in many passages of the

Persae of Æschylus. But the iambic trimeter appears to have been used by

Phrynicus.

81. _Alternis aptum sermonibus_] By 'alternis sermonibus' Horace means

dialogue generally; not those dialogues in which verse answers to verse,

στιχομυθία.

82. _Vincentem strepitus_] When he says that the iambic overcomes the

noise of the theatre, it may be that he refers to the clear intonation

which that metre admits of, or to its engaging the popular attention

from its adaptation to the understandings of all.

_Natum rebus agendis_] This means, that the metre suits the language of

action.

83. _Musa dedit fidibus_] As to 'fidibus,' see C. iii. 11. 3. Though the

flute ('tibia') came very early into use as an accompaniment to lyric

poetry, it has always retained the name it originally derived from the

lyre. The description of Horace includes the choral lyric of the Doric

school, and the poetry of the Æolic school. The former was adapted to a

choir, the latter only to a single voice. The former was so called,

because it was cultivated by the Dorians of the Peloponnesus and Sicily;

the latter flourished among the Æolians of Asia Minor, and particularly

in the island of Lesbos. The one celebrated gods and heroes or renowned

citizens, and was used at public festivals or at marriages and funerals;

the other expressed individual thoughts and feelings. Alcæus and Sappho

are the chief representatives of the latter school, of the former,

Alcman and Stesichorus, Ibycus, Simonides, Bacchylides, and Pindar.

Stesichorus and Ibycus were most celebrated for their poems on

mythological subjects ('divos puerosque deorum'), while Simonides and

Pindar were the greatest in ἐπινίκια, hymns in honor of the victors at

public games ('et pugilem victorem et equum certamine primum'), and the

poets of wine and passion ('juvenum curas et libera vina') were Alcæus,

Sappho, Simonides, and Bacchylides. Horace does not mention one class of

lyric poems, the threnes or dirges for the dead, of which Simonides was

the greatest master.

As to 'libra vina,' see S. i. 4. 87, n.

86. _Discriptas servare vices_] He passes on to style (having alluded to

various sorts of poetry), and says a man cannot be called a poet unless

he can observe the characteristics of each style. This question involves

the language, the characters, the plot, and the subjects handled. But

the drama is the sort of poetry chiefly noticed henceforward. 'Vices'

are the parts (S. i. 10. 12, 'defendente vicem'), and with 'discriptas'

it means the parts assigned to each class of poetry. 'Operum colores,'

'the coloring of poems.'

88. _pudens prave_] 'Through a false shame,' 'pudor malus' (Epp. i. 16.

24).

90. _privatis_] 'The language of common daily life.'

91. _coena Thaestae_] See C. i. 6. 8, n.

94. _Iratusque Chremes_] 'Chremes' is put generally for any father in a

comedy. The intensive compound of 'litigo' does not occur elsewhere. As

to 'plerumque,' in the sense of 'interdum,' see S. ii. 5. 55, n., and on

'pedestri,' see C. ii. 12. 9, n.

96. _Telephus et Peleus,_] These persons were the subjects of many

tragedies. Each of the three tragedians wrote upon them, and fragments

of their plays are extant. Telephus's abject condition, when he went to

seek for one to cure him of his wound (see Epod. xvii. 8, n.), and

Peleus, driven from Ægina, and wandering in quest of a purifier for the

murder of his brother Phocus, appear to have been the points in the

history of these persons chiefly dwelt upon. As to 'ampullas,' see Epp.

i. 3. 14, n. 'Sesquipedalia' ('pes semisque'), 'a foot and a half long.'

99. _Non satis, est pulchra esse_] 'Pulchra,' as opposed to 'dulcia,'

describes that sort of faultless beauty which fails to make an

impression on the feelings. Of the accidental rhyme that occurs in these

two verses, Orelli has collected several parallel instances from Virgil

and Homer.

104. _male si mandata loqueris_] 'Male' belongs to 'mandata': 'words

improperly assigned you,' that is, not suited to your character (see v.

177).

105. _Tristia maestum_] Horace says there is a voice of nature within us

which adapts itself to every phase of our fortunes, and speaks out in

language expressing the emotions that belong to each.

113. _equites peditesque_] This is a comprehensive way of expressing all

the citizens of Rome, with reference to their division by Servius

Tullius (Livy i. 43). When the census was completed, the king issued a

proclamation, "Ut omnes cives Romani equites peditesque in suis quisque

centuriis in Campo Martio prima luce adessent."

114. _divusne loquatur an heros,_] The Scholiasts are divided between

'divus' and 'Davus'; the MSS. are also at variance. 'Deus' and 'heros'

are brought together below (v. 227): "Ne quicunque deus, quicunque

adhibebitur heros."

116. _matrona potens_] This epithet seems to have the same meaning as

its kindred word πότνια, so common in Homer and the Tragedians. The

officious nurse has always been a favorite character on the stage. We

find it in Æschylus (Choëphoroe), in Sophocles (Trachiniae), and

Euripides (Hippolytus). An ἔμπορος ('mercator') is introduced in the

Philoctetes of Sophocles, and the prologue of the Electra (Euripides) is

spoken by an αὐτουργός ('cultor agelli').

118. _Colchus an Assyrius,_] The Colchian may be put perhaps for any of

the barbarous tribes on the shores of the Euxine, and the Assyrian for

any of the Eastern nations. (See C. i. 2. 21, n., and C. ii. 11. 16, n.)

The opposition between Thebes and Argos has reference partly perhaps to

the play of Æschylus, Sept. c. Thebas, in which Polynices comes with an

Argive army to get possession of the crown of Thebes, or to the

Supplices of Euripides, which turns on the burial of the seven leaders

who formed that expedition. But Horace may have had in mind many other

plays of which the scene lay either at Argos or Thebes, in connection

with Œdipus, the quarrel of his sons, the expedition of the Epigoni,

etc.

119. _Aut famam sequere_] 'Either you should follow tradition and

common belief, or at least, if you invent, your inventions should be

consistent with themselves.'

120. _Scriptor honoratum si forte reponis_] 'Honoratus' is only an

ornamental epithet, corresponding to Homer's κλυτός, etc. 'Reponis'

means 'put upon the stage again'. The word is used in a different sense,

v. 190: "Fabula, quae posci vult et spectata reponi."

122. _nihil non arroget armis._] 'Let him claim everything for arms,'

that is, let him make arms his one appeal.

123. _flebilis Ino,_] There are several fragments remaining of a play by

Euripides bearing the name of Ino, the daughter of Cadmus, and wife of

Athamas, who threw herself into the sea with her son Melicerta, and went

through various sorrows through the wrath of Here, and the rivalry of

her husband's other wives, Nephele and Themisto. She was worshipped

after her death as Leucothea, or Matuta Mater.

124. _Perfidus Ixion, Io vaga,_] Æschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides each

wrote a tragedy entitled 'Ixion,' of which fragments remain. See C. iii.

11. 21. The wanderings of Io, the daughter of Inachus, king of Argos, in

the form of a cow (whose passage across the strait that separates the

Propontis from the Euxine gave it the name of Bosporus), are related in

many ways. The most remarkable passage on this subject is contained in

the Prometheus of Æschylus, in a scene in which she is herself

introduced.

128. _Difficile est proprie communia dicere:_] 'Communia' means here

what everybody knows, or what is common property, as opposed to fictions

of one's own creating, and 'proprie dicere' is to tell it so as to make

it one's own.

131. _Publica materies privati juris erit,_] 'Public materials will

become private property.' Horace uses (without strict accuracy) terms

which have distinct legal significations. 'Proprie communia dicere,'

above, is the same as making that which is 'publica materies' 'privati

juris.' 'Communia' is usual in the sense of partnership property, and is

different from 'publica'; but here they have the same meaning. Horace

seems to have followed a Greek proverb, χαλεπὸν τὰ κοινὰ ἰδιῶσαι. As to

'deducis,' see S. i. 10. 44, n.

132. _vilem patulumque moraberis orbem,_] 'If you linger not about the

vulgar and wide round.' What Horace means, is the hackneyed round of

subjects, phrases, and illustrations, ground which anybody may tread,

and many have trod already. 'Patulus' is opposed to 'arctus' (v. 133);

the latter means difficult, narrow ground, in which it is not easy to

move except by treading precisely in the steps of him whom you are

following, 'out of which diffidence or the plan of the work forbids you

to advance,' that is, hampers your steps, and prevents you from showing

any originality.

136. _ut scriptor cyclicus olim:_] A class of Epic poets arose some time

after Homer, who, perhaps from the habit of reciting as rhapsodists the

Iliad and Odyssey, were led to adopting subjects akin to Homer's, and

connecting their poems with his; and their design appearing to have been

to form their poems and Homer's into one cycle, embracing the whole

history of the Trojan times, they came to be called by the grammarians

Cyclic poets. Of these the oldest was Arctinus of Miletus, whose poem

was a continuation of the Iliad, and nearly as long. One of them,

Lesches, a Lesbian contemporary with Archilochus, wrote a poem known as

the Μικρὰ Ἰλιάς. It opened with these two lines, which Horace may or may

not have had in mind:

Ἴλιον ἀείδω καὶ Δαρδανίην εὔπωλον,

ἧς πέρι πολλὰ πάθον Δαναοὶ θεράποντες Ἄρηος.

139. _Parturiunt montes,_] 'Parturio' has the same relation to 'pario'

that 'esurio' has to 'edo,' meaning the effort or desire to bring forth,

the being in labor. Porphyrion quotes the proverb on which this and the

fable that Phædrus has imitated (iv. 22) of the mountain in labor, are

founded: ὤδινεν οὖρος, εἶτα μῦν ἀπέκτεκεν, which in Athenæus, (xiv. 6)

is quoted a little differently: ὤδινεν ὄρος, Ζεὺς δ᾽ ἐφοβεῖτο, τὸ δ᾽

ἔτεκεν μῦν.

141. _Dic mihi, Musa, virum_] This is a version of the opening verses of

the Odyssey. Compare Epp. i. 2. 19, sq.

143. _Non fumum ex fulgore_] Horace says of Homer, that he does not

begin with a flash which ends in smoke, but with him out of smoke comes

a bright light; that is, out of a modest beginning the reader is led on

to beauties and objects of interest; and he is carried rapidly forward,

instead of being detained over matters preliminary and irrelevant. It is

obvious that 'fumo' in the second clause is out of place, and is only

used to maintain a verbal antithesis; and the beauties selected

('speciosa miracula,' 'striking marvels') are not the most striking.

145. _Antiphaten Scyllamque_] These are all stories from the Odyssey.

Antiphates was king of the Læstrygones, a gigantic race in Sicily, who

devoured three of the companions of Ulysses, and destroyed his ships (x.

80, sqq.). The adventure with Polyphemus, the Cyclops, forms the leading

event of the ninth book. The description of Scylla and Charybdis is

contained in the twelfth book (vv. 85, sqq.).

146. _Nec reditum Diomedis_] This was related in a Cyclic poem called

Νόστοι. Meleager, who was one of the Argonauts and was still more famous

for the destruction of the boar sent by Diana to vex the inhabitants of

Calydon in Ætolia, was uncle to Diomed, being brother to Tydeus. The

cause of his death is variously related. According to Homer, he was

cursed by his mother, Althæa, for the slaughter of her two brothers (Il.

ix. 567, sqq.), and her Erinnys pursued him to his death. But as this

was before the Trojan war, and had nothing to do with it, to begin an

account of Diomed's return with an account of his uncle's death would be

absurd enough. It would seem as if some poet had been guilty of this

absurdity.

147. _gemino--ab ovo;_] That is, from the birth of Helen, who was born

from one of the eggs brought forth by Leda, while Castor and Pollux

issued from the other. (See S. ii. 1. 26, "ovo prognatus eodem.") This

introductory matter was handled in the poem Κύπρια of Stasinus, a Cyclic

poet, of which the following fragment has been preserved:

τοῖς δὲ μετὰ τριτάτην Ἑλένην τέκε, θαῦμα βροτοῖσι.

τήν ποτε καλλίκομος Νέμεσις φιλότητι μιγεῖσα

Ζηνί, θεῶν βασιλῆι, τέκε κρατερῆς ὑπ᾽ ἀνάγκης.

148. _in medias res_] The ancients appear particularly to have remarked

this quality of Homer's poems. See Quintil. vii. 10. 11. "ubi ab initiis

incipiendum, ubi more Homerico e mediis vel ultimis?"

151. _Atque ita mentitur, sic veris_] "'Ita,' 'so,' (the oldest form of

the neuter pronoun 'id,') differs from 'sic,' 'so,' as the logical 'i'

or 'eo,' 'this,' differs from the demonstrative 'ho,' 'this'". 'Ita,'

therefore, is the usual word with 'ut' following. But the poets (and

sometimes even the prose-writers) use 'sic' in the same construction,

and in others in which 'ita' is more usual. Compare C. i. 3. 1, "Sic te

Diva potens Cypri"; and Epp. i. 7. 69, "Sic ignovisse putato."

154. _aulaea manentis_] See Epp. ii. 1. 189. In the next verse 'canto'

is used for the actor. Cicero uses it in the same sense. (See

Forcellini.) 'Vos plaudite' were the words with which a play usually

concluded.

157. _Mobilibusque decor naturis_] Horace means that men's characters

shift and change with the different stages of life, and that these

changes must be attended to. He goes on to explain them in a clear and

elegant manner.

161. _custode remoto_] This means the 'paedagogus,' as in S. i. 6. 81,

where see note. This person's functions ceased when the boy assumed the

'toga virilis.' 'Campi,' as elsewhere means the Campus Martius.

165. _Sublimis cupidusque_] 'Soaring and ambitious.'

172. _spe longus,_] 'Slow to hope.' 'Avidus futuri' means 'eager to live

longer,' or 'greedy of life.' Both these expressions are unusual.

175. _Multa ferunt anni_] See C. ii. 5. 14, n., and Epp. ii. 2. 55. The

remark seems to be drawn forth by the dark picture of old age contained

in the preceding verses. It has not much otherwise to do with the

subject.

178. _adjunctis aevoque morabimur aptis._] Both 'adjunctis' and 'aptis'

go with 'aevo,' 'we shall dwell upon that which attaches and is fitted

to the age we have in hand.'

180. _Segnius irritant animos_] When Candaules proposes to exhibit his

wife's beauty to Gyges, Herodotus (i. 8) makes him say ὦτα γὰρ τυγχάνει

ἀνθρώποισι ἐόντα ἀπιστότερα ὀφθαλμῶν, and Seneca (Epp. vi.) has a like

saying, "Homines amplius oculis quam auribus credunt."

184. _facundia praesens,_] An eyewitness, who tells the spectators what

he has seen, and does it in the flow of a long, set speech. This is the

part of the messengers and heralds, of which one or more appears in

every Greek tragedy. 'Praesens' means 'before the audience.'

186. _coquat exta nefarius Atreus,_] See C. i. 6. 8, n.; and as to

Procne, see C. iv. 12. 5, n. Short fragments of the Atreus of Sophocles

and Cadmus of Euripides are extant. The story of Cadmus and his wife

Harmonia changed into snakes is told by Ovid (Met. iv. 563, sqq.). Such

barbarities and miraculous changes, Horace says, may answer in

narration, but if represented on the stage are both incredible and

disgusting. He may have had some instance of this kind in view. See C.

i. 6. 8, n.; ii. 1. 10, n.; S. i. 10. 42, n.

191. _nec deus intersit_] It was a reproach against the tragedians,

that, when they did not know how to bring their plot to a close, they

had recourse to a god. The gods were introduced on a platform above.

Hence the proverb, "Deus ex machina," for any summary way of winding up

a plot, or extricating one's self from a difficulty. 'Dignus vindice'

means worthy of such intervention.

192. _nec quarta loqui persona laboret._] Thespis first introduced a

single actor on the stage, who perhaps told a story and served to

relieve the chorus. Æschylus introduced a second, and so brought regular

dialogue into the drama. Sophocles added a third, and this number was

rarely if ever exceeded. (See Epp. i. 18. 14, n.) The Romans observed no

such restriction, but it must always be the case, if more than three

actors are on the stage at once, that some of them can have but little

to say.

193. _Actoris partes chorus_] The chorus should sustain in its place,

and to the best of its power, the part of an actor; that is, instead of

singing what is irrelevant to the plot, it ought to carry on the action.

'Officiumque virile defendat' is a way of expressing 'it must sustain a

strenuous part,' or 'do its duty strenuously.' Horace uses the

expression 'defendente vicem' in the same sense (S. i. 10. 12).

196. _Ille bonis faveatque_] The chorus is to utter sentiments showing

favor to the good, and giving them friendly counsel, tempering the wrath

of the passionate, and affectionate to the virtuous (which is in some

degree a repetition of the first clause), commending temperance,

justice, laws, and peace. The business of the chorus was to utter such

reflections as any indifferent persons might conceive on the action

before it, and to address those reflections to the characters

represented, as one might address them to real persons under the same

circumstances.

198. _mensae brevis_] Compare Epp. i. 14. 35, "coena brevis juvat"; and

with "apertis otia portis," compare C. iii. 5. 23, "portasque non

clausas," representing a picture of national security and peace. The

chorus, to whom the principal persons communicated their intended crimes

and deepest plots, were held to secrecy as a prime duty. Thus, Medea

tells the chorus her intention to murder her children and her rival, and

reckons upon their secrecy as a matter of course. Other instances are

numerous.

202. _Tibia non ut nunc orichalco vincta_] The 'tibia' was an instrument

originally made of a hollow reed (Pliny, xvi. 36. 66), or a boxwood pipe

(Ovid, Fast. vi. 697), or the shin-bone of some animal, from which the

name is derived. Afterwards it was brought to greater perfection, and

was made of ivory sometimes. It resembled the flageolet or clarionet. It

was usual to play two 'tibiae' together, as observed on C. i. 1. 32,

where see note. Those in the British Museum have six holes. Probably in

the days of Horace they had more. The metal which the ancients called

'orichalcum' is unknown. It was not to be found even in Pliny's time.

The probable derivation is from ὄρος and χαλκός, the meaning being

'mountain-bronze.' With this the parts of the 'tibia,' which took to

pieces as our flutes do, were bound at the joinings. Horace says that in

simpler days the 'tibia' served for an accompaniment to the chorus, but

afterwards it came to drown it. In those days the population of the city

was smaller, the theatres less crowded, and the audience more

reverential and attentive. What times Horace alludes to, it is difficult

to say. Orelli thinks his history of choral music is a fanciful account,

fluctuating wonderfully between the practice of the Greeks, that of the

Romans, and that which his own imagination has drawn; and this is

perhaps the case.

208. _Postquam coepit agros_] That is, "post Punica bella" (see Epp. ii.

1. 162, n.) if we take the Romans, and the Persian war if we suppose the

Greeks to be meant. (See v. 93 of the same Epistle.) As to 'placari

Genius,' see Epp. ii. 1. 144, and i. 7. 94, n.

211. _numerisque modisque_] This combination occurs above, Epp. ii. 2.

144. 'Liber laborum' is a poetical construction like "operum solutis"

(C. iii. 17. 16) and "operum vacuo" (S. ii. 2. 119).

215. _traxitque vagus per pulpita vestem:_] The 'palla' worn by tragic

actors had a train called 'syrma,' from σύρειν, because it swept the

stage. This is what Horace alludes to. The Roman dress was probably not

so splendid as the Greek. As to 'pulpita,' see Epp. ii. 1. 174.

216. _Sic etiam fidibus voces crevere severis,_] See above, v. 83, n.

The sedate and serious Doric style would be expressed by 'fidibus

severis'; but Horace is speaking generally, and probably from his own

imagination, when he says that in the course of time the grave style of

music to which the choruses were once sung gave way to a more vehement

style, as the eloquence of the chorus grew more impetuous, and it began

to speak in language obscure, prophetic, and oracular. There is no

historical accuracy in this account, though in respect to the obscurity

of some of the Greek choruses Horace wrote from what he knew of them.

220. _Carmine qui tragico_] Horace here passes on to the Satyric Drama

of the Greeks. A goat was the prize contended for in the composition of

the choral songs or dithyrambs to which the name τραγῳδία first

belonged. The name may have been derived from the prize. (See below, v.

275, n.) The chorus appeared in the character of Satyrs as attendants on

Dionysus, at whose festival they performed. Their subjects were

originally confined to the adventures, serious and sportive, of that

god, and therefore were a mixture of mirth and gravity. Chœrilus, an

older contemporary of Æschylus, seems to have laid the foundation of an

independent Satyric Drama, the entire separation of which from tragedy,

as we now understand the word, was effected a few years later by

Pratinas of Phlius in Argolis, about B.C. 500; thenceforward it was

usual for the tragic poets to exhibit four plays at a time

(tetralogies), of which the fourth was a Satyric Drama, such as the

Cyclops of Euripides.

224. _potus et exlex._] This expresses the freedom which attended the

Dionysiac festivals after the sacrifices were over.

228. _auro nuper et ostro,_] 'He who but now came forward in gold and

purple (which ornaments gods and heroes wore), let him not pass into low

language, as if he were a frequenter of taverns,'--which were commonly

vaults under ground, and are therefore called 'obscuras.'

230. _nubes et inania captet._] As to the construction with 'indigna' in

the next verse, see C. iii. 21. 6, n., and Epp. i. 3. 35, n.

234. _dominantia nomina solum Verbaque,_] As to 'nomina verbaque,' see

S. i. 3. 103, n. 'Dominantia nomina' is an adaptation of the Greek κύρια

ὀνόματα; that is, literal words as opposed to figurative. Horace says he

shall not confine himself to these if he ever takes to writing Satyric

Dramas.

236. _tragico differre colori_] As to 'differre' with the dative, see S.

i. 4. 48, n.

238. _Pythias emuncto_] This seems to be the name of a slave-girl who

got money out of her master, Simo. As to 'emuncto,' see S. i. 4. 8, n.

239. _Silenus_] This god is said to have educated Bacchus. He

represented the 'crassa Minerva' of the ancients, 'wisdom under a rough

exterior,' and it is in his graver character that Horace here views him.

All ancient representations of Silenus exhibit him as a gross

impersonation of sensuality and low fun, usually drunk, and riding upon

an ass, with Fauns dancing about him. Modern ideas have confounded him

with Bacchus, his foster-child.

240. _Ex noto fictum carmen sequar,_] 'Ex noto' perhaps means that the

subject must be familiar.

244. _Fauni,_] See C. ii. 19. 4, n. Horace says that these rough beings

introduced from the woods should not talk as if they had been born in

the city and were loungers in the Forum, or languish in love-verses like

a silly youth; but neither should low language be put into their mouth,

for this is sure to offend the refined part of the audience, even if the

vulgar applaud it. 'Juvenor' is a word not found elsewhere: it is

adapted from the Greek νεανιεύεσθαι.

248. _et pater_] 'Those who had a father' means 'ingenui,' those who

were born free and of lawful wedlock, since none others were 'in patria

potestate.' As to 'cicer,' see S. i. 6. 115, n.

251. _Syllaba longa brevi_] As to the 'iambus,' see above, v. 79, sq.

Horace here calls it 'pes citus,' a rapid foot, as elsewhere (C. i. 16.

24) he speaks of 'celeres iambos.' He says the rapidity of the foot

caused the division of the verse into the form of a trimeter, whereas it

was a 'senarius,' having six distinct iambic feet. The admission of a

spondee in the odd feet, he says, was an after invention, in order to

give more weight to the measure. 'Non ita pridem' means comparatively

lately; but the verses of Archilochus had spondees in them. The history

is not very accurate. Horace has himself imitated the pure iambic

measure in the alternate verses of Epod. 16. 'In jura paterna recepit'

is to be rendered 'gave a share of its patrimony.' The meaning is clear

enough from the context. The politeness of the 'iambus' in making way

for the spondee, and giving up some of its just rights, but not disposed

to be so accommodating as to give up the even places in the verse, seems

rather a heavy joke. 'Socialiter,' 'in a friendly way,' does not occur

elsewhere.

258. _Hic et in Acci_] See Epp. ii. 1. 50. 56. The iambus, Horace says,

is not commonly used in the verses of Accius and Ennius. Those of the

former he calls noble trimeters, by which he means famed. He was no

great admirer of them himself. The great weight he attributes to the

verses of Ennius arose from the gravity of the measure, consisting, as

v. 260 does, chiefly of spondees. But the absence of the iambus, in the

opinion of Horace, convicts him either of slovenly writing, or of

ignorance of his art. 'Hic' governs 'premit' (v. 262), as it does

'apparet.' 'This,' that is, 'the absence of this.'

265. _an omnes_] Horace says it is not every critic that can tell a

rhythmical verse from an unrhythmical, and so an indulgence they do not

deserve is accorded to our poets. 'But am I on this account to take all

manner of liberties? Or, on the other hand, am I to suppose that every

one will see my faults, and keep safely and cautiously within the limits

of forgiveness? Why, if I do this, I may have avoided a fault, but I

shall have earned no praise.'

270. _Plautinos et numeros et Laudavere sales:_] See Epp. ii. 1. 170, n.

'But, you will say, your fathers praised Plautus both for his numbers

and his wit. Yes, they admired too patiently, not to say stupidly, both

the one and the other.' Horace never has a good word to say for Plautus,

and he here depreciates his wit as well as his versification. Both no

doubt wanted polish; and Horace does not scruple to insinuate (in the

above place) that it was only through haste to get paid that he turned

out his works so unfinished. But his style and his defects were

incidental to the period and manner of his life; his simplicity and

drollery were given him by nature. If Horace did not admire Plautus,

more learned men did, and Varro was one of them, and Cicero another.

275. _Ignotum tragicae_] The first representation of a play at Thespis

was in B.C. 535. The name τραγῳδία belonged, as observed above (on v.

220), to the dithyrambic songs of the Bacchic festivals, and these are

of uncertain origin, but of great antiquity. The extent to which Thespis

can be considered the author of tragedy is, that he introduced an actor

independent of the chorus, who sustained various parts under the

disguise of a linen mask. (See v. 192, n.) This account, therefore, of

the invention of tragedy at the vintage, the faces smeared with lees of

wine, the wagon with which Thespis went round Attica, and so forth, may

be rejected.

278. _Post hunc personae pallaeque_] Horace makes Æschylus the inventor

of the mask and tragic dress (v. 215, n.). But there can be no doubt

that he who first put an actor upon the stage, if he, as most suppose,

gave him various parts to sustain, must have employed masks suited to

the different characters. There were symbolical masks for different ages

and classes and there were descriptive masks for different persons,

representing peculiarities by which they would be known. The derivation

of 'persona' is unknown. Roscius first introduced masks on the Roman

stage about B.C. 100. The garment Horace means by 'palla' was an upper

dress, which had a train to it (see v. 215, n.). For the proper meaning

of 'palla,' see S. i. 8. 23, n. As to 'pulpita' and 'cothurnus,' see

Epp. ii. 1. 174, n. Æschylus may have made improvements in what is

called among us the property of a theatre, but there is no reason to

suppose that he invented any of the above things. 'Magnum loqui' means

that he taught the actor how to articulate loudly.

281. _Successit vetus his comoedia,_] Horace takes no account of the

earliest form of comedy, from which its name is derived, the song of the

revellers (κῶμος) at the Dionysia; or of the labors of Susarion, who as

early at least as Thespis, at Icaria, a village in Attica, contended

with a comic chorus for a prize. That which was before composed of jests

and obscenities connected with the worship of Bacchus had now added to

it personal ribaldry and political jokes, the former levelled at the

spectators or against public men. Between Susarion and the period of the

old comedy there were several distinguished writers, as Chionides,

Magnes, Ecphantines, and others. The earliest writer of the old comedy

was Cratinus. See S. i. 4. 1, n.

288. _Vel qui praetextas_] 'Fabulae praetextae,' or 'praetextatae,' were

tragedies, as 'togatae' were comedies, with plots connected with Roman

stories and manners. (See Epp. ii. 1. 57, sqq.) The Greek tragedies to

which 'praetextae' were opposed, were called by the Romans 'crepidatae.'

'Docere' is used as the Greeks used διδάσκειν, for exhibiting a play,

because the poet also trained the chorus as χοροδιδάσκαλος.

292. _Pompilius sanguis,_] The 'Calpurnia gens,' to which the Pisones

belonged, claimed descent from Calpus, son of Numa Pompilius.

294. _ad unguem_] See S. i. 5. 32, n.

295. _Ingenium misera_] The following verses to 308 have little

connection with what goes before. Horace says, because genius is above

art, and all poets, according to Democritus, are mad, many neglect their

persons and let their nails and their beards grow, affecting insanity.

The question about education and nature in connection with poetry is

taken up again at v. 408. We are accustomed to subscribe to the doctrine

"poeta nascitur, non fit." The ancients were divided on that point, some

assigning more to education, others to natural gifts. Cicero more than

once alludes to the opinion of Democritus, that no man could be a poet

without inspiration.

300. _Si tribus Anticyris_] There were three places of this name, each

of which is assumed from this passage to have produced hellebore, a very

improbable coincidence. Horace puts 'tribus' as we might say a dozen, or

any other indefinite number. (See S. ii. 3. 83.)

301. _Tonsori Licino commiserit._] This name was probably that of a

well-known barber of the day. (See S. ii. 3. 16, 35, n.)

302. _Qui purgor bilem_] The hellebore which the ancients used in cases

of madness is a violent purgative, and they tried to act on the brain by

relieving the stomach. Horace says he must be a fool, since madness is

essential to poetry, for taking medicines to keep his stomach in order.

304. _fungar vice cotis,_] As to 'vice,' see above, v. 86, and S. i. 10.

12. Horace says if he only kept the bile from escaping, he would beat

them all at poetry. However, it does not matter, he goes on; he will act

as the grind-stone which whets the iron, though its own office is not to

cut (exsors ipsa secandi). This is said to be a proverbial way of

speaking.

310. _Rem tibi Socraticae--chartae,_] The writings of Socrates's

disciples, such as Plato, Xenophon, Æschines, Antisthenes, Aristippus,

will supply matter for the true (dramatic) poet, by teaching him the

science and duties of human life.

314. _Quod sit conscripti,_] After the expulsion of the kings, the

senate having lost many of its number under the last of them, the

vacancies were filled up from the 'equites,' who were called 'conscripti

senatores.' The others were 'patres'; and the whole body thus

constituted was called collectively 'patres et conscripti,' or shortly

'patres conscripti.' Horace here uses 'conscriptus' as equivalent to

'senator.' It is nowhere else so used. As to 'judicis,' see S. i. 4.

123, n.

318. _vivas hinc ducere voces._] Living words are those that represent

nature to the life, or which convey a vivid sense to the understanding.

319. _speciosa locis_] Full of telling commonplaces, sentiments,

examples, and so on.

323. _Graiis ingenium,_] He says the Greeks had a natural taste for

poetry, and cultivated it from an ambition to excel and thirst for

praise. But this comparison of the Greeks and Romans does not appear to

be connected with the subject that goes before, or the rules that follow

from v. 333.

325. _Romani pueri_] See S. i. 6. 72, 77, n. The 'as' was divided into

twelve parts, 'unciae,' of which the 'quincunx' contained five, and the

'triens' four, being one third of the whole, whence the name. The

'semis' (semi-as) contained six, being half an as. Albinus is said to

have been the name of a usurer. Horace is representing a scene in a

boys' school. "_Master_: Let the son of Albinus tell me: if you take an

uncia from a quincunx, how much remains? (The boy hesitates.) You used

to know. _Boy_: A triens. _Master_: Very well. You will know how to take

care of your money. Now add an uncia: what is the sum? _Boy_: A semis."

332. _linenda cedro_] Books were smeared with oil of cedar to keep them

from the insects. 'Capsae cupressinae,' 'book-cases of cypress-wood,'

were costly, and would only be used for valuable books.

333. _Aut prodesse volunt_] 'Poets wish either to profit or to please,

or to join both these together,' on which assumption several

miscellaneous rules are founded.

337. _Omne supervacuum_] 'All that is superfluous flows away from a mind

that is full,' that is, when the mind is full, it discards all

superfluous words, it has no room for superfluities; as in a vessel that

is full, if you pour more, it runs over and escapes. As to

'supervacuus,' see C. ii. 20. 24, n.

340. _Neu pransae Lamiae_] 'Lamiae' were hags, ogresses, who had the

reputation of devouring children.

341. _Centuriae seniorum_] This language is taken from the 'classes' or

'centuriae' of Servius Tullius. Those who were more than forty-five were

classed with the 'seniores.' The grave seniors like no poetry that has

not something profitable and instructive in it. The Ramnes were the

highest of the three centuries of equites which Romulus is said to have

formed. They were patricians, and Horace calls them 'celsi,' 'proud.'

The distinction of the original tribes had ceased to exist; the Ramnes

are mentioned in opposition to the 'centuriae seniorum,' as young men to

old, the reason of which is not plain.

343. _Omne tulit punctum_] 'He carries every vote.' See Epp. ii. 2. 99,

n.; and as to the Sosii, see Epp. i. 20. 2, n.

347. _Sunt delicta tamen_] He means perfection must not be looked for,

and allowance must be made for occasional blots.

353. _Quid ergo est?_] 'What are we to say then?' The expression occurs

in Cicero sometimes, as in the speech Pro P. Quintio, c. 18.

354. _scriptor--librarius_] 'Scriptor' is the 'scriba.' See Epp. ii. 2.

5, n.

357. _fit Choerilus ille,_] See Epp. ii. 1. 231, n.

361. _erit quae_] See C. i. 1. 3, n.

366. _O major juvenum,_] There were two sons, and both 'juvenes'; both

must have taken the 'toga virilis.' Horace goes on to tell them, that

mediocrity, though tolerable in some things, is intolerable in poetry.

369. _Consultus juris et actor Causarum_] See S. i. 1. 9, n. As to

Messalla, see C. iii. 21. A. Cascellius was a jurisconsultus. Little is

known of him. He must have been alive when this poem was written, but

very old. The names are inverted.

373. _non concessare columnae._] That is, the booksellers' stalls.

See S. i. 4. 71, n.

375. _Sardo cum melle_] Sardinian and Corsican honeys appear to have

been of inferior quality. See S. ii. 2. 15, n. Poppy-seeds roasted and

mixed with honey were served in early times at the second course.

377. _Sic animis_] 'So poetry, which was born and invented only to give

pleasure to the soul, if it fail but a little of the highest point,

inclines to the lowest.' He says, as at a pleasant supper, bad music,

bad ointment, and bad honey are worse than none at all, (for the meal

can go on very well without them,) so a poem must either be extremely

good, or it will be very bad, and had better not be written.

380. _pilae discive trochive_] See S. ii. 9, n. 'Coronae' are the crowds

of spectators standing round to watch the games.

382. _Quidni?_] This is ironical. 'Why not?' He is a free man, and born

free, and has a good property, and is a good man; why then should he not

write?

383. _census equestrem Summam_] 'Census' is a participle. His property

was not less than 400,000 sesterces. See Epod. 4. 15, n.; Epp. i. 1. 57,

n.

385. _Tu nihil invita--Minerva;_] See S. ii. 2. 3. The expression is

proverbial. Cicero explains it: "Invita ut aiunt Minerva; id est

adversante et repugnante natura" (De Off. i. 31). 'Tu' is emphatic.

"You are too sensible to judge thus, or to try and write against the

grain."

387. _in Maeci descendat judicis aures_] As to Sp. Mæcius Tarpa, see S.

i. 10. 38, n.

391. _Silvestres homines_] Horace goes on to ascribe the noblest results

to the cultivation of true poetry, the civilization of mankind

(represented under the legend of Orpheus taming wild beasts), the

building of cities, the enactment of laws, and the ordering of society.

Of Orpheus, the Thracian poet, the traditions are vague, and though

there are fragments still extant that bear his name, he must be looked

upon more as the representative of the earliest poetry and music of

Greece, than in the light of an historical personage. Compare C. i. 12.

7, sqq.

394. _Amphion, Thebanae conditor arcis,_] This legend is mentioned in C.

iii. 11. 2: "Movit Amphion lapides canendo." It is not noticed by Homer,

who only knew Cadmus as the founder of Thebes. See Epp. i. 18. 41, n.

397. _Publica privatis--sacra profanis,_] This is a fundamental division

of things ('res') in the Roman law.

399. _leges incidere ligno:_] Plutarch says of Solon's laws, that they

were inscribed on wooden tables, called ἄξονες or κύρβεις, and that

fragments were in existence in his day in the Prytaneum (Vit. Sol. c.

25).

400. _divinis vatibus_] Eumolpus, Orpheus, Musæus, Pamphus, Thamyris,

are the principal names associated with the origin of Grecian poetry,

and they are all called Thracian (see below, v. 405, n.). They are

called 'divine,' not merely from the quality of their art, but from

their connection with the worship of Apollo, Demeter, and Dionysus,

whence above (v. 391) Orpheus is called "sacer interpresque deorum."

402. _Tyrtaeusque mares animos_] Tyrtæus, as mentioned before (v. 75,

n.), was a native of Attica, and wrote in the elegiac measure. He left

Attica and took up his abode at Sparta during the second war between the

Spartans and Messenians, which began B.C. 685. His verses were chiefly

exhortations to bravery addressed to the Spartans. There are three

fragments, amounting in the aggregate to upwards of a hundred verses,

which have a great deal of vigor and feeling in them, corresponding to

Horace's description.

405. _Pieriis tentata modis;_] The country of Pieria lay between

Macedonia and Thessalia, north of the range of Olympus, and on the coast

of the Sinus Thermaicus. This accounts for the Muses being both Pierian

and Olympian; and as by the southern Greeks all the north went by the

name of Thrace, this may account for the traditions which assigned the

birth of poetry to bards of Thrace (v. 400, n.), a country of which the

language was pronounced barbarous by the civilized Greeks.

406. _Et longorum operum finis:_] The rural Dionysia (v. 275, n.),

called τὰ κατ᾽ ἀγρούς, or τὰ μικρά, took place at the end of the year,

in the month Ποσειδέων, when the labors of the vintage were over.

408. _Natura fieret laudabile_] See v. 295, n.

413. _Multa tulit fecitque puer,_] 'He takes great pains when he is

young,' 'puer' being emphatic, as in C. i. 9. 16.

414. _qui Pythia cantat Tibicen_] At the Pythian games there was a

musical contest in which flute-players and harp-players took part, the

subject being the contest of Apollo with the serpent Pytho. The name

given to this music was νόμος Πυθικός.

417. _Occupet extremum scabies;_] The Scholiasts say this expression was

used by boys in their races.

419. _Ut praeco,_] See S. i. 6. 86, n. The rich poet, he goes on,

purchases flattery.

422. _unctum qui recte ponere possit_] 'Who can put a good dinner before

one handsomely.' As to 'spondere,' see S. ii. 6. 23, n. 'Levi paupere'

is 'a poor man without weight,' whose name has as little weight as his

purse. 'Atris' is 'melancholy,' as "minuentur atrae Carmine curae" (C.

iv. 11. 35). As to 'beatus,' see C. i. 4. 14, n.

431. _Ut qui conducti_] See S. i. 6. 43, n.

434. _culullis_] This the Scholiasts (on C. i. 31. 11) say was the name

of earthen-ware cups, used by the pontifices and Vestal Virgins. It was

afterwards used generally for drinking-cups. With 'torquere mero'

compare Epp. i. 18. 38, "et vino tortus et ira."

437. _animi sub vulpe latentes_] 'If you ever write poetry, do not be

taken in by flatterers, who have a bad heart under a cunning face.'

438. _Quintilio_] See C. i. 24, Introduction.

441. _Et male tornatos incudi reddere_] The metaphors of the

turning-lathe and the anvil are common enough for the composition of

verses. The lathe was used by the ancients in the polishing and turning

of metals, as well as of wood and ivory.

450. _Fiet Aristarchus;_] Aristarchus, whose name was proverbial among

the ancients as a critic, was born in Samothracia about B.C. 230. He

passed the greater part of his life at Alexandria, under the patronage

of Ptolemæus Philopator, Epiphanes, and Philometor, the second of whom

he educated.

453. _morbus regius_] This, which is otherwise called 'arquatus morbus,'

'aurugo,' and by the Greeks ἴκτερος, is the jaundice. Celsus says it is

so called because the remedies resorted to were chiefly amusements and

indulgences to keep up the spirits, such as none but the rich could

afford. No disorder depresses the spirits more than jaundice. Here it is

supposed to be infectious, which it is not.

454. _Aut fanaticus error_] 'Fanaticus' (from 'fanum') was properly

applied to the priests of Bellona. See S. ii. 3. 223, n., and Juvenal

iv. 123, "fanaticus oestro Percussus, Bellona, tuo." Juvenal also

applies it to the priests of Cybele (ii. 112), "crine senex fanaticus

albo, Sacrorum antistes." The influence of the moon ('iracunda Diana')

in producing mental derangement is one of the earliest fallacies in

medicine. The Greeks called persons supposed to be so affected

σεληνιακοί.

455. _tetigisse timent_] 'The wise avoid him, as if he were infectious;

fools run after him, like children after a crazy man in the streets.'

459. _longum Clamet,_] This is like Homer's μακρὸν ἄϋσε (Il. iii. 81).

464. _Deus immortalis haberi_] See Epp. i. 12. 20. There are various

marvellous stories told of the death of Empedocles, suited to the

character he bore in his life, of a magician, a controller of the

elements, &c. This story of his throwing himself into Ætna is supported

by very insufficient authority.

467. _Invitum qui servat_] See Epp. i. 20. 15, n. This is apparently a

proverb. The construction of 'idem occidenti' is Greek, ταὐτὸ τῷ

ἀποκτείνοντι. Orelli observes that this is the only spondaic hexameter

in Horace.

469. _Fiet homo_] He keeps up the allusion to Empedocles, saying that

the frenzied poet is as resolved to rush to his fate (that is, into

verse) as the philosopher was, and if you save him he will not drop his

pretension to inspiration.

470. _Nec satis apparet_] The crime for which he has been thus sent mad

does not appear; whether it be for fouling his father's grave, or

setting foot upon polluted ground. 'Bidental' was a spot struck by

lightning, so called from the sacrifice offered upon it for expiation. I

agree with Orelli in taking 'moverit' in the sense of 'violaverit,' as

in "Dianae non movenda numina" (Epod. xvii. 3). Some take it to mean the

removal of the mark placed on the spot.

INTRODUCTION TO THE METRES OF HORACE.

The metre of the Satires, Epistles, and Ars Poetica of Horace is the

heroic or dactylic hexameter. The only spondaic verse is the 467th of

the Ars Poetica.

The Odes are written in various metres, the verses of which are usually

combined into stanzas. To these verses and stanzas names have been given

in honor of ancient personages, and these names are generally retained.

A large part of the metres of the Odes belong to the class known as

logaoedic. This name, derived from λόγος [speech] and ἀοιδή [song], is

intended to show that the verses having the appearance of metrical

irregularity, partake of the nature of ordinary conversational prose.

Logaoedic verse may be defined as a variety of trochaic verse in which

the irrational, or cyclic, dactyl is assigned a place: besides this, in

most cases, the irrational spondee is also allowed. The cyclic dactyl is

a dactyl compressed into the time of a trochee and is represented by the

symbol [--)] [)]: in like manner, the irrational spondee is a spondee

compressed into the time of a trochee and is represented by the symbol

-->. Each foot of logaoedic verse is, therefore, to be read as having

the time of a trochee, or of three short syllables. If a verse is

catalectic the place of the last syllable is supplied by a pause, which

is indicated thus: [^].

[Note--Instead of writing the long syllable of a trochee followed

by a pause--[^], we may consider the long syllable as protracted by

half its length and may write it thus, [|--]; the former method is

adopted in what follows. The student may need to be reminded that

the last syllable of a verse may be either long or short, though in

writing the scheme it is assumed that it conforms to the law of the

verse.]

In trochaic and iambic verse the unit of measure is two feet: thus the

trochaic or iambic _dimeter_ contains four feet, and the _trimeter_ six

feet. But in logaoedic verse, it is customary to reckon by the single

foot; thus, a logaoedic verse of two feet is called a _dipody_; of three

feet, a _tripody_; of four feet a _tetrapody_; and of five feet, a

_pentapody_.

The logaoedic dipody, having the cyclic dactyl in the first foot, is

called the Adonic verse, it is written thus [--)] [)] |--[)].

The logaoedic tripody is called the Pherecratic verse. If the cyclic

dactyl is in the first foot, the verse is called the First Pherecratic,

[--)] [)] | --[)] |--[)]; if the cyclic dactyl is in the second foot, it

is called the Second Pherecratic,--[)] | [--)] [)] |--[)].

The ordinary logaoedic tetrapody is called the Glyconic verse. If the

cyclic dactyl is in the first place, it is called the First Glyconic,

[--)] [)] |--[)] |--[)] |--[)]; if in the second place, the Second

Glyconic, --[)] | [--)] [)] |--[)] |--[)]; if in the third place, the

Third Glyconic, --[)] |--[)] | [--)] [)] |--[)].

There is also a logaoedic tetrapody, having cyclic dactyls in both the

first and the second feet, which is called the Lesser Alcaic; it has the

following scheme: [--)] [)] | [--)] [)] |--[)] |--[)].

Horace uses two forms of the logaoedic pentapody. One, called the Lesser

Sapphic, has the cyclic dactyl in the third foot, and an irrational

spondee in the second foot, thus:--[)] |--> | [--)] [)] |--[)] |--[)].

The other, called the Greater Alcaic, differs from the former in being

catalectic and having an anacrusis, or unaccented syllable, prefixed,

thus: [_)]--[)]--> | [--)] [)] |--[)] |--[^]. In the Lesser Sapphic,

there is always a caesura in the cyclic dactyl; in the Greater Alcaic,

the cyclic dactyl always begins with the beginning of a word.

Five of the stanzas employed by Horace in his Odes are known as

Asclepiadic; they consist of logaoedic verses in different combinations,

the first foot in each complete verse being changed to an irrational

spondee.

=1.= The First Asclepiadic stanza is composed of Lesser Asclepiadics,

each of which is a Second Pherecratic followed by a First Pherecratic,

both being catalectic, thus:--

-- > | [--)] [)] | -- [^] || [--)] [)] | -- [)] | -- [^].

This is found in three Odes: i. 1; iii. 30; iv. 8.

=2.= The Second Asclepiadic stanza is composed of three Lesser

Asclepiadics and one Second Glyconic catalectic, sometimes called simply

a Glyconic, thus:--

-- > | [--)] [)] | -- [^] || [--)] [)] | -- [)] | -- [^] [_Thrice._]

-- > | [--)] [)] | -- [)] | -- [^].

This is found in nine Odes: i. 6, 15, 24, 33; ii. 12; iii. 10, 16;

iv. 5, 12.

=3.= In the Third Asclepiadic stanza, the first and third verses are

Second Glyconics catalectic, and the second and fourth are Lesser

Asclepiadics, thus:--

-- > | [--)] [)] | -- [)] | -- [^]

-- > | [--)] [)] | -- [^] || [--)] [)] | -- [)] | -- [^]. [_Repeat._]

This is found in twelve Odes: i. 3, 13, 19, 36; iii. 9, 15, 19, 24,

25, 28; iv. 1, 3.

=4.= In the Fourth Asclepiadic stanza, the first and second verses are

Lesser Asclepiadics, the third is a Second Pherecratic, and the fourth

is a Second Glyconic catalectic, thus:--

-- > | [--)] [)] | -- [^] || [--)] [)] | -- [)] | -- [^] [_Twice._]

-- > | [--)] [)] | -- [)]

-- > | [--)] [)] | -- [)] | -- [^].

This is found in seven Odes: i. 5, 14, 21, 23; iii. 7, 13; iv. 13.

=5.= The Fifth Asclepiadic stanza is composed of Greater Asclepiadic

verses, each of which consists of a Second Pherecratic, an Adonic, and a

First Pherecratic, all catalectic, thus:--

-- > | [--)] [)] | -- [^] || [--)] [)] | -- [^] || [--)] [)] | -- [)] | -- [^].

This is found in three Odes: i. 11, 18; iv. 10.

Two Sapphic stanzas are found in the Odes.

=6.= The Lesser Sapphic, or Sapphic and Adonic, stanza is composed of

three Lesser Sapphic verses and one Adonic verse, thus:--

-- [)] | -- > | [--)] [)] | -- [)] | -- [)] [_Thrice._]

[--)] [)] | -- [)].

This is found in twenty-five Odes: i. 2, 10, 12, 20, 22, 25, 30,

32, 38; ii. 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 16; iii. 8, 11, 14, 18, 20, 22, 27; iv.

2, 6, 11. It is also the metre of the Carmen Saeculare.

=7.= The Greater Sapphic stanza is composed of the First Pherecratic

(known as Aristophanic) alternating with the Greater Sapphic verse,

which latter consists of a Third Glyconic catalectic with an irrational

spondee in the second foot followed by a First Pherecratic, thus:--

[--)][)] | -- [)] | -- [)]

-- [)] | -- > | [--)] [)] | -- [^] || [--)] [)] | -- [)] | -- [)].

This is found only in Ode i. 8.

=8.= The stanza most frequently used by Horace in his Odes is known as

the Alcaic or Horatian. It is composed of two Greater Alcaics, one

Archilochian or trochaic dimeter with anacrusis (the second foot being

an irrational spondee), and a Lesser Alcaic, thus:--

[_)] [...] -- [)] | -- > | [--)] [)] | -- [)] | -- [^] [_Twice._]

[_)] [...] -- [)] | -- > | -- [)] | -- [)]

[--)] [)] | [--)] [)] | -- [)] | -- [)].

This is found in thirty-seven Odes: i. 9, 16, 17, 26, 27, 29, 31,

34, 35, 37; ii. 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11, 13, 14, 15, 17, 19, 20; iii. 1,

2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 17, 21, 23, 26, 29; iv. 4, 9, 14, 15.

Horace also uses in his Odes, though rarely, five other metres.

=9.= The Alcmanian is composed of dactylic hexameters alternating with

dactylic tetrameters. It is found in Odes i. 7 and 28.

=10.= The First Archilochian is found in iv. 7. It is composed of the

dactylic hexameter alternating with the dactylic penthemim. (A penthemim

is two feet and a half.)

=11.= The Fourth Archilochian is found in i. 4. It is composed of the

Greater Archilochian (which is a dactylic tetrameter followed by a

trochaic tripody) alternating with the iambic trimeter catalectic (which

allows irrational spondees in the first and third feet).

=12.= The Hipponactean is found in ii. 18. It is composed of the

trochaic dimeter catalectic alternating with the iambic trimeter

catalectic.

=13.= The Lesser Ionic stanza is found in iii. 12. It is composed of ten

Lesser Ionics ([)] [)] __ __), which are variously arranged into verses

by different editors.

In the Epodes, Horace uses once (Epode 12) the Alcmanian metre; once

(Epode 17) the Iambic trimeter; ten times (Epodes 1-10) the Iambic

strophe, composed of iambic trimeters alternating with iambic dimeters,

in both which irrational spondees may stand in the odd-numbered feet;

and also the following:--

In Epode 13, the Second Archilochian, in which the dactylic hexameter

alternates with the iambelic verse, the latter being an iambic dimeter

followed by a dactylic penthemim.

In Epode 11, the Third Archilochian, in which the iambic trimeter

alternates with the elegiambic verse, the latter being a dactylic

penthemim followed by an iambic dimeter.

In Epodes 14 and 15, the First Pythiambic, in which the dactylic

hexameter alternates with the iambic dimeter.

In Epode 16, the Second Pythiambic, in which the dactylic hexameter

alternates with the iambic trimeter.

It is sometimes convenient for those familiar with musical notation to

write the scheme of verses and stanzas in musical notes. In such cases a

long syllable is represented by a quarter-note, [P], and a short

syllable by an eighth-note, [P/]; a spondee is written [P][P]; a dactyl,

[P][P/][P/]; and a trochee, [P][P/]. Dactylic verse is therefore written

in 2/4 time, and trochaic or logaoedic verse in 3/8 time. The cyclic

dactyl may be written with sufficient accuracy [P/.][P//][P], and the

irrational spondee [P/.][P/.]. From the examples which follow, the

student will see how the scheme of any metre may be expressed in musical

notation.

Lesser Sapphic stanza:--

[P][P/] | [P/.][P/.] | [P/.][P//][P/] | [P][P/] | [P][P/] [_Thrice._]

[P/.][P//][P/] | [P][P/]

Alcaic stanza:--

[(.P/] [...] [P][P/] | [P/.][P/.] | [P/.][P//][P/] | [P][P/] | [P][-][rest] [_Twice._]

[(.P/] [...] [P][P/] | [P/.][P/.] | [P][P/] | [P][P/]

[P/.][P//][P/] | [P/.][P//][P/] | [P][P/] | [P][P/]

INDEX TO THE METRES OF THE ODES OF HORACE.

[The number placed after the opening words of each ode refers to

the full-faced numeral prefixed to the description of its metre in

the preceding pages.]

Book I.

1. Maecenas atavis, 1.

2. Iam satis terris, 6.

3. Sic te diva, 3.

4. Solvitur acris hiems, 11.

5. Quis multa gracilis, 4.

6. Scriberis Vario, 2.

7. Laudabunt alii, 9.

8. Lydia dic per omnes, 7.

9. Vides ut alta, 8.

10. Mercuri facunde, 6.

11. Tu ne quaesieris, 5.

12. Quem virum, 6.

13. Cum tu Lydia, 3.

14. O navis referent, 4.

15. Pastor cum traheret, 2.

16. O matre pulchra, 8.

17. Velox amoenum, 8.

18. Nullam Vare sacra, 5.

19. Mater saeva, 3.

20. Vile potabis, 6.

21. Dianam tenerae, 4.

22. Integer vitae, 6.

23. Vitas hinnuleo, 4.

24. Quis desiderio, 2.

25. Parcius iunctas, 6.

26. Musis amicus, 8.

27. Natis in usum, 8.

28. Te maris et terrae, 9.

29. Icci beatis, 8.

30. O Venus regina, 6.

31. Quid dedicatum, 8.

32. Poscimur si quid, 6.

33. Albi ne doleas, 2.

34. Parcus deorum, 8.

35. O diva gratum, 8.

36. Et thure et fidibus, 3.

37. Nunc est bibendum, 8.

38. Persicos odi, 6.

The Works of Horace, with English Notes Twentieth Edition · 第 1 / 4 章