UPHOLDING AMERICAN HONOR IN THE TEXEL.
After the sinking of the Richard, Jones turned his attention to the
squadron. Those ships which had been in action were now ready for sea,
so far, at least, as it was possible to make them, and it was
necessary to make a safe port as soon as possible. He had now some
five hundred English prisoners, including Captains Pearson and Piercy
and their officers, in his possession. These equaled all the American
seamen held captive by the English, and, with one of the main objects
of his expedition in view, Jones earnestly desired to make a French
port, in which case his prizes would be secure and he would be able to
effect a proper exchange of prisoners. But the original destination of
the squadron had been the Texel. It is evident that in sending the
squadron into the Zuyder Zee Franklin shrewdly contemplated the
possibility of so compromising Holland by the presence of the ships as
to force a recognition from that important maritime and commercial
power of the belligerency of the United States. This was the real
purport of the orders. There was an ostensible reason, however, in the
presence of a large fleet of merchant vessels in the Texel, which
would be ready for sailing for France in October, and Jones' squadron
could give them a safe convoy.
The events of the cruise had brought about a somewhat different
situation from that contemplated in the original orders, and Jones was
undoubtedly within his rights in determining to enter Dunkirk, the
most available French port; in which event the difficulties which
afterward arose concerning the exchange of prisoners and the
disposition of the prizes would never have presented themselves. In
the latter case, however, the hand of Holland might not have been so
promptly forced, and the recognition accorded this country would
probably have been much longer delayed, although in the end it would
have come. But the balance of advantage lay with Jones' choice of
Dunkirk.
For a week the ships beat up against contrary winds, endeavoring to
make that port. Their position was most precarious. Sixteen sail,
including several ships of the line, were seeking the audacious
invaders, and they were likely to overhaul them at any time. The
Frenchmen naturally grew nervous over the prospect. Finally, the
captains, who had been remonstrating daily with Jones, refused to obey
his orders any longer; and, the wind continuing unfavorable for
France, they actually deserted the Serapis, running off to leeward in
a mass and heading for the Texel.
The officers of the American squadron were fully aware of the assigned
destination, although the deep reasons for Franklin's subtle policy
had probably not been communicated to them. In view of this
unprecedented situation, which may be traced distinctly to the
concordat, there was nothing left to Jones but to swallow the affront
as best he might, and follow his unruly squadron.
Landais had not yet been deposed from the command of the Alliance,
because it would have probably required force to arrest him on the
deck of his own ship, and an internecine conflict might have been
precipitated in his command. On the 3d of October, having made a quick
run of it, the squadron entered the Texel.
From the mainland of the Dutch Republic, now the Kingdom of the
Netherlands, the state of North Holland thrusts a bold wedge of land
far to the northward, between the foaming surges of the German Ocean
on the one hand, and the tempest-tossed waters of the Zuyder Zee on
the other. Opposite the present mighty fortifications of Helder,
justly considered the Gibraltar of the North, which terminate the
peninsula, lies a deep and splendid channel, bounded on the north side
by the island of Texel, from which the famous passage gets its name.
Through this ocean gateway, from time immemorial, a splendid
procession of gallant ships and hardy men have gone forth to discover
new worlds, to found new countries, to open up new avenues of trade
with distant empires, and to uphold the honor of the Orange flag in
desperate battles on the sea. Through the pass sailed the first great
Christian foreign missionary expedition of modern times, when in 1624
the Dutchmen carried the Gospel to the distant island of Formosa, the
beautiful.
Brederode and the wild beggars of the sea; Tromp, De Ruyter, van
Heemskerk, De Winter, leading their fleets to battles which made their
names famous, had plowed through the deep channel with their lumbering
keels. Of smaller ships from these familiar shores, the little Half
Moon, of Henry Hudson, and the pilgrim-laden Mayflower had taken their
departure. But no bolder officer nor better seaman had ever made the
passage than the little man on the deck of the battered Serapis on
that raw October morning. It is a rather interesting coincidence that
among the prizes of this cruise was one which bore the name of the
Mayflower.
As the cables of the ships tore through the hawse pipes when they
dropped anchor, Jones may have imagined that his troubles were over.
As a matter of fact, they had just begun, and his stay in the Texel
was not the least arduous nor the least brilliant period in his life.
His conduct in the trying circumstances in which he found himself was
beyond reproach. The instant that he appeared, Sir Joseph Yorke, the
able and influential Minister of England at The Hague, demanded that
the States-General deliver the Serapis and the Scarborough to him and
compel the return of the English prisoners held by Jones, and that the
American "Pirate" should be ordered to leave the Texel immediately,
which would, of course, result in the certain capture of his ships,
for the English pursuing squadron appeared off the mouth of the
channel almost immediately after Jones' entrance.
Sir Joseph made the point--and it was a pretty one--that by the terms
of past treaties prizes taken by ships whose commanders bore the
commission of no recognized power or sovereign were to be returned to
the English whenever they fell into the hands of Holland. This placed
the States-General in a dilemma. Paul Jones would show no commission
except that of America; indeed, he had no other. In Sir Joseph's mind
the situation was this: The States-General would comply with the terms
of the treaty or it would not. If it did, he would get possession of
the ships and of Jones as well. If it did not, the logic of events
would indicate that the States-General considered the commission which
Paul Jones bore as being valid, in that it was issued by a sovereign
power. This would be in effect a recognition of belligerency. In other
words, the shrewd British diplomatist was endeavoring to force the
hand of the States-General. To determine the position of Holland with
regard to the revolted colonies of Great Britain was a matter of
greater moment than to secure Paul Jones or to receive the two ships,
the loss of which, except so far as it affronted the pride of England,
was of no consequence whatever. The States-General, however,
endeavored to evade the issue and postpone the decision, for, while
their "High Mightinesses" refused to cause the ships to be given up,
they ordered Jones to leave the harbor at once, and they earnestly
disclaimed any intention of recognizing the revolted colonies.
As a matter of fact, since there were two parties in the government of
Holland, and two opinions on the subject, they could come to no more
definite conclusion. Jones was intensely popular with the people, and
the democratic opinion favored the immediate recognition of American
independence, and protested against any arbitrary action toward him
and his ships. The Prince of Orange and the aristocratic party took
the contrary view, and they pressed it upon him as far as they dared.
Realizing the precarious nature of his stay in Holland, Jones
immediately set to work with his usual energy to refit the ships,
especially the Serapis. Dispatching a full account of his cruise and
his expedition to Franklin, he went in person to Amsterdam to
facilitate his desire. A contemporary account states that he was
dressed in an American naval uniform,[24] wearing on his head, instead
of the usual cocked hat, a Scotch bonnet edged with gold lace.
When he appeared in the exchange he received a popular ovation, which
naturally greatly pleased him. However, he modestly strove to escape
the overwhelming demonstrations of admiration and approval with which
he was greeted, by retiring to a coffee room, but he was compelled to
show himself again and again at the window in response to repeated
demands from crowds of people assembled in the street who desired a
sight of him. He was made the hero of song and story, and one of the
ballads of the time, a rude, rollicking, drinking song, very popular
among sailors, which celebrates his exploits, is sung to this day in
the streets of Amsterdam.[25] So delighted were the Dutch with the
humiliation he had inflicted upon their ancient enemy that some of the
principal men of the nation, including the celebrated Baron van der
Capellen, subsequently noted for his friendship for America (evidently
not in harmony with the aristocratic party), entered into a
correspondence with him, which must have been highly flattering to
him, from the expressions of admiration and approval with which every
letter of the baron's abounds. They desired to receive at first hand
an account of his exploits. In response to this request Jones had his
report to Dr. Franklin copied and sent to van der Capellen, together
with other documents illustrative of his career, accompanied by the
following letter:
"On Board the Serapis at the Texel,
"_October 19, 1779_.
"My Lord: Human nature and America are under a very singular
obligation to you for your patriotism and friendship, and I feel every
grateful sentiment for your generous and polite letter.
"Agreeable to your request I have the honour to inclose a copy of my
letter to his Excellency Doctor Franklin, containing a particular
account of my late expedition on the coasts of Britain and Ireland, by
which you will see that I have already been praised far more than I
have deserved; but I must at the same time beg leave to observe that
by the other papers which I take the liberty to inclose (particularly
the copy of my letter to the Countess of Selkirk, dated the day of my
arrival at Brest from the Irish Sea), I hope you will be convinced
that in the British prints I have been censured unjustly. I was,
indeed, born in Britain, but I do not inherit the degenerate spirit of
that fallen nation, which I at once lament and despise. It is far
beneath me to reply to their hireling invectives. They are strangers
to the inward approbation that greatly animates and rewards the man
who draws his sword only in support of the dignity of freedom.
"_America has been the country of my fond election from the age of
thirteen, when I first saw it_.[26] I had the honour to hoist, with my
own hands, the flag of freedom, the first time that it was displayed
on the Delaware, and I have attended it with veneration ever since on
the Ocean; I see it respected even here, in spite of the pitiful Sir
Joseph, and I ardently wish and hope very soon to exchange a salute
with the flag of this Republick. Let but the two Republicks join
hands, and they will give Peace to the World."
Among the documents transmitted was the famous letter to Lady Selkirk,
of which sententious epistle he evidently remained inordinately proud.
In acknowledging this courtesy van der Capellen wrote as follows:
"The perusal of the letters with which you have favoured me has done
the very same effect upon me that his Excell. Dr. Franklin expected
they would do on the Countess of Selkirk, as you are represented in
some of our Newspapers as a rough, unpolished sailor, not only, but
even as a man of little understanding and no morals and sensibility,
and as I think the 4 papers extremely fit to destroy these malicious
aspersions, I must take the liberty of asking your permission to
publish them in our gazettes. The public will soon make this very just
conclusion that the man honoured by the friendship and intimacy of a
Franklin can not be such as you have been represented.[27] There are
three points on which you will oblige me by giving some elucidation,
1st. whether you have any obligations to Lord Selkirk? 2d. whether
Lady Selkirk has accepted your generous offer? 3d. whether you have a
commission of France besides that of the Congress? 'Tis not a vain
curiosity that incites me to be so importunate; no, sir, the two first
questions are often repeated to me by your enemies, or, at least, by
prejudiced people; and as to the last, a relative of mine, a known
friend of America, has addressed himself to me for information on that
subject, which he will be glad to have before the States of his
province, of which he is a member (but not yet, as I am, expelled the
house), be assembled.
"You will greatly oblige me by sending me as soon as possible such
information as you will think proper to grant.
"You may rely on our discretion; we can keep a secret, too. I am in a
great hurry, with the most perfect esteem ..."
The baron's statement gives us a contemporary opinion--one of entire
approbation, by the way--of the letter to Lady Selkirk, and it shows
us that our great-grandfathers looked at things with different eyes
from ours.
In reply, Jones dispatched the following letter a month later:
"Alliance, Texel, _November 29, 1779_.
"My Lord: Since I had the honour to receive your second esteemed
letter I have unexpectedly had occasion to revisit Amsterdam; and,
having changed ships since my return to the Texel, I have by some
accident or neglect lost or mislaid your letter. I remember, however,
the questions it contained: 1st, whether I ever had any obligation to
Lord Selkirk? 2dly, whether he accepted my offer? and 3dly, whether I
have a French commission? I answer: I have never had any obligation to
Lord Selkirk, except for his good opinion, nor does know me nor mine
except by character. Lord Selkirk wrote me an answer to my letter to
the Countess, but the Ministry detained it in the general post office
in London for a long time, and then returned it to the author, who
afterward wrote to a friend of his (M. Alexander), an acquaintance of
Doctor Franklin's then at Paris, giving him an account of the fate of
his letter to me & desiring him to acquaint his Excellency and myself
that if the plate was restored by Congress or by any public Body he
would accept it, but that he would not think of accepting it from my
private generosity. The plate has, however, been bought, agreeable to
my letter to the Countess, and now lays in France at her disposal. As
to the 3rd article, _I never bore nor acted under any other commission
than what I have received from the Congress of the United States of
America_.[28]
"I am much obliged to you, my Lord, for the honour you do me by
proposing to publish the papers I sent you in my last, but it is an
honour which I must decline, because I can not publish my letter to a
lady without asking and obtaining the lady's consent, and because I
have a very modest opinion of my writings, being conscious that they
are not of sufficient value to claim the notice of the public. I
assure you, my Lord, it has given me much concern to see an extract of
my rough journal in print, and that, too, under the disadvantage of a
translation. That mistaken kindness of a friend will make me cautious
how I communicate my papers.
"I have the honour to be, my Lord, with great esteem and respect,
"Your most obliged,
"And very humble servant."
The nice delicacy of his conduct in refusing to permit the publication
of a letter to a lady without her consent goes very far toward
redeeming the absurdity of the letter itself. While this interesting
correspondence was going on, events of great moment were transpiring.
In the first place, Captain Pearson was protesting against his
detention as a prisoner in the most vehement way, and otherwise
behaving in a very ill-bred manner. When the commodore offered to
return him his plate, linen, and other property, which had been taken
from the Serapis, he refused to accept it from Jones; but he intimated
that he would receive it from the hand of Captain de Cottineau! Jones
had the magnanimity to overlook this petty quibbling, and returned the
property through the desired channel. Pearson, like Jones, was of
humble origin; but, unlike Jones, he never seems to have risen above
it. On October 19th he addressed the following note to Jones:
"Pallas, Tuesday Evening, _October 19, 1779_.
"_Captain Jones, Serapis_.
"Captain Pearson presents his compliments to Captain Jones, and is
sorry to find himself so little attended to in his present situation
as not to have been favoured with either a _Call_ or a line from
Captain Jones since his return from Amsterdam. Captain P ... is sorry
to say that he can not look upon such behaviour in any other light
than as a breach of that _Civility_, which his Rank, as well as
behaviour on all occasions entitles to, he at the same time wishes to
be informed by Captain Jones whether any _Steps has_ been taken toward
the enlargement or exchange of him, his officers and people, or what
is intended to be done with them. As he can not help thinking it a
very unprecedented circumstance their being _keeped_ here as prisoners
on board of ship, being so long in a neutral port."
He received in return this decided and definite reply:
"Serapis, Wednesday, _October 20, 1779_.
"_Captain Pearson_.
"Sir: As you have not been prevented from corresponding with your
friends, and particularly with the English ambassador at The Hague, I
could not suppose you to be unacquainted with his memorial, of the
8th, to the States-General, and therefore I thought it fruitless to
pursue the negotiation for the exchange of the prisoners of war now in
our hands.
"I wished to avoid any painful altercation with you on that subject; I
was persuaded that you had been in the highest degree sensible that my
behaviour 'toward you had been far from a breach of civility.' This
charge is not, Sir, a civil return for the polite hospitality and
disinterested attentions which you have hitherto experienced.
"I know not what difference of respect is due to 'Rank,' between your
service and ours; I suppose, however, the difference must be thought
_very great_ in England, since I am informed that Captain Cunningham,
of equal denomination, and who bears a senior rank in the service of
America, than yours in the service of England, is now confined at
Plymouth _in a dungeon, and in fetters_.
"Humanity, which hath hitherto superseded the plea of retaliation in
American breasts, has induced me (notwithstanding the procedure of Sir
Joseph Yorke) to seek after permission to land the dangerously
wounded, as well prisoners as Americans, to be supported and cured at
the expense of our Continent. The permission of the Government has
been obtained, but the magistrates continue to make objections. I
shall not discontinue my application. I am ready to adopt any means
that you may propose for their preservation and recovery, and in the
meantime we shall continue to treat them with the utmost care and
attention, equally, as you know, to the treatment of our people of the
same rank.
"As it is possible that you have not yet seen the memorial of your
ambassador to the States-General, I enclose a paper which contains a
copy, and I believe he has since written what, in the opinion of good
men, will do still less honour to his pen.
"I can not conclude without informing you that unless Captain
Cunningham is immediately better treated in England, I expect orders
in consequence from His Excellency Dr. Franklin; therefore, I beseech
you, Sir, to interfere."
The States-General having refused to consent to the restoration of the
ships and the surrender of the prisoners, Paul Jones went to The Hague
for the purpose of pleading his own cause; and there, through the
representations of the French ambassador, the Duc de la Vauguyon,
received permission from their High Mightinesses to land the more
dangerously wounded among his prisoners and crew as well, numbering
over one hundred, in order that he might better care for them and
establish them in more comfortable quarters than the crowded ships
permitted.
From motives of humanity, in view of the condition of the prisoners,
Sir Joseph Yorke acquiesced in this arrangement. It was first proposed
that Jones should land them and establish a hospital at Helder; but
the magistrates of that town objecting to the proposition, a fort on
the Texel was assigned to him, of which the entire charge was
committed to him. Colonel de Weibert, with a sufficient force to
garrison the works, was placed in command of the fort.
Meanwhile, the charges against Landais, having been formulated and
signed, were dispatched to Franklin, who, with the consent of the
French Government, ordered him to resign the command of the Alliance
and repair immediately to Paris. Before he left the Texel the erratic
Frenchman compelled Captain de Cottineau to accord him the honor of a
duel. As Landais was an expert swordsman, he succeeded in severely
wounding his less skillful but far more worthy antagonist. Elated by
this exploit, the mad Frenchman sent Jones a challenge also. In reply
to Landais' note, the commodore, Marius-like, promptly dispatched men
to arrest him; but Landais got wind of the attempt and hastened to
escape, taking up his departure for Paris. During the stay in the
Texel Jones succeeded in effecting the exchange of Captain Pearson for
Captain Gustavus Cunningham, whom he had at last the pleasure of
receiving upon his own ship.[29] Meanwhile, with true British
persistence, Sir Joseph kept at the States-General, and it in turn
pressed upon Jones, who imperturbably passed the matter on to the
French ambassador and Dr. Franklin.
On the 12th of November, to relieve a situation which had become
well-nigh insupportable, the French Government, with the consent of
Franklin, directed that the command of the Serapis should be given to
Captain de Cottineau, and that all the other vessels, except the
Alliance, to which the French had no claim, should hoist the French
flag, and that the Americans should be sent on board the Alliance,
which should be turned over to Paul Jones. To his everlasting regret,
Jones had to obey the heartbreaking order, and in one moment found
himself deprived of his command and his prizes taken from him. It was
a crushing blow, but he had no option save to bear it as best he
could. The exchange was effected at night, and the next morning, when
the Dutch admiral sent his flag captain on board the Serapis to
attempt his usual bullying, he was surprised to see the French flag
flying from her gaff end, and to be informed that she was now the
property of France, as were all the other ships except the Alliance.
Proceedings at once, therefore, fell to the ground as regarded all the
ships but the American frigate. There was no possible reason for
giving up the ships of the French king to the British Government, so
Sir Joseph Yorke necessarily, although with a very bad grace, dropped
the matter, and a short time after the French ships and the prizes
sailed with the merchant fleet under a strong Dutch convoy for France,
where they all arrived safely. Yorke persisted, however, in attempting
to secure the person of Jones, it is gravely alleged, through the
efforts of private individuals, kidnappers or bravos. At any rate, he
redoubled his representations regarding the Alliance, and his efforts
to force the departure of the ship that she might fall into the hands
of the waiting English.
The Serapis had been thoroughly overhauled and refitted, and the other
ships, with the exception of the Alliance, were in good shape. By his
unsailorly antics and foolish arrangements Landais had almost
destroyed the qualities of that noble frigate. She was in a dreadful
condition. Thirteen Dutch men-of-war, all of them two-deckers, or line
of battle ships, had assembled in the Texel to enforce the orders of
the States-General, which, on the 17th of November, by a specific
resolution directed the Admiralty Board at Amsterdam to command Jones
to let no opportunity escape to put to sea, as the approach of winter
might make his departure inconvenient or impossible if he delayed
longer. Vice-Admiral Rhynst, who had succeeded Captain Rimersina (like
van der Capellen, another friend of the United States) in the command
of the Dutch fleet, was peremptorily ordered to permit no delay which
was not unavoidable in the carrying out of these orders. He was
instructed and empowered to use force if necessary. Outside the harbor
there was a constantly increasing number of English ships, so that
Jones found himself "between the devil and the deep sea." He was not
to be intimidated, however, and he absolutely refused to go out at all
until he was ready, sending Admiral Rhynst a rather boastful letter to
the effect that he could not engage more than three times his force
with any hope of success, but were the odds any less he should go out
at once. M. Dumas, the French commissary and the agent of the United
States at The Hague, had been directed to proceed to the Texel and do
what he could for Jones, and an interesting correspondence was carried
on between them and the French ambassador on the subject of Jones'
departure. With clear-eyed diplomacy and stubborn resolution the
American held on; go he would not until he was ready! It was, no
doubt, very exasperating to the Dutch, and they did everything
possible save using force to get rid of their unwelcome visitor.
The Alliance, as has been stated, was in an unseaworthy condition. An
old-fashioned sailing vessel was as complex and delicate a thing as a
woman; rude, brutal, and unskillful handling had the same effect on
both of them--it spoiled them. Jones at once began the weary work of
refitting her so far as his limited resources provided. The powder
which had been saved from the wreck of the Richard replaced the
spoiled ammunition of the Alliance. Two cables had been borrowed from
the Serapis, and such other steps taken as were possible. When the
squadron was turned over to France the prisoners, except those already
exchanged by agreement between Jones and Pearson, also were directed
to be surrendered to the French Government, who immediately exchanged
them with the English for an equal number of French prisoners,
promising Franklin that they would presently exchange a corresponding
number of French prisoners for the Americans. But Jones resolutely
refused to give up all of his prisoners. In spite of protests and
orders he re-embarked the hundred men who had been recovering from
their wounds in the fort on the Texel, and taking all the Americans of
the squadron, so that the Alliance was heavily overmanned, he made his
preparations to get away.
At this time the Duc de la Vauguyon, by the direction of De Sartine,
made Jones the offer of a French naval letter of marque, which might
have protected the captain of the Alliance on her proposed homeward
passage, and have removed all legal cause of objection as to her stay
in the Texel. To this proposition, which he considered insulting,
Jones made the following characteristic answer:
"My Lord: Perhaps there are many men in the world who would esteem as
an honour the commission that I have this day refused. My rank from
the beginning knew no superior in the marine of America; how then must
I be humbled were I to accept a letter of marque! I should, my lord,
esteem myself inexcusable were I to accept even a commission of equal
or superior denomination to that I bear, unless I were previously
authorised by Congress, or some other competent authority in Europe.
And I must tell you that, on my arrival at Brest from the Irish
Channel, Count D'Orvilliers offered to procure for me from court a
commission of '_Capitaine de Vaisseau_,' which I did not then accept
for the same reason, although the war between France and England was
not then begun, and of course the commission of France would have
protected me from an enemy of superior force.
"It is a matter of the highest astonishment to me that, after so many
compliments and fair professions, the court should offer the present
insult to my understanding, and suppose me capable of disgracing my
present commission. I confess that I never merited all the praise
bestowed on my past conduct, but I also feel that I have far less
merited such a reward. Where profession and practice are so opposite I
am no longer weak enough to form a wrong conclusion. _They may think
as they please of me; for where I can not continue my esteem, praise
or censure from any man is to me a matter of indifference_.[30]
"I am much obliged to them, however, for having at last fairly opened
my eyes, and enabled me to discover truth from falsehood.
"The prisoners shall be delivered agreeable to the orders which you
have done me the honour to send me from his excellency the American
ambassador in France.
"I will also with great pleasure not only permit a part of my seamen
to go on board the ships under your excellency's orders, but I will
also do my utmost to prevail with them to embark freely; and if I can
now or hereafter, by any other honourable means, facilitate the
success or the honour of his Majesty's arms, I pledge myself to you as
his ambassador, that none of his own subjects would bleed in his cause
with greater freedom than myself, an American.
"It gives me the more pain, my lord, to write this letter, because the
court has enjoined you to prepare what would destroy my peace of mind,
and my future veracity in the opinion of the world.
"When, _with the consent of the court_, and by order of the American
ambassador, I gave American commissions to French officers, I did not
fill up those commissions to command privateers, nor even for a rank
_equal_ to that of their commissions in the marine of France. They
were promoted to rank _far superior_. And why? Not from personal
friendship, nor from my knowledge of their services and abilities (the
men and their characters being entire strangers to me), but from the
respect which I believed America would wish to show for the service of
France.
"While I remained eight months seemingly forgot by the court at Brest,
many commissions, such as that in question, were offered to me; and I
believe (when I am in pursuit of _plunder_) I can still obtain such an
one without application to court.
"I hope, my lord, that my behaviour through life will ever entitle me
to the continuance of your good wishes and opinion, and that you will
take occasion to make mention of the warm and personal affection with
which my heart is impressed toward his Majesty."
In no other letter among the many which I have examined does Jones
appear in so brilliant and successful a light. His high-souled
decision, and his dignified but explicit way of conveying it, alike do
him the greatest credit. In the hands of such a man, not only his own
honor but that of his country would be perfectly safe always. As
usual, on the 16th of December, he inclosed a copy of his letter to
Franklin with the following original comment:
"I hope," he said, "that the within copy of my letter to the Duc de la
Vauguyon will meet your approbation, for I am persuaded that it never
could be your intention or wish that I should be made the tool of any
great r---- whatever; or that the commission of America should be
overlaid by the dirty piece of parchment which I have thus rejected!
They have played upon my good humour too long already, but the spell
is at last dissolved. They would play me off with assurance of the
personal and particular esteem of the king, to induce me to do what
would render me contemptible even in the eyes of my own servants!
Accustomed to speak untruths themselves, they would also have me to
give under my hand that I am a liar and a scoundrel. They are
mistaken, and I would tell them what you did to your naughty servant.
'We have too contemptible an opinion of one another's understanding to
live together.' I could tell them, too, that if M---- de C---- had not
taken such safe precautions to keep me honest by means of his famous
_concordat_, and to support me by so many able colleagues, these great
men would not have been reduced to such mean shifts; for the prisoners
could have been landed at Dunkirk the day that I entered the Texel,
and I could have brought in double the numbers."
After annoying him with daily injunctions and commands, on the 16th of
December Vice Admiral Rhynst finally commanded Jones to come on board
his flagship and report his intentions. Jones promptly refused to obey
this astonishing order, telling the Dutchman that he had no right to
order him anywhere. Whereupon the vice admiral wrote to him as
follows:
"I desire you by this present letter to inform me how I must consider
the Alliance which you are on board of: whether as a French or
American vessel. If the first, I expect you to cause his Majesty's
commission to be shown to me, and that you display the French flag and
pendant, announcing it by discharging a gun. If the second, I expect
you to omit no occasion of departing, according to the orders of their
High Mightinesses."
Jones had passed beyond the arguing point, and treated this
communication with contempt. He rightly judged that the Dutch would
not resort to force in the end, and he refused to go out to certain
capture; indeed, he would not move until he was ready and a fair
chance of escape presented itself.
When the French Commissary of Marine at Amsterdam, the Chevalier de
Lironcourt, saw Rhynst's communication, which Jones sent to him, he
suggested that Jones might waive the point and display French colors
on his ship, disclaiming, at the same time, any ulterior motive not in
consonance with the dignity of the commander, on the part of himself
or his government, in this proposition. But Jones was not to be moved
from the stand he had taken. The man of the world was becoming the
dauntless citizen of the United States at last. He curtly told the
Dutch admiral that he had no orders to hoist any other flag than the
American, and that it only should fly from the gaff of his ship. He
also told him that as soon as a pilot would undertake to carry out his
ship he would leave. But his most significant action was to state
emphatically to the vice admiral's flag captain, who came aboard the
Alliance for an answer to his note of the 16th, that he was tired of
the annoyances, insults, and threats which had been directed at him
daily, and that they must be stopped in future, as he would receive no
more communications from the vice admiral. He also requested the flag
captain to say to his superior officer that, although the Dutch
flagship mounted sixty-four guns, if she and the Alliance were at sea
together the vice admiral's conduct toward him would not have been
tolerated for a moment. I have no doubt that Jones meant exactly what
he said, and I think the vice admiral was lucky in not being required
to test the declaration. From this time until his departure no
communications of any sort were received by Jones from his baffled and
silenced tormentor.
He had done all that mortal man could do to retain his prizes, to
protract his stay in Dutch waters, to commit Holland to the side of
the United States, to effect an exchange of prisoners, and to maintain
the honor of the American flag. In doing this, on all sides he had
been harassed and insulted beyond measure. It was therefore some
consolation to him to receive on the 21st the following note of
explanation and apology from De la Vauguyon:
"_December 21, 1779_.
"I perceive with pain, my dear commodore, that you do not view your
situation in the right light; and I can assure you that the ministers
of the king have no intention to cause you the least disagreeable
feeling, as the honourable testimonials of the esteem of his majesty,
which I send you, ought to convince you. I hope you will not doubt the
sincere desire with which you have inspired me to procure you every
satisfaction you may merit. It can not fail to incite you to give new
proofs of your zeal for the common cause of France and America. I
flatter myself to renew, before long, the occasion and to procure you
the means to increase still more the glory you have already acquired.
I am already occupied with all the interest I promised you; and if my
views are realized, as I have every reason to believe, you will be at
all events perfectly content; but I must pray you not to hinder any
project by delivering yourself to the expressions of those strong
sensations to which you appear to give way, and for which there is
really no foundation. You appear to possess full confidence in the
justice and kindness of the king; rely also upon the same sentiments
on the part of his ministers."
To this letter Jones sent the following reply; he was a generous man,
who bore no malice:
"Alliance, Texel, _December 25, 1779_.
"_The Duke de Vauguyon_.
"My Lord: I have not a heart of stone, but I am duly sensible of the
obligations conferred on me by the very kind and affectionate letter
that you have done me the honour to write me the 21st current.
"Were I to form my opinion of the ministry from the treatment that I
experienced while at Brest, or from their want of confidence in me
afterward, exclusive of what has taken place since I had the
misfortune to enter this port, I will appeal to your Excellency as a
man of candour and ingenuousness, whether I ought to desire to prolong
a connection that has made me so unhappy, and wherein I have given so
little satisfaction? M. de Chev. de Lironcourt has lately made me
reproaches on account of the expense that he says France has been at
_to give me reputation_, in preference to twenty captains of the royal
navy, better qualified than myself, and who, each of them, solicited
for the command that was lately given to me! This, I confess, is quite
new and indeed surprising to me, and had I known it before I left
France I certainly should have resigned in favour of the twenty men of
superior merit. I do not, however, think that his first assertion is
true, for the ministry must be unworthy of their places were they
capable of squandering the public money merely to give an individual
reputation! and as to the second, I fancy the court will not thank him
for having given me this information, whether true or false. I may add
here that, with a force so ill-composed, and with powers so limited, I
ran ten chances of ruin and dishonour for one of gaining reputation;
and had not the plea of humanity in favour of the unfortunate
Americans in English dungeons superseded all considerations of self, I
faithfully assure you, my lord, that I would not have proceeded under
such circumstances from Groix. I do not imbibe hasty prejudices
against any individual, but when many and repeated circumstances,
conspiring in one point, have inspired me with disesteem toward any
person, I must see very convincing proofs of reformation in such
person before my heart can beat again with affection in his favour;
for the mind is free, and can be bound only by kind treatment.
"You do me great honour, as well as justice, my lord, by observing
that no satisfaction can be more precious to me than by giving new
proofs of my zeal for the common cause of France and America; and the
interest that you take to facilitate the means of my giving such
proofs by essential services, claims my best thanks. _I hope I shall
not, through any imprudence of mine, render ineffectual any noble
design that may be in contemplation for the general good._[31]
Whenever that object is mentioned, my private concerns are out of the
question, and where I can not speak exactly what I could wish with
respect to my private satisfaction, I promise you in the meantime to
observe a prudent silence.
"With a deep sense of your generous sentiments of personal regard
toward me, and with the most sincere wishes to merit that regard by my
conduct through life."
The following extract from a letter to Robert Morris well indicates
how his treatment by the French ambassador rankled:
"By the within despatches for Congress I am persuaded you will observe
with pleasure that my connection with a court is at an end, and that
my prospect of returning to America approaches. The great seem to wish
only to be concerned with tools, who dare not speak or write truth. I
am not sorry that my connection with them is at an end. In the course
of that connection I ran ten chances of ruin and dishonour for one of
reputation; and all the honours or profit that France could bestow
should not tempt me again to undertake the same service with an
armament, equally ill composed, and with powers equally limited. It
affords me the most exalted pleasure to reflect that, when I return to
America, I can say that _I have served in Europe at my own expense,
and without the fee or reward of a court_,[32] When the prisoners we
have taken are safely lodged in France I shall have no further
business in Europe, as the liberty of our fellow citizens who now
suffer in English prisons will then be secured; and I shall hope
hereafter to be usefully employed under the immediate direction of the
Congress."
It is a remarkable thing that, during the perplexities and harassing
incidents of his stay in the Texel, with the constant demands made
upon him in every direction, the difficulties with which he had to
cope, the responsibilities he assumed, the problems he had to solve,
and the dangers grappled with, he found time to carry on such a
voluminous and extraordinary correspondence as has been preserved.
Among other documents he drew up a long memorial to Congress
recounting his career and public services to date, which is of much
service to those who strive to solve the enigma of his complex life
and character. The tendency to lionize a hero was as prevalent then as
now, and Jones was compelled by the exigencies of his situation to
refuse many invitations of a social nature at Amsterdam and The Hague.
"Duty," he says, "must take precedence of pleasure. I must wait a more
favourable opportunity to kiss the hands of the fair." Certain young
impressionable misses, after the custom of the day, indited poetical
effusions to him. In the hurry and rush of business he could only find
time in his replies to deplore the fact that so much was expected from
him that he could not respond in rhyme to these metrical
communications.