defeats of Gates and Sumter, and before Ferguson’s defeat. Cornwallis
was in Charlotte with a large army; Rawdon was in Camden with another
large army; Leslie was at Winnsborough with a considerable army; Cruger
at Ninety-Six with a large army; McGirt, Cunningham and Brown, each
having considerable force, carrying on a savage war-fare of murdering,
robbing, burning and destroying. George Lumpkin, Ben. Moore and others
in Lincoln county, the chief of plunderers. Tarleton & Wemyss having
large bodies of dragoons, the best mounted of any that were ever in the
United States. For on the fall of Charleston, the British deluged the
country with Counterfeit Continental bills, sending emissaries through
the three Southern States to purchase up all the best horses belonging
to the Whigs, at any price. Beside these armies, numerous squads of
Tories, whenever they could collect ten or twelve, were plundering,
robbing, and destroying the last piece of whig property they could lay
their hands on belonging to the whigs. To finish the list, Ferguson with
about 1,200 men, three Fourths Tories, whose principal business it was
to destroy whig stock: It is to be observed, that more than one half of
their armies consisted of Tories.
This is a statement of facts that needs no proof; they cannot be
contradicted or denied, for every body knows them to be true. This
statement does not take into view the garrisons at Charleston, Savannah,
Augusta and other places in the lower country, or the numerous bodies of
Tories in the lower part of North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia
completely under British rule, and North Carolina at the eve of it. We
had no army in any of the three Southern States, under Governmental
orders, of any account that I know of except the poor fragments of
Gates’ defeated army, lying near the Virginia line. Marion’s troops were
volunteers, for the State was under British rule. The Mecklenburg
Hornets were volunteers from the counties of Rowan, Lincoln and
Mecklenburg.
From this State of things, Cornwallis could easily have carried out his
avowed purpose of again defeating Gates, and entering Virginia, with the
most numerous army that had been on the Continent, by calling in some of
his needless out-posts, and these numerous squads of petty-larceny
plunderers, who were raised from poverty to affluence in a few days
plundering, and having still the expectation of further advancement by
getting the whig plantations if he had succeeded—the patriotic State of
Virginia would have had to contend with him and his army almost single
handed, for it could have received little aid from the conquered States,
and but little from Washington, or the Northern States, as they had
their hands full with Clinton and his New York Tories. This was the most
disastrous period for Liberty and Independence from the time of its
Declaration to the end of the war. Liberty and Independence were then
shrouded in Egyptian darkness. Ferguson’s defeat was the turning point
in American affairs. The battle, extraordinary as it was, was not more
extraordinary than its effects were.
Cornwallis on hearing that Ferguson was defeated, immediately dropped
the notion of again defeating Gates and entering Virginia with a
numerous army, being already galled by the Mecklenburg Hornets, was
panic-struck to think that he would, alas! have, at the same time, to
encounter the gaffs and spurs of the blue hens’ chickens as soon as he
could filch a few days provisions from under the wings of the Hornets,
took night’s leave of the Hornets’ Nest, lest he should disturb the
wasps, made a precipitate retrograde march, stopping neither night nor
day until he joined Leslie of Winnsborough.
Instantly after Ferguson’s defeat, McGirt, Cunningham and Brown quit
their robbing, murdering, burning and destroying, and played the game of
“the least in sight,” and “shut-mouth” into the bargain. Lumpkin, Moore,
etc., fled to Nocachey; the petty larceny squads of Tories began to seek
their hiding places and holes, like rats and mice when the cat would
make her appearance. When Generals Greene and Morgan came from the North
with all the force that could be spared from that quarter, with the
fragments of Gates’ defeated army, the brave and cautious Gen. Morgan
found that he was unable to fight Tarleton, fled before him, until
Williams’ troops, being chiefly South Carolina and Georgia refugees, who
fought under Williams at Ferguson’s defeat, and the other troops who
lived on the east side of the mountains, who fought at the same place,
heard of Morgan’s retreating before Tarleton, and rushed to his
assistance. Being thus reinforced, Gen. Morgan turned about and defeated
Tarleton at the Cowpens; Gen. Greene had to retreat before Lord
Cornwallis until reinforced by the Mecklenburg Hornets, composed of
volunteers from Rowan, Lincoln and Mecklenburg counties. Greene turned
upon Cornwallis, and at Guilford made an equal fight, neither having the
victory. How would it have been with Generals Greene and Morgan if
Ferguson had not been defeated? Tarleton’s force would have been greatly
increased, and Cornwallis’ army would have been more than double the
number that appeared on the field of battle at Guilford. All then that
Morgan and Greene could have done would have been to retreat and keep
out of their way, and permit Cornwallis, agreeably to his avowed
intention, to have entered Virginia with the most numerous army that had
been in the field since the commencement of the war. Virginia would then
have had to contend single-handed with that formidable force, with the
assistance of Gen. Greene.
In short, Ferguson’s defeat was the turning point in American affairs.
The loss of this battle would, in all probability, have been the loss of
American Independence and the liberty we now enjoy. I never on any
occasion feel such dignified pride as when I think that my name counts
one of the number that faced the hill at King’s Mountain the day of that
battle. Others may think and speak disrespectfully of that transaction
who are in favor of monarchy and individual oppression; but that is not
Joseph McDowell, nor you, my friend Bob.
I have written down my narrative, and Gen. McDowell’s reply to Musentine
Matthews which he delivered to the boys at head of the Round-About, on
the Stone Mountain, as nearly as memory would serve—thinking that
reading it might fill up a blank in your leisure hours, reflecting on
the situation of the times to which the recited facts refer.
Your Friend,
D. VANCE.
Footnote 4:
Member of the House of Commons from Burke, 1791.
Footnote 5:
Member of House Commons from Iredell from 1789 to 1802.
Footnote 6:
Col. William Graham must not be confounded with Major (afterwards
General) Joseph Graham. They were not related to each other—Col.
Graham came from Augusta County, Virginia and settled on the First
Broad river then Tryon now Cleveland County. He married Susan,
daughter of William Twitty. Previous to this battle he had been a good
soldier and Indian fighter and was a popular man. See an honorable
sketch of him in “Hunters’s Sketches of North Carolina,” p. 522.
Footnote 7:
All we know about Mussentine Matthews is that he represented Iredell
County in the House of Commons from 1789 to 1802 continuously. He was
either a Tory or a cynic, it seems.
ROBERT HENRY’S ACCOUNT.
I will now relate a few facts relative to the battle at King’s Mountain
that came within my own view, and not related by Col. Vance. In Vance’s
narrative, he refers to Col. W. Graham’s and David Dickey’s leaving the
army to visit his wife, and Major Billy Chronicle taking his place, and
calling on his South Fork boys to follow him. At that time Enoch Gilmer
called on Hugh Ewin, Adam Barry and myself to follow him close to the
foot of the hill. We marched with a quick step, letting Major Chronicle
advance about ten steps before us, but further from the hill than we
were, until we met the wing from the other side of the hill, then
Chronicle having a military hat, but had let it down to shelter the rain
from him, and had it not set up, clapped his hand to it in front, and
raised it up, and cried “Face to the hill.” The words were scarcely
uttered, when a ball struck him and he dropped; and in a second after a
ball struck Wm. Rabb, about six feet from Chronicle,[8] and he dropped.
We then advanced up the hill close to the Tory lines: There was a log
across a hollow that I took my stand by; and stepping one step back, I
was safe from the British fire. I there remained firing until the
British charged bayonets. When they made the charge, they first fired
their guns, at which fire it is supposed they killed Capt. Mattocks, and
J. Boyd, wounded Wm. Gilmer and John Chittim. The Fork boys fired and
did considerable execution. I was preparing to fire when one of the
British advancing, I stepped [back] and was in the act of cocking my gun
when his bayonet was running along the barrel of my gun, and gave me a
thrust through my hand and into my thigh; my antagonist and myself both
fell. The Fork boys retreated and loaded their guns. I was then lying
under the smoke, and it appeared that some of them were not more than a
gun’s length in front of the bayonets, and the farthest could not have
been more than twenty feet in front when they discharged their rifles.
It was said that every one dropped his man. The British then retreated
in great haste, and were pursued by the Fork boys.
Wm. Caldwell saw my condition, and pulled the bayonet out of my thigh,
but it hung to my hand; he gave my hand a kick, and went on. The thrust
gave me much pain, but the pulling of it [out] was much more severe.
With my well hand I picked up my gun, and found her discharged. I
suppose that when the soldier made the thrust, I gripped the trigger and
discharged her—the load must have passed through his bladder and cut a
main artery of his back, as he bled profusely.
Immediately after Wm. Caldwell drew the bayonet from me, then the word
was that the flag was up—the whigs then shouted “Hurra for Liberty,”
three times at the top of their voices. It was immediately announced
that Ferguson was killed. I had a desire to see him, and went and found
him dead; he was shot in the face, and in the breast. It was said he had
received other wounds. Samuel Talbot turned him over, and got his pocket
pistol.
Being in much pain and drouthy, went down, left my gun, being unable to
carry her, and when I got near to the branch met David Dickey and Col.
Wm. Graham riding his large black horse, wielding his sword round his
head, crying at the top of his voice, “Dam the Tories,” and ascended the
hill. Having seen him get leave of absence at the commencement of the
battle to see his wife, I was filled with excitement and a conflict of
passion and extreme pain; but this brought on another set of feelings,
that may be understood, but I am not possessed of language to describe.
I then went into the branch, drank, bathed my thigh and hand—then went
to see whether Major Chronicle and Wm. Rabb were dead or wounded—found
them dead. I saw some of the boys hauling Capt. Mattocks and John Boyd
down the hill; and Samuel Martin carrying Wm. Gilmer, who was wounded in
the thigh.
Several of the South Fork boys were desirous to start for home that
night, and were desirous to know how many were killed on each side.
Joseph Beatty and Enoch Gilmer were appointed for that purpose of
counting: They reported that 248 British and Tories were killed, and
that 143 whigs were killed; they gave no account of the wounded.
In the mean time Hugh Ewin, Andrew Barry and Nathaniel Cook brought
their horses and mine; put me on my horse, but could not take my gun. We
rode over the battle-ground; saw in some places the dead lay thick, and
other places thin. We went about five miles from the battle-ground, and
staid for the night. My wounds pained me extremely. Sunday morning we
started for home. When we came to the South Fork, the waters were high,
and my company would not suffer me to ride the river, but took me across
in a canoe, and hauled me home in a slide.
I continued in extreme pain when my mother made a poultice of wet ashes,
and applied it to my wounds. This gave me the first ease. On Monday
morning by sun-rise Hugh Ewin and Andrew Barry came to see me, and
immediately after came several Neutralists, as they called themselves,
but were really Tories, to hear the news about the battle, when the
following dialogue took place between Ewin and Barry on one part, and
the Tories on the other: Is it certain that Col. Ferguson is killed, and
his army defeated and taken prisoners?
E. and B. It is certain, for we saw Ferguson after he was dead, and his
army prisoners.
Tory. How many men had Col. Ferguson?
E. and B. Nearly 1200, but not quite 1200.
Tory. Where did they get men enough to defeat him?
E. and B. They had the South Carolina and Georgia Refugees, Col.
Graham’s men, some from Virginia, some from the head of the Yadkin, some
from the head of the Catawba, some from over the mountains, and some
from every where else.
Tory. Tell us how it happened, and all about it.
E. and B. We met at Gilbert Town, and found that the foot troops could
not overtake Ferguson, and we took between six and seven hundred
horsemen, having as many or more footmen to follow; and we overtook
Ferguson at King’s Mountain, where we surrounded and defeated him.
Tory. Ah! That won’t do. Between Six and seven hundred to surround
nearly 1200. It would take more than 2000 to surround and take Col.
Ferguson.
E. and B. But we were all of us blue hen’s chickens.
Tory. There must have been of your foot and horse in all over 4000. We
see what you are about—that is, to catch Lord Cornwallis napping.
Thus ended the dialogue, not more than two hours after sun-rise on
Monday; and the Neutralists or Tories immediately departed. It was
reported that they immediately swam a horse across the Catawba river by
the side of a canoe (the Catawba was much higher than the South Fork,)
and gave Lord Cornwallis the news of Ferguson’s defeat.
Before my wounds were well, I went to Charlotte, and after Cornwallis
had left it, where I met a David Knox, a brother or near relation of
James Knox, the grandfather of President Polk, who gave me the following
information, to wit: That on Monday next after Ferguson’s defeat, he,
Knox, being a prisoner in the street in Charlotte, that an officer came
to the officer of the guard, and the following dialogue took place.
The first officer said to the officer of the guard, Did you hear the
news?
Officer of Guard. No, what news?
First Officer. Col. Ferguson is killed, and his whole army defeated and
taken prisoners.
Officer of Guard. How can that be—where did the men come from to do
that?
First Officer. Some of them were from South Carolina and Georgia
Refugees, some from Virginia, some from the head of the Yadkin, some
from the head of Catawba, some from over the Mountains, and some from
every where else: They met at Gilbert Town, about 2000 desperadoes on
horseback, calling themselves blue hen’s chickens—started in pursuit of
Ferguson, leaving as many footmen to follow. They overtook Col. Ferguson
at a place called King’s Mountain; there they killed Col. Ferguson after
surrounding his army, defeated them and took them prisoners.
Officer of Guard. Can this be true?
First Officer. As true as the gospel, and we may look out for breakers.
Officer of Guard. God bless us!
Whereupon David Knox jumped on a pile of fire-wood in the street,
slapped his hands and thighs, and crowed like a cock, exclaiming “Day is
at hand!” Hence he was called Peter’s Cock, having some analogy to the
crowing of the cock when Peter denied his Lord the third time.
It was generally considered about Charlotte and elsewhere, that this
exaggerated account, given by the Neutralists, of Col. Campbell’s army,
foot and horse, at 4000, which carried a strong air of plausibility with
it, was the reason why Lord Cornwallis immediately left Charlotte in the
night, after the waters were passable, and did not stop day nor night
until he met Gen. Leslie at or near Winnsborough.
MEM.—Carefully transcribed from the original Manuscript in Robert
Henry’s hand-writing, sent me by mail for the purpose, by Dr. J. F.
E. Hardy, of Asheville, N. C., Jan. 26th, 27th, 28th and early the
29th, 1874.
L. C. DRAPER.
Footnote 8:
There is an interesting sketch of Major William Chronicle in “Hunter’s
Sketches of North Carolina.” He lived in the S. E. part of Lincoln,
now Gaston county, was born in 1755; his mother first married a McKee,
and lived near Armstrong’s ford: When McKee died she married a
Chronicle, by whom she had Major William Chronicle. Perhaps Col.
Graham would have shared Chronicle’s fate, at the hand of the
sharpshooters if he had remained.
DAVID VANCE.
When the war between the States began, there still lived in North
Carolina men and women who had come down to us from Revolutionary times.
They were the repositories of many interesting anecdotes and
reminiscences of that stirring period. In addition, a mass of
documentary matter had been collected by Hawks, Wheeler, Swain, Graham
and others ready for the pen of the historian. But the dreadful “clash
of resounding arms” in 1861, and the equally momentous events which
followed the close of military hostilities suspended completely all
efforts in this direction and the minds of men were absorbed in the
great political and social questions of the times which involved the
very existence of the community.
With returning peace and prosperity loyal hearts and loving hands
resumed the work of historical research, but alas! much precious time
and valuable matter had been irretrievably lost. The survivors of the
patriots of 1776-’81 had passed away and in their graves had been buried
the treasures of their recollections; and many valuable papers collected
with much care had been destroyed. Yet much has been done and much
remains to be done. We can “gather up the fragments” and preserve them
for those who may come after us. Incidents, trifling in themselves
apparently, but which exhibit the manners of the times and illustrate
the character of the men who took part in the establishment of our
government, now become of great interest. In addition there is the
obligation—“a pleasing burden”—we bear to preserve the memory and
perpetuate the virtues of those brave and good men to whose suffering
and wisdom we are indebted for the blessings we enjoy.
The following sketch of one who took an active part in the early history
of western North Carolina has been prepared chiefly for the use of his
descendants. It has been decided to print it in order that if it shall
contain anything of general interest it will be the more easily
preserved.
David Vance was descended from that remarkable people, known as
Scotch-Irish, who were among the earliest settlers of the Southern
colonies, and from the beginning exercised a powerful influence in every
department of affairs. His father, Samuel, about the middle of the
eighteenth century, lived in Frederick county, Virginia, near “Zane’s
Iron Works.” His wife was Miss Colville, and of this marriage there were
five sons and three daughters; David, the eldest, having been born about
the year 1745. His father removed to south-western Virginia and settled
near Abingdon in 1776, where some of his descendants still reside. At
what period David came to North Carolina is not precisely known, but
about the year 1775 he married, in what is now Burke, but was then Rowan
county, Priscilla Brank; and here, pursuing his avocation of surveyor
and school-teacher, the beginning of the Revolutionary war found him. He
seems to have been among the first in North Carolina who took up arms in
support of the cause of the Colonies. He was commissioned Ensign in the
Second North Carolina Continental Regiment on the 8th of June, 1776, and
in April following was promoted to a Lieutenancy. He served with his
regiment until May or June 1778 when, because of decimation from losses
in battle and from sickness the regiments composing the North Carolina
Brigade were consolidated by act of the Provincial Congress, he, with
many other officers, according to Col. John Patton’s return of September
9th, 1778, was sent to Carolina to be assigned to one of the four
regiments which were to be thereafter organized in North Carolina. He
was with his regiment at Brandywine, Germantown, Monmouth, and during
that dreadful winter of 1777-’78 at Valley Forge, and doubtless took
part in all the other minor engagements of those campaigns. One of his
daughters used to tell his grand-children that, during the privations of
the winter at Valley Forge, the officers endeavored to keep up the
spirits of their men by promoting games, contests and other amusements,
and her father brought home from the war a “Spanish Milled dollar” which
had been presented to him by Washington as the prize won in a running
match.
It does not seem that he ever re-entered the regular service, but
resided with his family on the Catawba river, near Morganton, during the
year 1778 and 1779, teaching school. He was the neighbor and fast friend
of Charles and Joseph McDowell. When the seat of war was transferred
from the Northern to the Southern Colonies and the campaigns of 1780-’81
opened in the Carolinas, he again became an active participant in the
field, serving under Generals Rutherford, Davidson and Morgan in the
militia and other temporary forces raised from time to time to meet the
emergencies resulting from Cornwallis’ invasion. He fought at Ramseur’s
Mill, Musgrove’s Mill, Cowpens (probably), and on that glorious day at
King’s Mountain, where the long struggle for independence and the
destiny of a continent were decided. In his narrative of the events
connected with that battle he says he “was a captain.” It is presumable
therefore that in the forces hastily gathered for the purpose of
resisting the advance of the British, he commanded a company, most
probably in the battalion under Major Joseph McDowell.
The war having been ended and the independence of his country secured,
he resumed his peaceful pursuits, taking, however, his share of the
burden and responsibility in the grave task of establishing a form of
government suitable to the condition and wants of the people. It is
impossible for us now to appreciate the gravity of the situation which
presented itself to the men of those times. The imperfect records which
have been preserved of the discussions of the problems they were called
upon to solve disclose the anxieties and difficulties which surrounded
them. Much as we admire their bravery, endurance and skill in war, it
was in the border-fields of politics and statesmanship their wisdom and
patriotism were more fully displayed. When we reflect upon the result of
their labors and recall the prosperity and happiness the whole country
so long enjoyed in consequence, we are almost impelled to believe the
marvellous sagacity they exhibited was of divine inspiration.
Captain Vance, as he was then called, represented Burke county in the
General Assembly of 1785-’86 and in 1791. He was one of the
commissioners appointed by the legislature of 1785 to carry into effect
the act passed at that session for the relief of the “officers, soldiers
and seamen who had been disabled in the service of the United States” in
the late war, and to adjust the controversies arising from the entries
of public lands in “the District of Morgan.”
Soon after the treaty of peace with Great Britain, hostilities with the
Cherokee Indians, who then occupied that portion the State west of the
Blue Ridge, ceased, and the fertile lands of the French Broad Valley
began to attract the attention of the emigrant. Some time between the
years of 1785 and 1790, Captain Vance crossed the mountains with his
family and settled at the head of the lovely little valley of Reems
Creek. He here acquired a large and valuable body of land upon which he
built a comfortable home—yet standing, a good type of the substantial
frontier architecture—in which he reared his family and resided the
balance of his life.
This territory was in then Burke county. At the session of the General
Assembly of 1791, Captain Vance introduced and had passed the bill
creating the county of Buncombe. As this is the genesis of that now
famous county, it will not be inappropriate to insert here an extract
from the Journal of the House of Commons for Saturday, December 17th,
1791, the General Assembly then sitting at New Berne: