insignia, as does every synagogue, of a Jewish King. The Jewish hope is
that the Throne of David shall be set up again, as doubtless it will be.
None of these things is to be decried in the least, nor to be regarded
with anything but a decent respect, but they should be borne in mind as
a side light on the expressed contempt for Gentile Presidents and
Legislatures.
The Tenth Protocol reaches the theme of President thus:
"Then the rise of the republican era became possible, and then in the
place of a sovereign we substituted a caricature of him, a President
picked from the crowd * * * Such was the foundation of the mine we laid
underneath the Gentile people, or more accurately, the Gentile peoples."
It is with something of a shock that one reads that men with a "past"
are specially favored for the presidential office. Men with a "past"
have become President in various countries, including the United States,
there is no doubt of that. In some instances, the particular scandal
that constituted the "past" has been publicly known; in other cases it
has been hushed up and lost in a maze of rumor. In at least one case it
was made the special property of a syndicate of men who, while
protecting the official from public knowledge, compelled him to pay
rather stiffly for their service. Men with a "past" are not uncommon,
and it is not always the "past" but the concealment of it that concerns
them most, and in this lack of frankness, this distrust of the
understanding and mercy of the people, they usually fall into another
slavery, namely, the slavery of political or financial blackmail.
"We will manipulate the election of Presidents whose past contains some
undisclosed dark affair, some 'Panama,' then they will be faithful
executors of our orders from fear of exposure and from the natural
desire of every man who has attained a position of authority to retain
the privileges, emoluments and the dignity associated with the position
of President."
The use of the word "Panama" here refers to the various scandals which
arose in French political circles over the original efforts to construct
the Panama Canal. If the present form of the Protocols had been written
at a later date they might have referred to the "Marconi wireless"
scandals in England--though on second thought, they would not have done
so because certain men were involved who were not Gentiles. Herzl, the
great Jewish Zionist leader, uses the expression in "The Jewish State."
Speaking of the management of the business of Palestine he says that the
Society of the Jews "will see to it that the enterprise does not become
a Panama but a Suez." That the same expression should occur in Herzl and
in the Protocols is significant; it has also another significance, which
will be described at another time. It must be clear to the reader,
however, that no one writing for the general public at this day would
refer to a "Panama" in a man's past. The reference would not be
understood.
It is this practice of holding a man under obligation which makes it
needful on the part of the true publicist to tell the truth and the
whole truth about aspirants for public office. It is not enough to say
of a candidate that he "began as a poor boy" and then became
"successful." How did he become successful? How explain the "rise" of
his fortunes? Sometimes the clue leads deep into the domestic life of
the candidate. It may be told of a man, for example, that he helped
another out of a scrape by marrying the woman involved, and received a
sum of money for doing so. It may be told of another that he was
implicated by his too friendly relations with another's wife, but was
relieved of his predicament by the astute diplomacy of powerful friends,
to whom thereafter he felt himself in debt of honor. It is strange that,
in American affairs at least, the woman-note is predominant. In our
higher offices that has more frequently occurred than any other, oftener
than the money-note.
In European countries, however, where the fact of a man's being
entangled illegitimately with a woman does not carry so heavy a stamp of
shame with it, the controlled men have been found to have "pasts" of
another character.
The whole subject is extremely distasteful, but truth has its surgical
duties to perform, and this is one of them. When, for example, a pivotal
assemblage like that of the Peace Conference is studied, and the men who
are most subject to the Jewish influence are isolated, and their past
history is carefully traced, there is almost no difficulty whatever in
determining the precise moment when they passed over into that fateful
condition which, while it did not hinder them of public honors for one
hour, made them unchangeably the servants of a power the public did not
see. The puzzling spectacle which the observer sees of the great leaders
of Anglo-Saxon races closely surrounded and continuously counseled by
the princes of the Semitic race, is explained only by knowledge of those
leaders' "past" and those words of the Protocols--"We will manipulate
the election of Presidents whose past contains some undisclosed dark
affair."
And where this Jewish domination of officials is glaringly apparent, it
may be safely assumed that the custody of the secret is almost entirely
with that race. When necessity arises, it may be a public service for
those in possession of the facts to make them public--not for the
purpose of destroying reputations, but for the purpose of damning for
all time a most cowardly practice.
Politically, so the Jewish publicists tell us, Jews do not vote as a
group. Because of this so we are told, they have no political influence.
Moreover, we are told, they are so divided among themselves that they
cannot be led in one direction.
It may be true that when it is a question of being for anything, the
Jewish community may show a majority and minority opinion--a small
minority, it is likely to be. But when it becomes a question of being
against anything, the Jewish community is always a unit.
These are facts to which any ward politician can testify. Any man in
political life can test it for himself by announcing that he will not
permit himself to be dominated by Jews or anybody else. Just let him
mention Jews in that manner; he will no longer have to read about Jewish
solidarity; he will have felt it. Not that, in a vote, the Jewish
solidarity can accomplish anything it wishes; the Jew's political
strength is not in his vote, but in the "pull" of, say, seven men at the
seat of government. The Jews, a political minority so far as votes are
concerned, were a political majority so far as influence was concerned,
during the last five years. They ruled. They boast that they ruled. The
mark of their rule is everywhere.
The note which everyone observes in politics, as in the Press, is the
fear of the Jews. This fear is such that nowhere are the Jews discussed
as are, say, the Armenians, the Germans, the Russians, or the Hindoos.
What is this fear but reflection of the knowledge of the Jews' power and
their ruthlessness in the use of it? It is possibly true, as many Jewish
publicists say, that what is called anti-Semitism is just a panic-fear.
It is a dread of the unknown. The uncanny spectacle of an apparently
poor people who are richer than all, of a very small minority which is
more powerful than all, creates phantoms before the mind.
It is very significant that those who most assume to represent the Jews
are quite content that the fear should exist. They wish it to exist. To
keep it delicately poised and always there, though not too obtrusively,
is an art they practice. But once the balance is threatened, their
crudeness instantly appears. Then comes the threat, by which it is hoped
to re-establish the fear again. When the threat fails, there comes the
wail of anti-Semitism.
How strange this is, that the Jews should not see that the most abject
form of anti-Semitism is just this fear which they are willing to have
felt toward them by their neighbors. This fear is "Semitophobia" in its
worst form. To inspire fear--what is more dreaded by the normal man, and
yet what more delights an inferior race?
Now, a great service is done when the people are emancipated from this
fear. It is the process of emancipation that Jewish publicists attack.
It is this they call anti-Semitism. It is not anti-Semitism at all; it
is the only course that can prevent anti-Semitism.
The process involves several steps. The extent of the Jewish power must
be shown. To this, of course, strong Jewish objection is made, though no
strong disproof can be made.
Then the existence of this power must be explained. It can be explained
only by the Jewish Will to Power, as it may be called, or by the
deliberate program which is followed in the attainment of the power.
When the method is explained, half the damage is undone. The Jew is not
a superman. He is bright, he is intense, his philosophy of material
things leaves him free to do many things from which his neighbor draws
back; but, given equal advantages, he is not a superman. The Yankee is
more than his equal any time, but the Yankee has an inborn inclination
to observe the rules of the game. When the people know by what means
this power is gained--when they are informed how, for example, political
control is seized, as it has been in the United States, the very method
takes all the glamour from the power, and shows it to be a rather sordid
thing after all.
This series of articles is attempting to take these orderly steps, and
it is believed the complete effort will justify itself to reasonable
minds, both Jewish and Gentile.
In the present article one important means of power has been described
on the authority of the Protocols. Whether the method laid down by the
Protocols is worth considering or not depends entirely on whether it can
be found in actual affairs today. It can be found. The two tally. The
parallel is complete. It were well for the Jew, of course, if no trace
of him could be found in either the written or the actual program. But
he is there, and it is illogical for him to blame anyone but himself for
being there. Certainly, it is small defense against the fact to heap
abuse upon the one who discloses the fact. We have agreed that the Jews
are clever, but they are not so clever as to be able to cover their
work. There is a certain element of weakness in them which reveals the
whole matter in the end. And even the revelation would not mean much if
the thing revealed were not wrong. But that is the weakness of the
Jewish program--it is wrong. The Jews have never gained any measure of
success so great that the world cannot check it. The world is engaged in
a great checking tactic now, and if there are still prophets among the
Jews they should lead their people in another path.
The proof and the fruit of any exposure of the World Program is the
removal of the element of fear from the peoples among whom the Jews
live.
[Issue of September 18, 1920.]
"In a world of completely organized territorial sovereignties he (the
Jew) has only two possible cities of refuge; he must either pull down
the pillars of the whole national state system, or he must create a
territorial sovereignty of his own . . . . In Eastern Europe, Bolshevism
and Zionism seem to grow side by side . . . . not because the Jew cares
for the positive side of radical philosophy, not because he desires to
be a partaker in Gentile nationalism or Gentile democracy, but because
no existing Gentile system is ever anything but distasteful to him."
XIX.
The All-Jewish Mark on "Red Russia"
We shall now briefly interrupt the commentary which we have been making
on the Protocols to set at rest once and for all certain misstatements
which are made for Gentile consumption.
To learn what the Jewish leaders of the United States or any other
country think, do not read their addresses to the Gentiles; read their
addresses to their own people. On such matters as these--Whether the Jew
regards himself as destined to rule the world; whether he regards
himself as belonging to a nation and race distinct from every other
nation and race; whether he regards the Gentile world as the legitimate
field of his exploitation by a lower moral method than is permissible
among his own people; whether he knows and shares the principles of the
Protocols--on such matters as these, the only safe guide is to be found
in the words which Jewish leaders speak to Jews, not in the words they
speak to Gentiles.
The notable Jewish names which appear oftenest in the Press do not
represent the spokesmen of Judaism at all, but only a selected few who
represent the Department of Propaganda Among the Gentiles. Sometimes
that propaganda is in the form of donations for Christian charitable
organizations; sometimes it is in the form of "liberal" opinion on
religious, social and political questions. In whatever form it comes,
you may depend upon it that the real activities of the Jewish hierarchy
proceed under cover of that which the Gentile is invited to observe and
approve.
The statements offered in this series are never made without the
strictest and fullest proof, confirmation and corroboration in the
utterances of Jewish leaders. This is one of the strange features of the
multitude of Jewish attacks on this series: they are attacking what they
themselves stand for, and their only reason for the attack must be their
belief that this investigation has not been able to penetrate through to
that which has been kept hidden from the world.
The most persistent denials have been offered to the statement that
Bolshevism everywhere, in Russia or the United States, is Jewish. In
these denials we have perhaps one of the most brazen examples of the
double intent referred to above. The denial of the Jewish character of
Bolshevism is made to the Gentile; but in the confidence and secrecy of
Jewish communication, or buried in the Yiddish dialect, or obscurely
hidden in the Jewish national press, we find the proud assertion
made--to their own people!--that Bolshevism is Jewish.
Jewish propaganda has only two straws to grasp in the terrible tale of
murder, immorality, robbery, enforced starvation and hideous humanism
which make the present Russian situation impossible to describe and all
but impossible to comprehend.
One of these straws is that Kerensky, the man who eased in the opening
wedge of Bolshevism, is not a Jew. Indeed, one of the strongest
indications that Bolshevism is Jewish is that the Jewish press
emphasizes so fiercely the alleged Gentilism of a least two of the
revolutionary notables. It may be cruel to deny them two among hundreds,
but merely saying so cannot change Kerensky's nationality. His name is
Adler. His father was a Jew and his mother a Jewess. Adler, the father,
died, and the mother married a Russian named Kerensky, whose name the
young child took. Among the radicals who employed him as a lawyer, among
the forces that put him forward to drive the first nail into Russia's
cross, among the soldiers who fought with him, his Jewish descent and
character have never been doubted.
"Well, but there is Lenin," our Jewish publicists say--"Lenin the head
of it all, the brains of it all, and Lenin is a Gentile! We've got you
there--Lenin is a Gentile!"
Perhaps he is, but why do his children speak Yiddish? Why are his
proclamations put forth in Yiddish? Why did he abolish the Christian
Sunday and establish by law the Jewish Saturday Sabbath?
The explanation of all this may be that he married a Jewess. The fact is
that he did. But another explanation may be that he himself is a Jew.
Certainly he is not the Russian nobleman he has always claimed to be.
The statements he has made about his identity thus far have been lies.
The claim that he is a Gentile may be unfounded too.
No one has ever doubted Trotsky's nationality--he is a Jew. His name is
Braunstein. Recently the Gentiles were told that Trotsky had said he
wasn't much of anything--in religion. That may be. But still he must be
something--else why are the Russian Christian churches turned into
stables, slaughter houses and dancing halls, while the Jewish synagogues
remain untouched? And why are Christian priests and ministers made to
work on roads, while Jewish rabbis are left their clerical privileges?
Trotsky may not be much of anything in religion, but he is a Jew
nevertheless. This is not mere Gentile insistence that he shall be
considered a Jew whether or no; it is straight Jewish teaching that he
is. In a future discussion on "religion or race?" we shall show that
even without religion, Trotsky is, and is considered by all Jewish
authorities to be, a Jew.
An apology must be made here for repeating well-known facts. Yet, so
many people are not even now aware of the true meaning of Bolshevism,
that at the risk of monotony, we shall cite a few of the salient facts.
The purpose, however, is not alone to explain Russia, but to throw a
warning light on conditions in the United States.
The Bolshevik Government, as it stood late this summer when the latest
report was smuggled through to certain authorities, shows up the Jewish
domination of the whole affair. It has changed very slightly since the
beginning. We give only a few items to indicate the proportion. It must
not be supposed that the non-Jewish members of the government are
Russian.
Very few Russians have anything to say about their own country these
days. The so-called "Dictatorship of the Proletariat," in which the
proletariat has nothing whatever to say, is Russian only in the sense
that it is set up in Russia; it is not Russian in that it springs from
or includes the Russian people. It is the international program of the
Protocols, which might be "put over" by a minority in any country, and
which is being given a dress-rehearsal in Russia.
Table Showing Jewish Control of Russia
| Number | Number of | Jewish
| of | Jewish | Per-
| Members | Members | centage
--------------------------------+---------+-----------+--------
The Council of the Commissaries | | |
of the People | 22 | 17 | 77.2%
The Commissariat of War | 43 | 33 | 76.7%
The Commissariat of Foreign | | |
Affairs | 16 | 13 | 81.2%
The Commissariat of Finance | 30 | 24 | 80.0%
The Commissariat of Justice | 21 | 20 | 95.2%
The Commissariat of Public | | |
Instruction | 53 | 42 | 79.2%
The Commissariat of Social | | |
Assistance | 6 | 6 | 100.0%
The Commissariat of Work | 8 | 7 | 87.5%
Delegates of the Bolshevik Red | | |
Cross to Berlin, Vienna, | | |
Varsovie, Bucharest, Copen- | | |
hagen | 8 | 8 | 100.0%
Commissaries of the Provinces | 23 | 21 | 91.3%
Journalists | 41 | 41 | 100.0%
These are enlightening figures. The reader will note that the Jewish
percentage is high at all times, never lower than 76 per cent in any
case. (Curiously enough, the lowest percentage of Jews is found in the
Commissariat of War.) But in those committees which deal most closely
with the mass of the people, as well as in the committees of defense and
propaganda, Jews fill literally all the places.
Remember what the Protocols say about Press control: remember what Baron
Montefiore said about it, and then look at the Government Journalists.
That committee comprises 41 men, and the 41 are Jews. Only Jewish pens
are trusted with Bolshevist propaganda.
And then the so-called "Red Cross delegates," which are merely Red
Revolutionary delegates to the cities named--of the 8, there are 8 Jews.
The Commissariat of Social Assistance, upon whose word the life and
privilege of tens of thousands hang--there are 6 members, and the 6 are
Jews. And so on through the list.
Out of the 53 members of the Commissariat of Public Instruction, 11 are
noted as non-Jews. But what kind of non-Jews is not stated. They may be
"non-Jews like Lenin" whose children speak the Yiddish as their native
tongue. Whatever they are, there is a sidelight upon their attitude in
the fact that the Bolsheviki immediately took over all the Hebrew
schools and continued them as they were and laid down a rule that the
ancient Hebrew language should be taught in them. The ancient Hebrew
language is the vehicle of the deeper secrets of the World Program.
And for the Gentile Russian children--? "Why," said these gentle Jewish
educators, "we will teach them sex knowledge. We will brush out of their
minds the cobwebs. They must learn the truth about things!"--with
consequences that are too pitiable to narrate. But this can be said:
unquestionably there were deaths among innocent Jews when Hungary
wrested itself free from the Red Bolshevism of Bela Kun (or Cohen). The
Jews may well call it the "White Terror" that followed their failure to
re-enact the tragedy of Russia in Hungary. But there are mountains of
evidence to show that nothing had so potent an effect in producing the
bloodshed of the "White Terror" as the outraged minds of parents whose
children had been compulsorily drawn through sloughs of filth during the
short time the Jewish Bolsheviki had charge of the schools.
American Jews do not like to hear this. Their shrinking from it would be
greatly to their honor did they not immediately return to the defense of
the people who do these things. It is well enough known that the
chastity of Christians is not so highly regarded by the orthodox male
Jew as is the chastity of his own people, but it would be pleasant to be
certain that all of them condemn what went on in Russia and Hungary in
the matter of education. However, as most of the influences which
destroy Gentile youth today--in America--are in the hands of the Jews,
and as it is plainly stated in the Protocols that one of the lines of
campaign is "to corrupt the youth of the Gentiles," the situation is one
that calls for something more than mere hard feelings and angry denials
whenever these facts are referred to.
It is not the economic experiment, so-called, that one objects to in
Russia; it is not the fallacies, the sad delusion of the people. No. It
is the downright dirty immorality, the brutish nastiness of it all; and
the line which the immorality and nastiness draws between Jew and
Gentile. The horrible cruelty involved we will not deal with, leaving it
merely with the explanation which has found utterance in the Jewish
press that "it may be that the Jew in Russia is taking an unconscious
revenge for his centuries of suffering."
"But," asks some reader, "how may we know that all this is true?"
Bearing in mind that we are speaking of Russia, not for the interest of
the Russian situation at all, but to indicate the international
character of those who are responsible for conditions there, and to
identify them for the protection of the United States, we shall look at
the evidence.
There is, of course, the evidence brought to light by our own United
States Senate and printed in a Report of the Committee on the Judiciary.
We do not wish to spend much time on this, because we prefer in these
articles to use Jewish testimony instead of Gentile. But we shall pause
long enough to show the nature of the testimony brought out by our own
government.
Dr. George A. Simons, a clergyman in charge of an American congregation
in Petrograd at the time the Bolshevik terror broke out, was a witness.
Parts of his testimony are given here:
"'There were hundreds of agitators who followed in the trail of
Trotsky-Bronstein, these men having come over from the lower East Side
of New York * * * A number of us were impressed by the strange Yiddish
element in this thing right from the start, and it soon became evident
that more than half the agitators in the so-called Bolshevik movement
were Yiddish.'
"Senator Nelson--'Hebrews?'
"Dr. Simons--'They were Hebrews, apostate Jews. I do not want to say
anything against the Jews, as such. I am not in sympathy with the
anti-Semitic movement, never have been, and do not ever expect to be * *
* But I have a firm conviction that this thing is Yiddish, and that one
of its bases is found in the East Side of New York.'
"Senator Nelson--'Trotsky came over from New York during that summer,
did he not?'
"Dr. Simons--'He did.'