extensively practiced in the financial world today in order to cover up
the evidences of Jewish control. How much progress has been made since
these words were written is indicated by the occurrence at the San
Francisco convention when the name of Judge Brandeis was proposed for
President. It is reasonably to be expected that the public mind will be
made more and more familiar with the idea of Jewish occupancy--which
will be really a short step from the present degree of influence which
the Jews exercise--of the highest office in the government. There is no
function of the American Presidency in which the Jews have not already
secretly assisted in a very important degree. Actual occupancy of the
office is not necessary to enhance their power, but to promote certain
things which parallel very closely the plans outlined in the Protocols
now before us.
Another point which the reader of the Protocols will notice is that the
tone of exhortation is entirely absent from these documents. They are
not propaganda. They are not efforts to stimulate the ambitions or
activity of those to whom they are addressed. They are as cool as a
legal paper and as matter-of-fact as a table of statistics. There is
none of the "Let us rise, my brothers" stuff about them. There is no
"Down with the Gentiles" hysteria. These Protocols, if indeed they were
made by Jews and confided to Jews, or if they do contain certain
principles of a Jewish World Program, were certainly not intended for
the firebrands but for the carefully prepared and tested initiates of
the higher groups.
Jewish apologists have asked, "Is it conceivable that if there were such
a world program on the part of the Jews, they would reduce it to writing
and publish it?" But there is no evidence that these Protocols were ever
uttered otherwise than in spoken words by those who put them forth. The
Protocols as we have them are apparently the notes of lectures which
were made by someone who heard them. Some of them are lengthy; some of
them are brief. The assertion which has always been made in connection
with the Protocols since they have become known is that they are the
notes of lectures delivered to Jewish students presumably somewhere in
France or Switzerland. The attempt to make them appear to be of Russian
origin is absolutely forestalled by the point of view, the reference to
the times and certain grammatical indications.
The tone certainly fits the supposition that they were originally
lectures given to students, for their purpose is clearly not to get a
program accepted but to give information concerning a program which is
represented as being already in process of fulfillment. There is no
invitation to join forces or to offer opinions. Indeed it is
specifically announced that neither discussion nor opinions are desired.
("While preaching liberalism to the Gentiles, we shall hold our own
people and our own agents in unquestioning obedience." "The scheme of
administration must emanate from a single brain * * * Therefore, we may
know the plan of action, but we must not discuss it, lest we destroy its
unique character * * * The inspired work of our leader therefore must
not be thrown before a crowd to be torn to pieces, or even before a
limited group.")
Moreover, taking the Protocols at their face value, it is evident that
the program outlined in these lecture notes was not a new one at the
time the lectures were given. There is no evidence of its being of
recent arrangement. There is almost the tone of a tradition, or a
religion, in it all, as if it had been handed down from generation to
generation through the medium of specially trusted and initiated men.
There is no note of new discovery or fresh enthusiasm in it, but the
certitude and calmness of facts long known and policies long confirmed
by experiment.
This point of the age of the program is touched upon at least twice in
the Protocols themselves. In the First Protocol this paragraph occurs:
"Already in ancient times we were the first to shout the words,
'Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,' among the people. These words have been
repeated many times by unconscious poll-parrots, flocking from all sides
to this bait, with which they have ruined the prosperity of the world
and true personal freedom * * * The presumably clever and intellectual
Gentiles did not understand the symbolism of the uttered words; did not
observe their contradiction in meaning; did not notice that in nature
there is no equality * * *"
The other reference to the program's finality is found in the Thirteenth
Protocol:
"Questions of policy, however, are permitted to no one except those who
have originated the policy and have directed it for many centuries."
Can this be a reference to a secret Jewish Sanhedrin, self-perpetuating
within a certain Jewish caste from generation to generation?
Again, it must be said that the originators and directors here referred
to cannot be at present any ruling caste, for all that the program
contemplates is directly opposed to the interests of such a caste. It
cannot refer to any national aristocratic group, like the Junkers of
Germany, for the methods which are proposed are the very ones which
would render powerless such a group. It cannot refer to any but a people
who have no government, who have everything to gain and nothing to lose,
and who can keep themselves intact amid a crumbling world. There is only
one group that answers that description.
Again, a reading of the Protocols makes it clear that the speaker
himself was not seeking for honor. There is a complete absence of
personal ambition throughout the document. All plans and purposes and
expectations are merged in the future of Israel, which future, it would
seem, can only be secured by the subtle breaking down of certain world
ideas held by the Gentiles. The Protocols speak of what has been done,
what was being done at the time these words were given, and what
remained to be done. Nothing like them in completeness of detail, in
breadth of plan and in deep grasp of the hidden springs of human action
has ever been known. They are verily terrible in their mastery of the
secrets of life, equally terrible in their consciousness of that
mastery. Truly they would merit the opinion which Jews have recently
cast upon them, that they were the work of an inspired madman, were it
not that what is written in the Protocols in words is also written upon
the life of today in deeds and tendencies.
The criticisms which these Protocols pass upon the Gentiles for their
stupidity are just. It is impossible to disagree with a single item in
the Protocols' description of Gentile mentality and veniality. Even the
most astute of the Gentile thinkers have been fooled into receiving as
the motions of progress what has only been insinuated into the common
human mind by the most insidious systems of propaganda.
It is true that here and there a thinker has arisen to say that science
so-called was not science at all. It is true that here and there a
thinker has arisen to say that the so-called economic laws both of
conservatives and radicals were not laws at all, but artificial
inventions. It is true that occasionally a keen observer has asserted
that the recent debauch of luxury and extravagance was not due to the
natural impulses of the people at all, but was systematically
stimulated, foisted upon them by design. It is true that a few have
discerned that more than half of what passes for "public opinion" is
mere hired applause and booing and has never impressed the public mind.
But even with these clues here and there, for the most part disregarded,
there has never been enough continuity and collaboration between those
who were awake, to follow all the clues to their source. The chief
explanation of the hold which the Protocols have had on many of the
leading statesmen of the world for several decades is that they explain
whence all these false influences come and what their purpose is. They
give a clue to the modern maze. It is now time for the people to know.
And whether the Protocols are judged as proving anything concerning the
Jews or not, they constitute an education in the way the masses are
turned about like sheep by influences which they do not understand. It
is almost certain that once the principles of the Protocols are known
widely and understood by the people, the criticism which they now
rightly make of the Gentile mind will no longer hold good.
It is the purpose of future articles in this series to study these
documents and to answer out of their contents all the questions that may
arise concerning them.
Before that work is begun, one question should be answered--"Is there
likelihood of the program of the Protocols being carried through to
success?" The program is successful already. In many of its most
important phases it is already a reality. But this need not cause alarm,
for the chief weapon to be used against such a program, both in its
completed and uncompleted parts, is clear publicity. Let the people
know. Arousing the people, alarming the people, appealing to the
passions of the people is the method of the plan outlined in the
Protocols. The antidote is merely enlightening the people.
That is the only purpose of these articles. Enlightenment dispels
prejudice. It is as desirable to dispel the prejudice of the Jew as of
the Gentile. Jewish writers too frequently assume that the prejudice is
all on one side. The Protocols themselves ought to have the widest
circulation among the Jewish people, in order that they may check those
things which are bringing suspicion upon their name.
[Issue of July 24, 1920.]
XI.
"Jewish" Estimate of Gentile Human Nature
"Upon completing this program of our present and future actions, I will
read to you the principles of these theories."--Protocol 16.
"In all that I have discussed with you hitherto, I have endeavored to
indicate carefully the secrets of past and future events and of those
momentous occurrences of the near future toward which we are rushing in
a stream of great crises, anticipating the hidden principles of
future relationships with the Gentiles and of our financial
operations."--Protocol 22.
The Protocols, which profess themselves to be an outline of the Jewish
World Program, are found upon analysis to contain four main divisions.
These, however, are not marked in the structure of the documents, but in
the thought. There is a fifth, if the object of it all is included, but
this object is assumed throughout the Protocols, being only here and
there defined in terms. And the four main divisions are great trunks
from which there are numerous branches.
There is first what is alleged to be the Jewish conception of human
nature, by which is meant Gentile nature. It is inconceivable that such
a plan as that which the Protocols set forth could have been evolved by
a mind that had not previously based the probability of success on a
certain estimate of the ignobility and corruptibility of human
nature--which all through the Protocols is referred to as Gentile
nature.
Then, secondly, there is the account of what has already been
accomplished in the realization of the program--things actually done.
Thirdly, there is a complete instruction in the methods to be used to
get the program still further fulfilled--methods which would themselves
supply the estimate of human nature upon which the whole fabric is
based, if there were nothing else to indicate it.
Fourth, the Protocols contain in detail some of the achievements which,
at the time these words were uttered, were yet to be made. Some of these
desired things have been achieved in the meantime, for it should be
borne in mind that between the year 1905 and the year 1920 there has
been time to set many influences in motion and attain many ends. As the
second quotation at the head of this article would indicate, the speaker
knew that events were "rushing in a stream of great crises," a knowledge
which is amply attested by Jewish sources outside the Protocols.
If this series of articles represented a special pleading upon the
Jewish Question, the present article would seek to win the reader's
confidence by presenting first the set of facts which are described
under "secondly" in the above list of main divisions. To begin with the
estimate of human nature here disclosed is to court alienation of the
reader's interest, especially if the reader be a Gentile. We know from
abundant sources what the Jewish estimate of human nature is, and it
tallies in all respects with what is disclosed in the Protocols, but it
has always been one of the fallacies of Gentile thought that human
nature is, now, full of dignity and nobility. There is little question,
when the subject is considered in all its lights, that the Jewish
conception is right. And so far as these Protocols are concerned, their
low estimate of mankind, though harsh to human pride and conceit, are
very largely true.
Just to run through the Protocols and select the salient passages in
which this view is expressed is to find a pretty complete philosophy of
the motives and qualities of human beings.
Take these words from the First Protocol:
"It should be noted that people with evil instincts are more numerous
than those with good ones; therefore, the best results in governing them
are attained by intimidation and violence, and not by academic argument.
Every man aims for power; everyone desires to be a dictator, if
possible; moreover, few would not sacrifice the good of others to attain
their own ends."
"People in masses and people of the masses are guided by exceptionally
shallow passions, beliefs, customs, traditions and sentimental theories
and are inclined toward party divisions, a fact which prevents any form
of agreement, even when this is founded on a thoroughly logical basis.
Every decision of the mob depends upon an accidental or prearranged
majority, which, owing to its ignorance of the mysteries of political
secrets, gives expression to absurd decisions that introduce anarchy
into government."
"In working out an expedient plan of action, it is necessary to take
into consideration the meanness, the vacillation, the changeability of
the crowd * * * It is necessary to realize that the force of the masses
is blind, unreasoning and unintelligent, prone to listen now to the
right, and now to the left * * *"
"Our triumph has also been made easier because, in our relations with
the people necessary to us, we have always played upon the most
sensitive strings of the human mind--on calculation, greed, and the
insatiable material desires of men. Each of these human weaknesses,
taken separately, is capable of paralyzing initiative and placing the
will of the people at the disposal of the purchaser of their
activities."
In the Fifth Protocol, this shrewd observation on human nature is to be
found:
"In all times, nations as well as individuals, accepted words for acts.
They have been satisfied by what is shown them, rarely noticing whether
the promise has been followed by fulfillment. For this reason we will
organize 'show' institutions which will conspicuously display their
devotion to progress."
And this from the Eleventh Protocol:
"The Gentiles are like a flock of sheep * * * They will close their eyes
to everything because we will promise them to return all the liberties
taken away, after the enemies of peace have been subjugated and all the
parties pacified. Is it worth while to speak of how long they will have
to wait? For what have we conceived all this program and instilled its
measures into the minds of the Gentiles without giving them the
possibility of examining its underside, if it is not for the purpose of
attaining by circuitous methods that which is unattainable to our
scattered race by a direct route?"
Notice also this very shrewd observation upon the "joiners" of secret
societies--this estimate being made by the Protocols to indicate how
easily these societies may be used to further the plan:
"Usually it is the climbers, careerists and people, generally speaking,
who are not serious, who most readily join secret societies, and we
shall find them easy to handle and through them operate the mechanism of
our projected machine."
The remarks under this head are curtailed by the present writer, because
the Protocols make reference to a very important secret order, the
mention of whose name in this connection might lead to misunderstanding,
and which is therefore reserved for future and fuller attention. It
will, however, be of interest to the members of that order to see what
the Protocols have to say of it, and then check up the facts and see how
far they correspond with the words.
To continue: "The Gentiles join lodges out of curiosity or in the hope
that through them they may worm their way into social distinction * * *
We therefore give them this success so that we can take advantage of the
self-conceit to which it gives birth and because of which people
unconsciously accept our suggestions without examination * * * You
cannot imagine to what an extent the most intelligent Gentiles may be
brought to a state of unconscious naivete under conditions of
self-deceit, and how easy it is to discourage them by the least failure,
even the stopping of applause, or to bring them into a state of servile
subjection for the sake of regaining it. The Gentiles are as ready to
sacrifice their plans for the sake of popular success as our people are
to ignore success for the sake of carrying out our plans. This
psychology of theirs facilitates the task of directing them."
These are a few of the passages in which this estimate of human or
Gentile nature is made out in words. But even if it were not so baldly
stated, it could be easily inferred from various items in the program
which was depended upon to break up Gentile solidarity and strength.
The method is one of disintegration. Break up the people into parties
and sects. Sow abroad the most promising and utopian of ideas and you
will do two things: you will always find a group to cling to each idea
you throw out; and you will find this partisanship dividing and
estranging the various groups. The authors of the Protocols show in
detail how this is to be done. Not one idea, but a mass of ideas are to
be thrown out, and there is to be no unity among them. The purpose is
not to get the people thinking one thing, but to think so diversely
about so many different things that there will be no unity among them.
The result of this will be vast disunity, vast unrest--and that is the
result aimed for.
When once the solidarity of the Gentile society is broken up--and the
name, "Gentile society" is perfectly correct, for human society is
overwhelmingly Gentile--then this solid wedge of another idea which is
not at all affected by the prevailing confusion can make its way
unsuspectedly to the place of control. It is well enough known that a
body of 20 trained police or soldiers can accomplish more than a
disordered mob of a thousand persons. So the minority initiated into the
plan can do more with a nation or a world broken into a thousand
antagonistic parties, than any of the parties could do. "Divide and
rule" is the motto of the Protocols.
The division of society is perfectly easy, according to the estimate of
human nature made in these documents. It is human nature to take
promises for acts. No one who considered the list of dreams and vagaries
and theories that have swayed the people through the centuries can doubt
this. The more utopian, the more butterfly-like the theory, the more it
commands public adherence. Just as the Protocols say, Gentile society
does not scrutinize the origin or the consequences of the theories it
adopts. When a theory makes its appeal to the mind, the tendency is to
believe that the mind which receives it always had it in essence, and
therefore the experience has all the glow of original discovery.
In this manner, theory after theory has been exploited among the masses,
theory after theory has been found to be impracticable and has been
discarded, but the result is precisely that which the program of the
Protocols aims for--with the discarding of each theory, society is a
little more broken than it was before. It is a little more helpless
before its exploiters. It is a little more confused as to where to look
for leadership. As a consequence society falls an easy victim again to a
theory which promises it the good it seeks, and the failure of this
theory leaves it still more broken. There is no longer any such thing as
public opinion. Distrust and division are everywhere. And in the midst
of the confusion everyone is dimly aware that there is a higher group
that is not divided at all, but is getting exactly what it wants by
means of the confusion that obtains all around. It will be shown, as
claimed by the Protocols, that most of the disruptive theories abroad in
the world today are of Jewish origin; it will also be shown that the one
solid unbroken group in the world today, the group that knows where it
wants to go and is going there regardless of the condition of society,
is the Jewish group.
The most dangerous theory of all is that which explains the rise of
theories and the social break-up which follows them. These are all
"symptoms of progress" we are told. If so, then "progress" is toward
dissolution. No one can predicate the fact of "progress" on the ground
that, whereas our fathers made wheels to go round with the blowing wind
or the running water, we make them go round by successive small
explosions of gasoline. The question of "progress" is, Where are the
wheels taking us? Was windmill and water wheel society better or worse
than the present society? Was it more unified in its morality? Did it
more highly respect law, did it produce a higher and sturdier type of
character?
The modern theory of "ferment," that out of all the unrest and change
and transvaluation of values a new and better mankind is to be evolved
is not borne out by any fact on the horizon. It is palpably a theory
whose purpose is to make a seeming good out of that which is undeniable
evil. The theories which cause the disruption and the theory which
explains the disruption as good, come from the same source. The whole
science of economics, conservative and radical, capitalistic and
anarchistic, is of Jewish origin. This is another of the announcements
of the Protocols which the facts confirm.
Now, all this is accomplished, not by acts, but by words. The
word-brokers of the world, those who wish words to do duty for things,
in their dealings with the world outside their class, are undoubtedly
the Jewish group--the international Jews with which these articles
deal--and their philosophy and practice are precisely set forth in the
Protocols.
Take for illustration these passages: The first is from the First
Protocol:
"Political freedom is an idea, not a fact. It is necessary to know how
to apply this idea when there is need of a clever bait to gain the
support of the people for one's party, if such a party has undertaken to
defeat another party already in power. This task is made easier if the
opponent has himself been infected by principles of freedom or so-called
liberalism, and for the sake of the idea will yield some of his own
power."
Or consider this from the Fifth Protocol:
"To obtain control over public opinion, it is first necessary to confuse
it by the expression from various sides of so many conflicting opinions
that the Gentiles will lose themselves in the labyrinth and come to
understand that it is best to have no opinion on political questions,
which it is not given to society at large to understand but only to the
ruler who directs society. This is the first secret.
"The second secret consists in so increasing and intensifying the
shortcomings of the people in their habits, passions and mode of living
that no one will be able to collect himself in the chaos, and,
consequently, people will lose all their mutual understanding. This
measure will serve us also in breeding disagreement in all parties, in
disintegrating all those collective forces which are still unwilling to
submit to us and in discouraging all personal initiative which can in
any way interfere with our undertaking."
And this from the Thirteenth Protocol:
"* * * and you may also notice that we seek approval, not for our acts,
but for our words uttered in regard to one or another question. We
always announce publicly that we are guided in all our measures by the
hope and the conviction that we are serving the general good.
"To divert over-restless people from discussing political questions, we
shall now bring forward new problems apparently connected with the
people--problems of industry. In these, let them lose themselves as much
as they like. Under such conditions we shall make them think that the
new questions have also a political bearing."