mortgage indebtedness." High taxes to keep the land at all, borrowed
money to finance the tilling of it.
"These measures will keep land ownership in a state of unconditional
subordination."
We will leave it to the farmers of the United States to say whether this
is working out or not.
And in a future reference to this subject we will show that whenever an
attempt is made to enable farmers to borrow money at decent rates,
whenever it is proposed to lighten the burden of "mortgage indebtedness"
on the farm, Jewish financial influence in the United States steps in to
prevent it, or failing to prevent it, mess it all up in the operation.
By increasing the farmer's financial disability on the one hand, and by
increasing industrial allurements on the other, a very great deal is
accomplished. The Protocol says: "It is necessary for industry to
deplete the Land both of laborers and capital."
Has that been done? Have the farms of the United States been depleted
both of laborers and capital? Certainly. Money is harder for the farmer
to get than it is for any other man; and as for labor, he cannot get it
on any terms.
What is the result of these two influences, the one working on the farm,
and the other in the cities? It is precisely what the Protocol says it
will be: Increased wages that buy less of the materials of life--"We
will at the same time cause a rise in the prices of prime necessities,
pretending that this is due to the decline of agriculture and cattle
raising."
The Jew who set these Protocols in order was a financier, economist and
philosopher of the first order. He knew what he was talking about. His
operations in the ordinary world of business always indicated that he
knew exactly what he was doing. How well this Sixth Protocol has worked
and is still working out in human affairs is before the eyes of everyone
to see.
Here in the United States one of the most important movements toward
real independence of the financial powers has been begun by the farmers.
The farmer's strong advantage is that, owning the land, he is
independent in his sources of livelihood. The land will feed him whether
he pleases International Jewish Financiers or not. His position is
impregnable as long as the sun shines and the seasons roll. It was
therefore necessary to do something to hinder this budding independence.
He was placed under a greater disadvantage than any other business man
in borrowing capital. He was placed more ruthlessly than any other
producer between the upper and nether stones of a thievish distribution
system. Labor was drawn away from the farm. The Jew-controlled melodrama
made the farmer a "rube," and Jew-made fiction presented him as a
"hick," causing his sons to be ashamed of farm life. The grain
syndicates which operate against the farmer are Jew-controlled. There is
no longer any possibility of doubting, when the facts of actual affairs
are put alongside the written Program, that the farmer of the United
States has an interest in this Question.
What would this World Program gain if the wage-workers were enslaved and
the farmers were allowed to go scot-free? Therefore the program of
agricultural interference which has been only partially outlined here.
But this is not all.
Any writer who attempts fully to inform the Gentile mind on the Jewish
Question must often feel that the extent of the Protocols' Conspiracy is
so great as to stagger the Gentile mind. Gentiles are not conspirators.
They cannot follow a clue through long and devious and darkened
channels. The elaborate completeness of the Jewish Program, the perfect
co-ordination of its mass of details wearies the Gentile mind. This,
really more than the daring of the Program itself, constitutes the
principal danger of Program being fulfilled. Gentile mental laziness is
the most powerful ally the World Program has.
For example: after citing the perfectly obvious coincidence and most
probable connection between the Protocols and the observable facts with
reference to the farm situation, the writer is compelled to say, as
above, "But this is not all." And it is a peculiarity of Gentile
psychology that the Gentile reader will feel that it ought to be all
because it is so complete. This is where the Jewish mind out-maneuvers
the Gentile mind.
Gentiles may do a thing for one reason: the Jew often does the same
thing for three or four reasons. The Gentile can understand thus far why
Jewish financiers should seek control of the land in order to prevent
widespread Agricultural Independence which, as Protocol Six says, would
be "harmful to us." That reason is perfectly clear.
But there is another. It is found in the Twelfth Protocol. It
contemplates nothing less than the playing of City against Country in
the great game now being exposed. Complete control over the City by the
industrial leverage, and over the Country by the debt leverage, will
enable the Hidden Players to move first the Country by saying that the
City demands certain things, and then move the City by saying that the
Country demands certain things, thus splitting Citizens and Farmers
apart and using them against one another.
Look at the plainness and the boldness, yet the calm assurance, with
which this plan is broached:
"Our calculations reach out, especially into the country districts.
There we must necessarily arouse those interests and ambitions which we
can always turn against the city, representing them to the cities as
dreams and ambitions for independence on the part of the provinces. It
is clear that the source of all this will be precisely the same, and
that it will come from us. It will be necessary for us before we have
attained full power to so arrange matters that, from time to time, the
cities shall come under the influence of opinion in the country
districts, that is, of the majority prearranged by our agents * * *"
The preliminaries of the game are here set forth--to jockey City and
Farm against each other, that in the end the Conspirators may use
whichever proves the stronger in putting the Plan over. In Russia, both
schemes have been worked. The old regime, established in the Cities, was
persuaded to lay down power because it was made to believe that the
peasants of Russia requested it. Then, when the Bolshevists seized
power, they ruled the peasantry on the ground that the Cities wanted it.
The Cities listened to the Country, now the Country is listening to the
Cities.
If you see any attempt made to divide City and Farm into antagonistic
camps, remember this paragraph from the Twelfth Protocol. Already the
poison is working. Have you never heard that Prohibition was something
which the backwoods districts forced upon the cities? Have you never
heard that the High Cost of Living was due to extravagant profits of the
farmer?--profits which he doesn't get.
One big dent in this Program of World Control could be made if the
Citizen and the Farmer could learn each other's mind, not through
self-appointed spokesmen, but directly from each other. City and Farm
are drifting apart because of misrepresentation of outsiders, and in the
widening rift the sinister shadow of the World Program appears.
Let the Farmers look past the "Gentile fronts" in their villages or
principal trading points, past them to the real controllers who are
hidden.
[Issue of September 4, 1920.]
XVII.
Does Jewish Power Control the World Press?
The purpose of this article is twofold: to set forth what the Protocols
have to say about the relation of the Press to the World Program, and to
make an introduction to a study of Jewish influence on the Press.
The Jewish race has always been aware of the advantages to be derived
from news. This was one of the factors in its control of European
commerce from the earliest Christian times. To be informed beforehand,
to know what was coming before the Gentiles among whom they lived knew
it, was a special privilege of the Jews, made possible by the close
communication in which widely separated Jewish groups kept themselves.
From the first they were inveterate correspondents. They were the
inventors of the news-letter.
This does not imply, however, that the Jews were the forerunners or even
the sponsors of the modern Press. It was no part of their purpose to
distribute news among the people, but to keep it for themselves as a
secret advantage. The political, economic and commercial news which sped
with really remarkable facility throughout Europe, from Jewish community
to Jewish community, was in reality the official budget by which each
community informed all the others of what was transpiring, as to war,
trade currents, rising emergencies, or whatever the matter may have
been. For centuries the Jews were the best informed people on the
continent; from their secret sources in courts and chancellories, from
privileged Jews who were placed in every position of vantage, the whole
race was informed of the state of the world.
Scouts were kept in motion everywhere. Far down in South America, before
the British or Dutch colonies in North America had hardly secured a
foothold, there were Jews who served as outposts for European trade
interests. The world was spied out in the interests of their race, just
as today the entire planet is under the watchful eyes of Jewish
agents--mostly Gentiles, it must be said--for any hint of new gold
discoveries.
An interesting and historic illustration of the Jews' appreciation of
news is to be found in the career of Nathan Rothschild. Rothschild had
laid all his plans on the assumption that the Emperor Napoleon, then
banished to Elba, was finally eliminated from European affairs. Napoleon
unexpectedly returned, and in the "Hundred Days" it seemed as if the
Rothschild financial edifice might collapse. Feverishly the financier
aided both Prussia and England, and as the Battle of Waterloo
approached, no one was more interested in the outcome than he.
Rothschild was a man who shrank from the sight of blood; he was
physically a coward, and any sign of violence unnerved him; but so
intense was his interest in the battle on which his whole fortune seemed
to depend, that he hastened to France, followed the British Army, and
when the battle began he hid himself in "some shot-proof nook near
Hougomont" where he watched all day the ebb and flow of battle. Just
before Napoleon ordered the last desperate charge Rothschild had made up
his mind. He said afterward that his exclamation at this point was, "The
House of Rothschild has won the battle."
He hurried from the field, galloped wildly to Brussels, communicating
not a word of what he knew to the anxious people he met by the way.
Hiring a carriage at an exorbitant price, he galloped away to Ostend.
Here a fierce storm was raging on the ocean and no sailor was willing to
set out for England, about 20 miles away. Rothschild himself, always
afraid of danger, forgot his fear in his visions of the stock market. He
offered 500, 800, and at length 1,000 francs to the man who would take
him across. But no one dared. Finally one sailor proposed that if
Rothschild would pay 2,000 francs into his wife's hands, he would
attempt it.
Half dead the two men reached the English coast, but without rest
Rothschild ordered express post and hurried away to London. Whip and
spur were not spared on that journey.
There were no telegrams in those days, no swift communication. England
was anxious. The rumors were bad. And on the morning of June 20, 1815,
when Nathan Rothschild appeared in his usual place at the Stock Exchange
and leaned against the column, England knew nothing of what he knew. He
was pale and broken. The sight of his face led the other financiers to
believe that he had received bad news from the front. Then it was seen
that he was quietly selling his securities. What? Rothschild unloading?
The market dropped disastrously, a very panic seized the financiers, the
market was flooded with consols offered for sale--and all that was
offered, Rothschild's agents bought!
So it went on, all day the 20th, and all day the 21st. At the close of
business the second day, Rothschild's heavy chests were crammed with
securities. Then in the evening a courier galloped into London with the
news that Wellington had won and Napoleon was a fugitive. But Nathan
Rothschild had made $10,000,000 and the men he did business with had
lost that much--all as an affair of news!
There was a little incident in Washington during the war--a "leak" of
news, it was called. The wise men of Wall Street sometimes whisper that
even between 1914-1918 there were men of Rothschild's race who showed
his same appreciation of "news," with the same profitable results. And
not only the men of "Rothschild's race," but some of their "Gentile
fronts," also.
There were times during the war when no Gentile knew what was going on
in certain countries. The Jewish leaders always knew. Some very
interesting testimony can be presented on that point.
Aside from its own interest, this Rothschild narrative fully illustrates
the statement that while the Jews were very early news-gatherers, they
were not publicists. They used the news for their own benefit; they did
not disseminate it. If it had depended on their influence, there would
have been no public Press at all. It was in France, which had no
newspapers outside the capital, that the French Revolution was possible.
There being no reliable exchange of news and opinion, the people were
kept in ignorance. Paris itself did not know that the Bastille had
fallen until next day. Where there is no Press, minorities easily gain
control--as the Jewish-Bolshevist revolution in Russia illustrates.
One of the most dangerous developments of the time is public distrust of
the Press. If the day ever comes when swift, reliable and authoritative
communication with the entire people shall be necessary for public
action in the interests of public safety, the nation may find itself
sadly crippled unless a new confidence in the daily Press can be built
up. If for no other reason than that the free press is a safeguard
against minority seizure of control, such laws as the zone laws, or any
restrictions on the freest and fullest communication between various
parts of the country, should be absolutely abolished.
But, the Press being in existence, and being largely an Anglo-Saxon
creation, it is a force not to be treated lightly, and that is the point
where the World Program and Jewish Control come in contact with it.
The Protocols, which overlook nothing, propose a very definite plan with
regard to the Press. As in the multitude of other matters with which
these remarkable documents deal, there are the two phases--"what we have
done," and "what we will do."
As early as the Second Protocol, the Press comes in for attention. It is
significant that it makes its appearance in the same Protocol in which
the "No Annexations" program was announced 20 years before the World
War, in the same Protocol in which it is announced that Gentile rulers
will be allowed to appear before the people for a short period, while
Jewish influences were organizing themselves behind the seats of power,
and in the same Protocol where Darwinism, Marxism and Nietzscheism are
claimed among the most "demoralizing" doctrines which Jewish influence
has disseminated. These are very curious statements, but not stranger
than the actuality that has come to pass.
Says the Second Protocol:
"There is one great force in the hands of modern governments which
creates thought movements among the people, that is, the Press. The
presumed role of the Press is to indicate supposedly indispensable
needs, to register popular complaints, and to create discontent. The
triumph of 'free speech' (babbling) rests in the Press. But governments
are unable to profit by this power, and it has fallen into our hands.
Through it we have attained influence while remaining in the shadow.
Thanks to it, we have amassed gold, though it has cost us torrents of
blood and tears."
In the same Protocol, "our Press" is spoken of as the agency through
which are disseminated "those theories of life which we have induced
them (the Gentiles) to regard as the dictates of science."
"To this end we shall certainly endeavor to inspire blind confidence in
these theories by means of our Press."
Then follows the claim made concerning the three most revolutionary
theories in the physical, economic and moral realms, namely Darwinism,
Marxism and Nietzscheism.
In the Third Protocol the claim is made that this control of the Press
is being used to break down respect for authority:
"Daring journalists and audacious pamphleteers make daily attack upon
the personnel of the administration. This abuse of authority is
definitely preparing the downfall of all institutions, and everything
will be overturned by blows coming from the infuriated populace."
Again, in the Seventh Protocol, discussing the progress which the World
Program has already made, the part played by the Press is indicated:
"We must force the Gentile governments to adopt measures which will
promote our broadly conceived plan already approaching its triumphal
goal, by bringing to bear the pressure of stimulated public opinion,
which has in reality been organized by us with the help of the so-called
'great power' of the Press. With few exceptions not worth considering,
it is already in our hands."
Thus twice is the claim made to control of the Press. "It has fallen
into our hands," says the Second Protocol. "It is already in our hands,"
says the Seventh. In the Second Protocol the Press is represented as
furthering revolutionary physical, economic and moral philosophies;
while in the Seventh it is used to create the "pressure of stimulated
public opinion" for the purpose of "forcing Gentile governments to adopt
measures which will promote our broadly conceived plan, already
approaching its triumphal goal."
A word of comment may be made here upon the claim of the Second Protocol
that "thanks to it (the Press), we have amassed gold, though it has cost
us torrents of blood and tears."
This is a statement which can be illustrated in many ways. "Though it
has cost us torrents of blood and tears" is an admission upon which the
Protocols throw light, a light which also shines upon the Jewish
argument regarding responsibility for the recent war, namely, that
Jewish World Financial Power could not have willed the war seeing that
Jews suffered so heavily in Eastern Europe. The Protocols frankly
recognize the possibility of Jews suffering during the establishment of
the World Program, but it consoles them with the thought that they fall
as soldiers for the good of Israel. The death of a Jew, we are told in
the Protocols, is more precious in the sight of God than the death of a
thousand "seed of cattle," which is one of the delicate names applied to
the Gentiles.
The reference to the amassment of gold is very clear. It does not apply
to ownership of publications and a share in their profits only, but also
the use that may be made of them through silence or outcry to promote
International Jewish Financiers' schemes. The Rothschilds bought editors
as they bought legislators. It was a preliminary of nearly every scheme
they floated to first "fix" the newspapers, either for silence or claque
boosting. In matters of war and peace; in the removal of administrations
inimical to Jewish financial or political plans; in the elimination by
public exposure of "Gentile fronts" whom their Jewish masters wished to
be rid of; in the gradual building up of reputation and influence for
"rising men" who had been chosen for work in the future--in these and
like matters the Press very greatly aided the International Cabal in
attaining its end.
All the details of the foregoing paragraph can be illustrated at length
by instances which have occurred in the United States within the past 15
years.
There was once a Senator of the United States who--but that story
illustrates another point also, and will be reserved until that point is
reached in this series of discussions.
The Twelfth Protocol, however, contains the entire plan of Control of
the Press, reaching from the present time into the future when the
Jewish World Government shall be established. The reader is invited to
read carefully and thoughtfully the deep and wide outreaching of this
plan.
Keep also in mind the boast that has been made for generations that no
publication that has handled the Jewish Question in a manner distasteful
to the Jewish powers has been allowed to live.
"What role is played at present by the Press? It serves to inflame the
passions of selfish partisanship which our interests require. It is
shallow, lying and unfair, the most people do not understand what end it
serves."
In that quotation we have the same low estimate which was noted when we
studied "the estimate of human nature" which the Protocols contain.
Now, for the Plan of Press Control: We separate the points for
convenience:
"We shall handle the Press in the following manner:
1. "We shall saddle it and keep tight rein upon it. We shall do the same
also with other printed matter, for of what use is it to rid ourselves
of attacks in the Press, if we remain exposed to criticism through
pamphlets and books?"
2. "Not one announcement will reach the people save under our
supervision. We have attained this at the present time to the extent
that all news is received through several agencies in which it is
centralized from all parts of the world."
A sidelight on the first sentence above may be had from the Jewish
statement regarding the British Declaration relating to Palestine: "This
Declaration was sent from the Foreign Office to Lord Walter Rothschild.
* * * It came perhaps as a surprise to large sections of the Jewish
people * * * But to those who were active in Zionist circles, the
declaration was no surprise. * * * The wording of it came from the
British Foreign Office, but the text had been revised in the Zionist
offices in America as well as in England. The British Declaration was
made in the form in which the Zionists desired it. * * *" pp. 85-86,
"Guide to Zionism," by Jessie E. Sampter, published by the Zionist
Organization of America.
3. "Literature and journalism are two most important educational forces,
and consequently our government will become the owner of most of the
journals. * * * If we permit ten private journals, we shall organize
thirty of our own, and so on. This must not be suspected by the public,
for which reason all the journals published by us will be EXTERNALLY of
the most contrary opinions and tendencies thus evoking confidence in
them and attracting our unsuspecting opponents, who thus will be caught
in our trap and rendered harmless."
This is most interesting in view of the defense now being made for so
many Jewish journals. "Look at the newspapers owned and controlled by
Jews," they say; "see how they differ in policy! See how they disagree
with each other!" Certainly, "externally," as Protocol 12 says, but the
underlying unity is never hard to find.
Besides, one way of discovering who are the people that have knowledge
of the Jewish World problem, of who can be convinced of it, or who will
write about it is just to start a paper which "externally" seems to be
independent of the Jewish Question. So deeply is this thought shared by
even uneducated Jews that a rumor is today widespread in the United
States that the reason for the present series of articles in THE
DEARBORN INDEPENDENT is the desire of its owner to forward the Jewish
World Program! Unfortunately, this scheme of starting a fake opposition
in order to discover where the real opposing force is, is not confined
to the Jewish Internationalists, although there is every indication that
it was learned from them.
This idea of a misrepresentative front for certain secret purposes is
expressed at length not only with reference to the Press, but throughout
the Protocols in other relations. But in Protocol 12 it is fully
developed with regard to the Press, as the following quotations show.