THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
The World's Foremost Problem
Being a Reprint of a Series of Articles Appearing in The Dearborn
Independent from May 22 to October 2, 1920
November, 1920
Preface
Why discuss the Jewish Question? Because it is here, and because its
emergence into American thought should contribute to its solution, and
not to a continuance of those bad conditions which surround the Question
in other countries.
The Jewish Question has existed in the United States for a long time.
Jews themselves have known this, even if Gentiles have not. There have
been periods in our own country when it has broken forth with a sullen
sort of strength which presaged darker things to come. Many signs
portend that it is approaching an acute stage.
Not only does the Jewish Question touch those matters that are of common
knowledge, such as financial and commercial control, usurpation of
political power, monopoly of necessities, and autocratic direction of
the very news that the American people read; but it reaches into
cultural regions and so touches the very heart of American life.
This question reaches down into South America and threatens to become an
important factor in Pan-American relations. It is interwoven with much
of the menace of organized and calculated disorder which troubles the
nations today. It is not of recent growth, but its roots go deep, and
the long Past of this Problem is counterbalanced by prophetic hopes and
programs which involve a very deliberate and creative view of the
Future.
This little book is the partial record of an investigation of the Jewish
Question. It is printed to enable interested readers to inform
themselves on the data published in The Dearborn Independent prior to
Oct. 1, 1920. The demand for back copies of the paper was so great that
the supply was exhausted early, as was also a large edition of a booklet
containing the first nine articles of the series. The investigation
still proceeds, and the articles will continue to appear as heretofore
until the work is done.
The motive of this work is simply a desire to make facts known to the
people. Other motives have, of course, been ascribed to it. But the
motive of prejudice or any form of antagonism is hardly strong enough to
support such an investigation as this. Moreover, had an unworthy motive
existed, some sign of it would inevitably appear in the work itself. We
confidently call the reader to witness that the tone of these articles
is all that it should be. The International Jew and his satellites, as
the conscious enemies of all that Anglo-Saxons mean by civilization, are
not spared, nor is that unthinking mass which defends anything that a
Jew does, simply because it has been taught to believe that what Jewish
leaders do is Jewish. Neither do these articles proceed upon a false
emotion of brotherhood and apology, as if this stream of doubtful
tendency in the world were only accidentally Jewish. We give the facts
as we find them; that of itself is sufficient protection against
prejudice or passion.
This volume does not complete the case by any means. But it brings the
reader along one step. In future compilations of these and subsequent
articles the entire scope of the inquiry will more clearly appear.
October, 1920.
Contents
I. The Jew in Character and Business
II. Germany's Reaction Against the Jew
III. Jewish History in the U. S.
IV. The Jewish Question--Fact or Fancy?
V. Anti-Semitism--Will It Appear In the U. S.
VI. Jewish Question Breaks Into the Magazines
VII. Arthur Brisbane to the Help of Jewry
VIII. Does a Definite Jewish World Program Exist?
IX. The Historic Basis of Jewish Imperialism
X. An Introduction to the "Jewish Protocols"
XI. "Jewish" Estimate of Gentile Human Nature
XII. "Jewish Protocols" Claim Partial Fulfillment
XIII. "Jewish" Plan to Split Society by "Ideas"
XIV. Did the Jews Foresee the World War?
XV. Is the Jewish "Kahal" the Modern "Soviet"?
XVI. How the "Jewish Question" Touches the Farm
XVII. Does Jewish Power Control the World Press?
XVIII. Does this Explain Jewish Political Power?
XIX. The All-Jewish Mark on "Red Russia"
XX. Jewish Testimony in Favor of Bolshevism
"Among the distinguishing mental and moral traits of the Jews may be
mentioned: distaste for hard or violent physical labor; a strong family
sense and philoprogenitiveness; a marked religious instinct; the courage
of the prophet and martyr rather than of the pioneer and soldier;
remarkable power to survive in adverse environments, combined with great
ability to retain racial solidarity; capacity for exploitation, both
individual and social; shrewdness and astuteness in speculation and
money matters generally; an Oriental love of display and a full
appreciation of the power and pleasure of social position; a very high
average of intellectual ability."
--The New International Encyclopedia.
I.
The Jew in Character and Business
The Jew is again being singled out for critical attention throughout the
world. His emergence in the financial, political and social spheres has
been so complete and spectacular since the war, that his place, power
and purpose in the world are being given a new scrutiny, much of it
unfriendly. Persecution is not a new experience to the Jew, but
intensive scrutiny of his nature and super-nationality is. He has
suffered for more than 2,000 years from what may be called the
instinctive anti-Semitism of the other races, but this antagonism has
never been intelligent nor has it been able to make itself intelligible.
Nowadays, however, the Jew is being placed, as it were, under the
microscope of economic observation that the reasons for his power, the
reasons for his separateness, the reasons for his suffering may be
defined and understood.
In Russia he is charged with being the source of Bolshevism, an
accusation which is serious or not according to the circle in which it
is made; we in America, hearing the fervid eloquence and perceiving the
prophetic ardor of young Jewish apostles of social and industrial
reform, can calmly estimate how it may be. In Germany he is charged with
being the cause of the Empire's collapse and a very considerable
literature has sprung up, bearing with it a mass of circumstantial
evidence that gives the thinker pause. In England he is charged with
being the real world ruler, who rules as a super-nation over the
nations, rules by the power of gold, and who plays nation against nation
for his own purposes, remaining himself discreetly in the background. In
America it is pointed out to what extent the elder Jews of wealth
and the younger Jews of ambition swarmed through the war
organizations--principally those departments which dealt with the
commercial and industrial business of war, and also the extent to which
they have clung to the advantage which their experience as agents of the
government gave them.
In simple words, the question of the Jews has come to the fore, but like
other questions which lend themselves to prejudice, efforts will be made
to hush it up as impolitic for open discussion. If, however, experience
has taught us anything it is that questions thus suppressed will sooner
or later break out in undesirable and unprofitable forms.
The Jew is the world's enigma. Poor in his masses, he yet controls the
world's finances. Scattered abroad without country or government, he yet
presents a unity of race continuity which no other people has achieved.
Living under legal disabilities in almost every land, he has become the
power behind many a throne. There are ancient prophecies to the effect
that the Jew will return to his own land and from that center rule the
world, though not until he has undergone an assault by the united
nations of mankind.
The single description which will include a larger percentage of Jews
than members of any other race is this: he is in business. It may be
only gathering rags and selling them, but he is in business. From the
sale of old clothes to the control of international trade and finance,
the Jew is supremely gifted for business. More than any other race he
exhibits a decided aversion to industrial employment, which he balances
by an equally decided adaptability to trade. The Gentile boy works his
way up, taking employment in the productive or technical departments;
but the Jewish boy prefers to begin as messenger, salesman or
clerk--anything--so long as it is connected with the commercial side of
the business. An early Prussian census illustrates this characteristic:
of a total population of 269,400, the Jews comprised six per cent or
16,164. Of these, 12,000 were traders and 4,164 were workmen. Of the
Gentile population, the other 94 per cent, or 153,236 people, there were
only 17,000 traders.
A modern census would show a large professional and literary class added
to the traders, but no diminution of the percentage of traders and not
much if any increase in the number of wage toilers. In America alone
most of the big business, the trusts and the banks, the natural
resources and the chief agricultural products, especially tobacco,
cotton and sugar, are in the control of Jewish financiers or their
agents. Jewish journalists are a large and powerful group here. "Large
numbers of department stores are held by Jewish firms," says the Jewish
Encyclopedia, and many if not most of them are run under Gentile names.
Jews are the largest and most numerous landlords of residence property
in the country. They are supreme in the theatrical world. They
absolutely control the circulation of publications throughout the
country. Fewer than any race whose presence among us is noticeable, they
receive daily an amount of favorable publicity which would be impossible
did they not have the facilities for creating and distributing it
themselves. Werner Sombart, in his "Jew and Modern Capitalism" says, "If
the conditions in America continue to develop along the same lines as in
the last generation, if the immigration statistics and the proportion of
births among all the nationalities remain the same, our imagination may
picture the United States of fifty or a hundred years hence as a land
inhabited only by Slavs, Negroes and Jews, wherein the Jews will
naturally occupy the position of economic leadership." Sombart is a
pro-Jewish writer.
The question is, If the Jew is in control, how did it happen? This is a
free country. The Jew comprises only about three per cent of the
population; to every Jew there are 97 Gentiles; to the 3,000,000 Jews in
the United States there are 97,000,000 Gentiles. If the Jew is in
control, is it because of his superior ability, or is it because of the
inferiority and don't-care attitude of the Gentiles?
It would be very simple to answer that the Jews came to America, took
their chances like other people and proved more successful in the
competitive struggle. But that would not include all the facts. And
before a more adequate answer can be given, two points should be made
clear. This first is this: all Jews are not rich controllers of wealth.
There are poor Jews aplenty, though most of them even in their poverty
are their own masters. While it may be true that the chief financial
controllers of the country are Jews, it is not true that every Jew is
one of the financial controllers of the country. The classes must be
kept distinct for a reason which will appear when the methods of the
rich Jews and the methods of the poor Jews to gain power are
differentiated. Secondly, the fact of Jewish solidarity renders it
difficult to measure Gentile and Jewish achievements by the same
standard. When a great block of wealth in America was made possible by
the lavish use of another block of wealth from across the seas; that is
to say, when certain Jewish immigrants came to the United States with
the financial backing of European Jewry behind them, it would be unfair
to explain the rise of that class of immigration by the same rules which
account for the rise of, say, the Germans or the Poles who came here
with no resource but their ambition and strength. To be sure, many
individual Jews come in that way, too, with no dependence but
themselves, but it would not be true to say that the massive control of
affairs which is exercised by Jewish wealth was won by individual
initiative; it was rather the extension of financial control across the
sea.
That, indeed, is where any explanation of Jewish control must begin.
Here is a race whose entire period of national history saw them peasants
on the land, whose ancient genius was spiritual rather than material,
bucolic rather than commercial, yet today, when they have no country, no
government, and are persecuted in one way or another everywhere they go,
they are declared to be the principal though unofficial rulers of the
earth. How does so strange a charge arise, and why do so many
circumstances seem to justify it?
Begin at the beginning. During the formative period of their national
character the Jews lived under a law which made plutocracy and pauperism
equally impossible among them. Modern reformers who are constructing
model social systems on paper would do well to look into the social
system under which the early Jews were organized. The Law of Moses made
a "money aristocracy," such as Jewish financiers form today, impossible
because it forbade the taking of interest. It made impossible also the
continuous enjoyment of profit wrung out of another's distress.
Profiteering and sheer speculation were not favored under the Jewish
system. There could be no land-hogging; the land was apportioned among
the people, and though it might be lost by debt or sold under stress, it
was returned every 50 years to its original family ownership, at which
time, called "The Year of Jubilee," there was practically a new social
beginning. The rise of great landlords and a moneyed class was
impossible under such a system, although the interim of 50 years gave
ample scope for individual initiative to assert itself under fair
competitive conditions.
If, therefore, the Jews had retained their status as a nation, and had
remained in Palestine under the Law of Moses, they would hardly have
achieved the financial distinction which they have since won. Jews never
got rich out of one another. Even in modern times they have not become
rich out of each other but out of the nations among whom they dwelt.
Jewish law permitted the Jew to do business with a Gentile on a
different basis than that on which he did business with a brother Jew.
What is called "the Law of the Stranger" was defined thus: "unto a
stranger thou mayest lend upon usury; but unto thy brother thou shalt
not lend upon usury."
Being dispersed among the nations, but never merging themselves with the
nations and never losing a very distinctive identity, the Jew has had
the opportunity to practice "the ethics of the stranger" for many
centuries. Being strangers among strangers, and often among cruelly
hostile strangers, they have found this law a compensating advantage.
Still, this alone would not account for the Jew's preeminence in
finance. The explanation of that must be sought in the Jew himself, his
vigor, resourcefulness and special proclivities.
Very early in the Jewish story we discover the tendency of Israel to be
a master nation, with other nations as its vassals. Notwithstanding the
fact that the whole prophetic purpose with reference to Israel seems to
have been the moral enlightenment of the world through its agency,
Israel's "will to mastery" apparently hindered that purpose. At least
such would seem to be the tone of the Old Testament. Divinely ordered to
drive out the Canaanites that their corrupt ideas might not contaminate
Israel, the Jews did not obey, according to the old record. They looked
over the Canaanitish people and perceived what great amount of man-power
would be wasted if they were expelled, and so Israel enslaved them--"And
it came to pass, when Israel was strong, that they put the Canaanites to
tribute, and did not utterly drive them out." It was this form of
disobedience, this preference of material mastery over spiritual
leadership, that marked the beginning of Israel's age-long disciplinary
distress.
The Jews' dispersion among the nations temporarily (that is, for more
than 25 centuries now) changed the program which their scriptures
declare was divinely planned, and that dispersion continues until today.
There are spiritual leaders in modern Judaism who still claim that
Israel's mission to the nations is spiritual, but their assertions that
Israel is today fulfilling that mission are not as convincing as they
might be if accompanied by more evidence. Israel throughout the modern
centuries is still looking at the Gentile world and estimating what its
man-power can be made to yield. But the discipline upon Israel still
holds; he is an exile from his own land, condemned to be discriminated
against wherever he goes, until the time when exile and homelessness
shall end in a re-established Palestine, and Jerusalem again the moral
center of the earth, even as the elder prophets have declared.
Had the Jew become an employe, a worker for other men, his dispersion
would not probably have been so wide. But becoming a trader, his
instincts drew him round the habitable earth. There were Jews in China
at an early date. They appeared as traders in England at the time of the
Saxons. Jewish traders were in South America 100 years before the
Pilgrim Fathers landed at Plymouth Rock. Jews established the sugar
industry in the Island of St. Thomas in 1492. They were well established
in Brazil when only a few villages dotted the eastern coast of what is
now the United States. And how far they penetrated when once they came
here is indicated by the fact that the first white child born in Georgia
was a Jew--Isaac Minis. The Jew's presence round the earth, his
clannishness with his own people, made him a nation scattered among the
nations, a corporation with agents everywhere.
Another talent, however, contributed greatly to his rise in financial
power--his ability to invent new devices for doing business. Until the
Jew was pitted against the world, business was very crudely done. And
when we trace the origins of many of the business methods which simplify
and facilitate trade today, more likely than not we find a Jewish name
at the end of the clue. Many of the indispensable instruments of credit
and exchange were thought out by Jewish merchants, not only for use
between themselves, but to check and hold the Gentiles with whom they
dealt. The oldest bill of exchange extant was drawn by a Jew--one Simon
Rubens. The promissory note was a Jewish invention, as was also the
check "payable to bearer."
An interesting bit of history attaches to the "payable to bearer"
instrument. The Jews' enemies were always stripping them of their last
ounce of wealth, yet strangely, the Jews recovered very quickly and were
soon rich again. How this sudden recovery from looting and poverty?
Their assets were concealed under "bearer" and so a goodly portion was
always saved. In an age when it was lawful for any pirate to seize goods
consigned to Jews, the Jews were able to protect themselves by
consigning goods on policies that bore no names.
The influence of the Jew was to center business around goods instead of
persons. Previously all claims had been against persons; the Jew knew
that the goods were more reliable than the persons with whom he dealt,
and so he contrived to have claims laid against goods. Besides, this
device enabled him to keep himself out of sight as much as possible.
This introduced an element of hardness into business, inasmuch as it was
goods which were being dealt in rather than men being dealt with, and
this hardness remains. Another tendency which survives and which is of
advantage in veiling the very large control which Jews have attained, is
of the same origin as "bearer" bills; it permits a business dominated by
Jewish capital to appear under a name that gives no hint of Jewish
control.
The Jew is the only and original international capitalist, but as a rule
he prefers not to emblazon that fact upon the skies; he prefers to use
Gentile banks and trust companies as his agents and instruments. The
suggestive term "Gentile front" often appears in connection with this
practice.
The invention of the stock exchange is also credited to Jewish financial
talent. In Berlin, Paris, London, Frankfort and Hamburg, Jews were in
control of the first stock exchanges, while Venice and Genoa were openly
referred to in the talk of the day as "Jew cities" where great trading
and banking facilities might be found. The Bank of England was
established upon the counsel and assistance of Jewish emigrants from
Holland. The Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of Hamburg both arose
through Jewish influence.
There is a curious fact to be noted in connection with the persecution
and consequent wanderings of the Jews about Europe and that is: wherever
they wandered, the center of business seemed to go with them. When the
Jews were free in Spain, there was the world's gold center. When Spain
drove out the Jews, Spain lost financial leadership and has never
regained it. Students of the economic history of Europe have always been
puzzled to discover why the center of trade should have shifted from
Spain, Portugal and Italy, up to the northern countries of Holland,
Germany, and England. They have sought for the cause in many things, but
none has proved completely explanatory. When, however, it is known that
the change was coincident with the expulsion of the Jews from the South
and their flight to the North, when it is known that upon the Jews'
arrival the northern countries began a commercial life which has
flourished until our day, the explanation does not seem difficult. Time
and again it has proved to be the fact that when the Jews were forced to
move, the center of the world's precious metals moved with them.
This distribution of the Jews over Europe and the world, each Jewish
community linked in a fellowship of blood, faith and suffering with
every other group, made it possible for the Jew to be international in
the sense that no other race or group of merchants could be at that
time. Not only were they everywhere (Americans and Russians are
everywhere, too) but they were in touch. They were organized before the
days of conscious international commercial organizations, they were
bound together by the sinews of a common life. It was observed by many
writers in the Middle Ages that the Jews knew more of what was
transpiring in Europe than the governments did. They also had better
knowledge of what was likely to occur. They knew more about conditions
than the statesmen did. This information they imparted by letter from
group to group, country to country. Indeed, they may be said thus to
have originated unconsciously the financial news-letter. Certainly the
information they were able to obtain and thus distribute was invaluable
to them in their speculative enterprises. Advance knowledge was an
immense advantage in the days when news was scarce, slow and unreliable.
This enabled Jewish financiers to become the agents of national loans, a
form of business which they encouraged wherever possible. The Jew has
always desired to have nations for his customers. National loans were
facilitated by the presence of members of the same family of financiers
in various countries, thus making an interlocking directorate by which
king could be played against king, government against government, and
the shrewdest use made of national prejudices and fears, all to the no
small profit of the fiscal agent.
One of the charges most commonly made against Jewish financiers today is
that they still favor this larger field of finance. Indeed, in all the
criticism that is heard regarding the Jew as a business man, there is
comparatively little said against him as an individual merchant serving
individual customers. Thousands of small Jewish merchants are highly
respected by their trade, just as tens of thousands of Jewish families
are respected as our neighbors. The criticism, insofar as it respects
the more important financiers, is not racial at all. Unfortunately the
element of race, which so easily lends itself to misinterpretation as
racial prejudice, is injected into the question by the mere fact that
the chain of international finance as it is traced around the world
discloses at every link a Jewish capitalist, financial family, or a
Jewish-controlled banking system. Many have professed to see in this
circumstance a conscious organization of Jewish power for Gentile
control, while others have attributed the circumstance to Jewish racial
sympathies, to the continuity of their family affairs down the line of
descent, and to the increase of collateral branches. In the old
Scriptural phrase, Israel grows as the vine grows, ever shooting out new
branches and deepening old roots, but always part of the one vine.
The Jew's aptitude for dealing with governments may also be traced to
the years of his persecution. He early learned the power of gold in
dealing with mercenary enemies. Wherever he went there followed him like
a curse the aroused antipathy of other peoples. The Jew was never
popular as a race; even the most fervid Jew will not deny that,
howsoever he may explain it. Individuals have been popular, of course;
many phases of Jewish nature are found to be very lovable when known;
but nevertheless one of the burdens the Jews have had to bear as a race
is this burden of racial unpopularity. Even in modern times, in
civilized countries, in conditions which render persecution absolutely
impossible, this unpopularity exists. And what is more, the Jew has not
seemed to care to cultivate the friendship of the Gentile masses, due
perhaps to the failures of experience, but due more likely to his inborn
persuasion that he belongs to a superior race. Whatever the true reason,
he has always placed his main dependence on cultivating friendship with
kings and nobles. What cared the Jew if the people gnashed their teeth
against him, so long as the king and the court were his friends? Thus
there was always, even through most of the severely trying times, "a
court Jew," one who had bought by loans and held by the strangle-hold of
debt an entrance to the king's chamber. The policy of the Jews has
always been to "go to headquarters." They never tried to placate the
Russian people, but they did endeavor to enlist the Russian court. They
never tried to placate the German people, but they did succeed in
permeating the German court. In England they shrug their shoulders at
the outspoken anti-Jew reactions of the British populace--what care
they? Have they not all of lorddom at their heels, do they not hold the
strings of Britain's purse?
Through this ability of theirs to "go to headquarters" it is possible to
account for the stronghold they got upon various governments and
nations. Added to this ability was, of course, the ability to produce
what the governments wanted. If a government wanted a loan, the Jew at
court could arrange it through Jews at other financial centers and
political capitals. If one government wanted to pay another government a
debt without risking the precious metal to a mule train through a
robber-infested country, the Jew at court arranged that too. He
transferred a piece of paper and the debt was paid by the banking house
at the foreign capital. The first time an army was ever fed in the
modern commissary way, it was done by a Jew--he had the capital and he
had the system; moreover he had the delight of having a nation for his
customer.
And this tendency, which served the race so well throughout the
troublous centuries, shows no sign of abatement. Certainly, seeing to
what an extent a race numerically so unimportant influences the various
governments of the world today, the Jew who reflects upon the disparity
between his people's numbers and their power may be pardoned if he sees
in that fact a proof of their racial superiority.
It may be said also that Jewish inventiveness in business devices
continues to the present time, as well as Jewish adaptability to
changing conditions. The Jew is credited with being the first to
establish branch houses in foreign countries in order that responsible
representatives of the home office might be on the ground taking instant
advantage of every opening. During the war a great deal was said about
the "peaceful penetration" which the "German Government" had effected in
the United States by establishing here branch offices and factories of
German firms. The fact that there were many German branch houses here is
unquestionable. It should be known, however, that they were not the
evidence of German enterprise but of Jewish enterprise. The old German
business houses were too conservative to "run after customers" even in
the hustling United States, but the Jewish firms were not, and they came
straight to America and hustled. In due time the competition forced the
more conservative German firms to follow suit. But the idea was Jewish
in its origin, not German.
Another modern business method whose origin is credited to Jewish
financiers is that by which related industries are brought together, as
for example, if an electrical power company is acquired, then the street
railway company using the electricity would be acquired too, one purpose
being in this way to conserve all the profit accruing along the line,
from the origination of the power down to the delivery of the street car
ride; but perhaps the main purpose being that, by the control of the
power house the price of current could be increased to the car company,
and by the control of the car company the cost of a ride could be
increased to the public, the controllers thus receiving an additional
profit all down the line. There is much of this going on in the world
today, and in the United States particularly. The portion of the
business immediately next to the ultimate consumer explains that its
costs have risen, but it does not explain that the costs were increased
by the owners and not by outsiders who were forced to do so by economic
pressure.
There is apparently in the world today a central financial force which
is playing a vast and closely organized game, with the world for its
table and universal control for its stakes. The people of civilized
countries have lost all confidence in the explanation that "economic
conditions" are responsible for all the changes that occur. Under the
camouflage of "economic law" a great many phenomena have been accounted
for which were not due to any law whatever except the law of the selfish
human will as operated by a few men who have the purpose and the power
to work on a wide scale with nations as their vassals.
Whatever else may be national, no one today believes that finance is
national. Finance is international. Nobody today believes that
international finance is in any way competitive. There are some
independent banking houses, but few strong independent ones. The great
masters, the few whose minds see clearly the entire play of the plan,
control numerous banking houses and trust companies, and one is used for
this while another is used for that, but there is no disharmony between
them, no correction of each other's methods, no competition in the
interests of the business world. There is as much unity of policy
between the principal banking houses of every country as there is
between the various branches of the United States Post Office--and for
the same reason, namely, they are all operated from the same source and
for the same purpose.
Just before the war Germany bought very heavily in American cotton and
had huge quantities of it tied up here for export. When war came, the
ownership of that mountainous mass of cotton wealth changed in one night
from Jewish names in Hamburg to Jewish names in London. At this writing
cotton is selling in England for less than it is selling in the United
States, and the effect of that is to lower the American price. When the
price lowers sufficiently, the market is cleared of cotton by buyers
previously prepared, and then the price soars to high figures again. In
the meantime, the same powers that have engineered the apparently
causeless strengthening and weakening of the cotton market, have seized
upon stricken Germany to be the sweatshop of the world. Certain groups
control the cotton, lend it to Germany to be manufactured, leave a
pittance of it there in payment for the labor that was used, and then
profiteer the length and breadth of the world on the lie that "cotton is
scarce." And when, tracing all these anti-social and colossally unfair
methods to their source, it is found that the responsible parties all
have a common characteristic, is it any wonder that the warning which
comes across the sea--"Wait until America becomes awake to the
Jew!"--has a new meaning?
Certainly, economic reasons no longer explain the condition in which the
world finds itself today. Neither does the ordinary explanation of "the
heartlessness of capital." Capital has endeavored as never before to
meet the demands of labor, and labor has gone to extremes in leading
capital to new concessions--but what has it advantaged either of them?
Labor has heretofore thought that capital was the sky over it, and it
made the sky yield, but behold, there was yet an higher sky which
neither capital nor labor had seen in their struggles one with another.
That sky is so far unyielding.
That which we call capital here in America is usually money used in
production, and we mistakenly refer to the manufacturer, the manager of
work, the provider of tools and jobs--we refer to him as the
"capitalist." Oh, no. He is not the capitalist in the real sense. Why,
he himself must go to capitalists for the money with which to finance
his plans. There is a power yet above him--a power which treats him far
more callously and holds him in a more ruthless hand than he would ever
dare display to labor. That, indeed, is one of the tragedies of these
times, that "labor" and "capital" are fighting each other, when the
conditions against which each one of them protests, and from which each
one of them suffers, is not within their power to remedy at all, unless
they find a way to wrest world control from that group of international
financiers who create and control both these conditions.
There is a super-capitalism which is supported wholly by the fiction
that gold is wealth. There is a super-government which is allied to no
government, which is free from them all, and yet which has its hand in
them all. There is a race, a part of humanity, which has never yet been
received as a welcome part, and which has succeeded in raising itself to
a power that the proudest Gentile race has never claimed--not even Rome
in the days of her proudest power. It is becoming more and more the
conviction of men all over the world that the labor question, the wage
question, the land question cannot be settled until first of all this
matter of an international super-capitalistic government is settled.
"To the victor belongs the spoils" is an old saying. And in a sense it
is true that if all this power of control has been gained and held by a
few men of a long-despised race, then either they are super-men whom it
is powerless to resist, or they are ordinary men whom the rest of the
world has permitted to obtain an undue and unsafe degree of power.
Unless the Jews are super-men, the Gentiles will have themselves to
blame for what has transpired, and they can look for rectification in a
new scrutiny of the situation and a candid examination of the
experiences of other countries.
[Issue of May 22, 1920.]
II.
Germany's Reaction Against the Jew
Humanity has become wise enough to discuss those forms of physical
sickness over which it formerly drew the veil of shame and secrecy, but
political hygiene is not so far advanced. The main source of the
sickness of the German national body is charged to be the influence of
the Jews, and although this was apparent to acute minds years ago, it is
now said to have gone so far as to be apparent to the least observing.
The eruption has broken out on the surface of the body politic, and no
further concealment of this fact is possible. It is the belief of all
classes of the German people that the collapse which has come since the
armistice, and the revolution from which they are being prevented a
recovery, are the result of Jewish intrigue and purpose. They declare it
with assurance; they offer a mass of facts to confirm it; they believe
that history will provide the fullest proof.
The Jew in Germany is regarded as only a guest of the people; he has
offended by trying to turn himself into the host. There are no stronger
contrasts in the world than the pure Germanic and pure Semitic races;
therefore, there has been no harmony between the two in Germany; the
German has regarded the Jew strictly as a guest, while the Jew,
indignant at not being given the privileges of the nation-family, has
cherished animosity against his host. In other countries the Jew is
permitted to mix more readily with the people, he can amass his control
unchallenged; but in Germany the case was different. Therefore, the Jew
hated the German people; therefore, the countries of the world which
were most dominated by the Jews showed the greatest hatred of Germany
during the recent regrettable war. Jewish hands were in almost exclusive
control of the engines of publicity by which public opinion concerning
the German people was molded. The sole winners of the war were Jews.
But assertion is not enough; proof is wanted; therefore, consider the
evidence. What occurred immediately upon the change from the old regime
to the new? The cabinet composed of six men, which substituted the
Minister of State, was dominated by the Jews Haase and Landsberg. Haase
had control of foreign affairs; his assistant was the Jew Kautsky, a
Czech, who in 1918 was not even a German citizen. Also associated with
Haase were the Jews Cohn and Herzfeld. The Jew Schiffer was Financial
Minister of State, assisted by the Jew Bernstein. The Secretary of the
Interior was the Jew Preuss, with the Jew Dr. Freund for his assistant.
The Jew Fritz Max Cohen, who was correspondent of the Frankfurter
Zeitung in Copenhagen, was made government publicity agent.
The kingdom of Prussia duplicated this condition of affairs. The Jews
Hirsch and Rosenfeld dominated the cabinet, with Rosenfeld controlling
the Department of Justice, and Hirsch in the Department of the Interior.
The Jew Simon was in charge of the Treasury Department. The Prussian
Department of Justice was wholly manned and operated by Jews. The
Director of Education was the Jew Furtran with the assistance of the Jew
Arndt. The Director of the Colonial Office was the Jew Meyer-Gerhard.
The Jew Kastenberg was the director of the Department of Art. The War
Food Supply Department was directed by the Jew Wurm, while in the State
Food Department were the Jews Prof. Dr. Hirsch and the Geheimrat Dr.
Stadthagen. The Soldiers' and Workmen's Committee was directed by the
Jew Cohen, with the Jews Stern, Herz, Lowenberg, Frankel, Israelowicz,
Laubenheim, Seligsohn, Katzenstein, Laufenberg, Heimann, Schlesinger,
Merz and Weyl having control of various activities of that committee.
The Jew Ernst is chief of police at Berlin; in the same office at
Frankfurt is the Jew Sinzheimer; in Munich the Jew Steiner; in Essen the
Jew Levy. It will be remembered that the Jew Eisner was President of
Bavaria, his financial minister being the Jew Jaffe. Bavaria's trade,
commerce and industry were in control of the half-Jew Brentano. The Jews
Lipsinsky and Schwarz were active in the government of Saxony; the Jews
Thalheimer and Heiman in Wurtemberg; the Jew Fulda in Hessen.
Two delegates sent to the Peace Conference were Jews and a third was
notoriously the tool of Jewish purposes. In addition Jews swarmed
through the German delegation as experts and advisors--Max Warburg, Dr.
Von Strauss, Merton, Oskar Oppenheimer, Dr. Jaffe, Deutsch, Brentano,
Bernstein, Struck, Rathenau, Wassermann, and Mendelsohn-Bartholdi.
As to the part which Jews from other countries had in the Peace
Conference, German observers declare that any candid student may
discover by reading the accounts of impartial non-Jewish recorders of
that event. Only the non-Jewish historians seem to have been struck by
the fact; the multitude of Jewish writers apparently judged it wise to
conceal it.
Jewish influence in German affairs came strongly to the front during the
war. It came with all the directness and attack of a flying wedge, as if
previously prepared. The Jews of Germany were not German patriots during
the war, and although this will not appear a crime in the eyes of the
nations who were opposed to Germany, it may throw some light on the
Jew's assertion of patriotic loyalty to the land where he lives.
Thoughtful Germans hold that it is impossible for the Jew to be a
patriot, for reasons which will presently be given.
The point to be considered is the general claim that the persons already
named would not have obtained the positions in which they were found had
it not been for the Revolution, and the Revolution would not have come
had not they brought it. It is true that there were unsatisfactory
conditions in Germany, but they could and would have been adjusted by
the people themselves; the conditions which destroyed the people's
morale and were made impossible of reform were in control of the Jews.
The principal Jewish influences which are charged with bringing about
the downfall of German order may be named under three heads: (a) the
spirit of Bolshevism which masqueraded under the name of German
Socialism; (b) Jewish ownership and control of the Press; (c) Jewish
control of the food supply and the industrial machinery of the country.
There was a fourth, "higher up," but these worked upon the German people
directly.
As it is possible that German conclusions upon this matter may be
received doubtfully by peoples whose public opinion has been shaped by
Jewish influence, it may help to quote George Pitter-Wilson, of the
London Globe, who wrote early in April, 1919, "Bolshevism is the
dispossession of the Christian nations of the world to such an extent
that no capital will remain in the hands of the Christians, that all
Jews may jointly hold the world in their hands and reign wherever they
choose." As early as the second year of the war, German Jews were
preaching that Germany's defeat was necessary to the rise of the
proletariat, at which time Strobel declared, "I openly admit that a full
victory of the country would not be in the interest of the Social
Democrats." Everywhere it was preached that "the exaltation of the
proletariat after a won victory is an impossibility." These instances,
out of many, are cited not to reopen the military question but to show
how the so-called German Jew forgot loyalty to the country in which he
lived and joined the outside Jews in accomplishing the collapse of
Germany, and not merely, as we shall see, to rid Germany of militarism,
which every thoughtful German desired, but to throw the country into
such confusion as to permit them to seize control.
The press of Germany echoed this plan of the Jewish spokesmen, at first
faintly, then boldly. The Berliner Tageblatt and the Munchner Neuester
Nachrichten were during the whole war official and semi-official organs
of the government. They were owned and controlled by Jews, as was also
the Frankfurter Zeitung and a host of smaller papers that were their
spiritual dependents. These papers, it is charged, were really German
editions of the Jew-controlled press of the Allied countries, and their
purpose was the same. One of the great pieces of research that ought to
be undertaken for the purpose of showing the world how its thought is
manufactured for it every day, and for what ulterior purposes, is this
union of the Jewish press, which passes for the Public Press, throughout
the world.
The food and supplies of the people quickly passed into Jewish hands as
soon as the war emergency came, and then began a period of dishonesty
which destroyed the confidence of the bravest. Like all other patriotic
people, the German people knew that war meant sacrifice and suffering,
and like other people they were willing to share the common lot. But
they found themselves preyed upon by a class of Jews who had prepared
everything to make profit out of the common distress. Immediately Jews
appeared in banks, war companies, distribution societies, and the
ministries of supplies--wherever the life of the people could be
speculated in or taxed. Articles that were plentiful disappeared, only
to reappear again at high prices. The war companies were exclusively
Jewish, and although the government attempted to regulate the outgo of
food in the interests of all the people, it became notorious that those
with money could get all of anything they wanted, regardless of the food
cards. The Jews simply trebled the price of the goods they let go
without the cards, and so kept a stream of the nation's gold flowing
into their private treasuries. None of the government's estimates of the
food stocks could be depended on, because of the hidden hoards on which
these speculators drew. This began to disturb the morale of the people,
and complaints were made and prosecutions started; but as soon as the
cases came up it was discovered that the prosecutor appointed to charge
and the commissioner appointed to judge were also Jews, and so the cases
usually wore themselves out without results. When, however, a German
merchant was caught, great noise was made about it, and the penalty
placed upon him was equal to what all the others should have had. Go the
length and breadth of Germany today, say the reports, study the temper
of the people, and you will discover that the abuse of power by the Jews
has burned across Germany's memory like a hot iron.
While these influences were undermining the mass of the people, higher
influences of Jewish origin were operating upon the government. The
advisors of the Bethmann-Hollweg government were the great ship magnate
Ballin, a Jew; Theodor Wolff, of the Berliner Tageblatt and member of
the Pan-Jewish press; Von Gwinner, director of the German Bank who is
connected by marriage with the great Jew bankers, the Speyers; and
Rathenau, the leader of Jewish industrial-financial activities. These
men were at the source of things and were bending the government as the
other influences were bending the people.
The rich German Jew could buy the recognition he desired by acquiring
financial power over those interests which most directly affected the
ruling class of Germany, but how was the poor Jew to gain the
recognition he desired?--for all Jews are actuated by the same desire;
it is in them; they feel the spur to mastery. Having explored the
conquest of the higher circles by Jewish money-power, there is yet to
explore the conquest of the body of the nation by Jews who had no money
except what they could seize in the disorder which they caused. The
analysis that is given, follows:
The Jew is not an anarchist. He is not a destructionist. All this is
true, notwithstanding he is the world's Bolshevist and preeminently
Germany's revolutionist. His anarchy is not ingrain, it is a device
which he uses for a purpose. The rich Jew is not an anarchist, because
he can achieve what he desires by more subtle methods. The poor Jew has
no other recourse. But rich and poor go jointly for a long stretch; the
bond of sympathy between them never breaks; for, if the anarchy is
successful, then the poor Jew shall take his place with the rich Jew;
and if the anarchy is not successful, it has nevertheless served to
break up new fields in which the rich Jew may operate.