FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.
1681-1687.
DAMPIER AND HIS COMRADES ON THE SANTA MARÍA RIVER—THEY MEET
WITH SPANISH WAR VESSELS—THEIR MARCH TO THE NORTH SEA—THEY
FALL IN WITH A FRENCH SHIP—AND SAIL ROUND CAPE HORN TO THE
SOUTH SEA—THEY ATTACK REALEJO—THEY SAIL FOR THE ISLAND OF LA
PLATA—HERE THEY ARE REËNFORCED—THEY PROCEED TO THE COAST OF
SOUTH AMERICA—WHERE THEY GAIN INTELLIGENCE OF THE TREASURE
FLEET—THE PIRATES SAIL FOR THE PEARL ISLANDS—THEIR DEFEAT IN
THE BAY OF PANAMÁ—RAIDS ON LEON, REALEJO, AND GRANADA—PIETY
OF THE FILIBUSTERS—FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE PIRATES.
Dampier and his comrades,[XXX‑1] after they had parted company with
Sharp, shaped their course for the Santa María River flowing into
the gulf of San Miguel, and on the following day captured a small
bark anchored to leeward of Cape Pasado. This was a piece of great
good fortune as their boats were too small for them. On the 24th of
April they touched at the island of Gorgona where, having taken some
prisoners, they learned that a piragua crossed over from the mainland
every two or three days to reconnoitre, and that three ships were
kept in readiness to intercept them on their return. With a favorable
breeze they sailed from Gorgona the same evening, and on the morning
of the 28th, on emerging from a rain squall, espied two large ships
to windward about a league and a half distant. Dampier's men were in a
hazardous position, between the Spanish cruisers and the shore, which
was only two leagues off. Happily the rain again came on and enabled
them to pass the enemy unseen. The next morning they anchored off Point
Garachina, about seven leagues from the gulf of San Miguel, where they
remained all day drying their ammunition and preparing their weapons
in anticipation of their landing being opposed. Soon after daybreak
on the 30th they entered the gulf and came to anchor outside a large
island four miles distant from the mouth of the Santa María. Though the
tide was favorable for ascending the river they took the precaution to
send a canoe ashore to reconnoitre, and a ship was discovered lying
at the mouth and a large tent pitched on the land adjacent. Though
disheartened at this news the freebooters were, nevertheless, bent upon
making their return overland. So the canoe was again sent to the island
and succeeded in capturing one which had put off from the enemy's ship
for the island. From the captives they learned that for six months
the vessel, which had twelve guns, had been guarding the mouth of the
river, and that the force amounted to one hundred and fifty soldiers and
sailors, the former being quartered on shore. Three hundred more were
expected to arrive from the mines on the next day.[XXX‑2] The pirates
now determined to land elsewhere at any risk that night, or early the
following morning.[XXX‑3] With wind and tide against them they reached
Cape San Lorenzo at daybreak and sailing about a league farther ran into
a creek sheltered by two small islands. Here they landed and, putting
their effects ashore, sunk their vessel and made all preparations for
a march into the interior.[XXX‑4]
[Sidenote: CROSSING THE CONGO.]
As some of the company did not appear in condition to undertake so
long a journey, the desperate resolution to shoot all stragglers had
been previously adopted to prevent them falling into the hands of
the Spaniards alive and betraying their companions. Yet this terrible
alternative did not deter a single man, and in the afternoon the band
of freebooters began their march and advanced a league north-easterly.
On the following morning, striking an Indian trail, they reached some
native houses, where being well received they purchased provisions,
and for a hatchet obtained a guide to other Indian settlements.[XXX‑5]
Next day they struck the Congo at a point three leagues from their last
night's halting-place,[XXX‑6] and arriving at the house of an old Indian
with great difficulty induced him to urge their guide to accompany them
two days longer for another hatchet.[XXX‑7]
On the 4th of May they continued their course, continually wading
through rivers and streams, drenched with the heavy rain which when they
halted prevented them from obtaining fire enough to warm themselves
or cook their food. Weary and hungry their miseries were such as to
banish all thought of the Spaniards, their only anxiety being to obtain
food and guides. For several days they journeyed on under incredible
hardships, feeding on monkeys and such vegetables as they could obtain
from the native settlements through which they passed.
By this time they had obtained a fresh guide, and crossing the Congo had
arrived at another river, the depth of which caused them great trouble,
as they were compelled to ford it several times,[XXX‑8] leaving behind
on the last occasion two of the party who were unable to keep up with
the main body. Night fell on them unprovided with shelter, and to add
to their miseries a thunder-storm with heavy rain broke over them.
Next morning, the 8th of May, the guide informed them that the river
would have to be crossed again, but it was now so swollen that fording
was impossible. It was decided, therefore, to send a man over with
a line. One of the band, George Gayny, accordingly made the attempt,
but the line which he had fastened about his neck became entangled,
and the man on shore who was paying it out suddenly stopped it. This
threw Gayny, who was half way across, on his back. The man in charge
of the rope then threw it into the river, hoping that Gayny might
recover himself, but being weighted with three hundred pesos, which he
carried on his back, the impetuous current carried him away and he was
drowned.[XXX‑9]
After this failure they felled a lofty tree across the river, and over
it all passed in safety. Their guide now left them, having obtained a
substitute. Crossing another river their way led through a beautiful
valley adorned with trees. Five miles beyond they came to a settlement
and were somewhat alarmed at the sight of some wooden crosses on
the road-side, thinking that Spaniards were there. They prepared for
action, but found none but Indians in the town, where they were kindly
received.[XXX‑10]
For the next ten days they struggled on with several changes of guides,
incessantly crossing rivers[XXX‑11] and forcing their way through the
trackless forest, some days not advancing more than two or three miles.
Exhausted and famished,[XXX‑12] with blistered feet, and limbs chafed
and raw with wading, they were indeed in evil plight.
[Sidenote: AT THE RIO CHEPO.]
On the 20th of May the way-worn corsairs reached the Chepo River, which
they crossed, and on the 22d to their great joy sighted the North Sea
from a high mountain-ridge. The weather was fine, and glad at heart they
descended the heights and encamped on the bank of the river Concepcion,
the first which they found flowing north. The following day they moved
down the stream, and ere long procured canoes to carry them to its
mouth. During their absence many English and French ships had been
there, but all had departed with the exception of a French privateer
which lay at La Sound Key.[XXX‑13] After lying a night at the mouth of
the river, they crossed over to the island, and went aboard the vessel
which was commanded by Captain Tristian. Purchasing from the crew beads,
knives, scissors, and looking-glasses with which to reward their guides
they dismissed them with the additional gift of half a peso to each.
With this the Indians were well satisfied, and the good feeling for the
English was manifested by their kind treatment of Doctor Wafer and the
others who had remained behind in their settlements.
The journey across the Isthmus had occupied twenty-three days, during
which they travelled for about thirty-seven leagues over mountains,
through valleys, and among "deep and dangerous Rivers." They had arrived
on the south coast just as the rainy season began, and the rivers
were soon swollen, and yet only one man perished. They had chosen a
circuitous route, going seventeen leagues farther than if they had
ascended the Chepo or the Santa María, by either of which courses the
journey could have been made from sea to sea in three days, the Indians
frequently accomplishing it in a day and a half.
The hardships which Dampier underwent during this trip did not deter
him from another adventure on the South Sea. In the latter part of
1683, having joined a ship commanded by a Captain Cook, he was again
cruising in company with another vessel under Captain Eaton off the
western coast of South America. Although they had sailed round Cape
Horn, their operations were unimportant during the whole of their voyage
up that coast. Their intention, indeed, was to try new ground and make
a raid upon Realejo and Leon in Nicaragua. When they arrived about the
beginning of July at Cape Blanco, on the Costa Rica seaboard, Captain
Cook died, and John Davis was appointed to his place.[XXX‑14]
While engaged in burying their late captain on the shore of Calderas
Bay they captured three half-breeds from whom they learned that
the Spaniards had been warned by the people of Panamá to beware of
buccaneers. This news did not prevent them, however, from proceeding on
the 20th of July toward Realejo where they arrived three days later.
Their operations here were unprofitable, as they found the Spaniards
thoroughly prepared for them. They therefore sailed to the bay of
Fonseca for the purpose of careening their vessels. Here an attempt to
establish friendly relations with the Indians of one of the islands
was interrupted by the rough action of one of the buccaneers, which
caused a panic among the natives, who fled to the woods. Davis, however,
succeeded in inducing the chief and half a dozen of his tribe to visit
the ships, and having won their good-will by presents, obtained, during
the time they remained in the bay, fresh beef from an island to which
they directed them. After careening and repairing their vessels, they
abandoned their intentions against Realejo for the time, and on the 3d
of September Davis again sailed southward, having parted from Eaton with
whom he had had trouble.[XXX‑15]
[Sidenote: SWAN AND HARRIS.]
On the 20th he reached the isle of Plata,[XXX‑16] and while lying there
was joined, October 2d, by Captain Swan of the _Cygnet_ and Captain
Peter Harris, nephew of the buccaneer of that name who was killed in
the engagement before Panamá in 1680. Swan had been supplied by London
merchants with a cargo of goods for trade in these seas, but having
fallen in with Harris and his comrades who had come overland, his men
compelled him to join the freebooters.[XXX‑17] The meeting of the rovers
was marked by wicked joy. Independently or collectively they engaged in
a series of cruises off the coast of South America, the isle of Plata
being the rendezvous. After a failure to surprise the town of Guayaquil,
they took a packet-boat carrying letters from Panamá to Lima. Though
the Spaniards threw the letters overboard with a line attached, the
ruse was detected, and from the package which the buccaneers recovered,
they learned the joyful news that the armada from Spain had arrived
at Portobello and that the president of Panamá had sent this boat
with instructions to hasten the departure of the treasure-fleet from
Peru. This occurred on the 1st of January 1685. The wildest excitement
followed as the prows of the vessels were turned toward the Pearl
Islands, the best place from which to seize the treasure-ships. They
arrived there the 25th, having captured on the way a ninety-ton vessel
laden with flour. Then they careened and cleaned their vessels, and
by February 14th all was in readiness. The marauders then proceeded to
Perico and engaged in correspondence with the president of Panamá for
the release of two of their men who had fallen into the hands of the
Spaniards.[XXX‑18] The result was an exchange of prisoners, the crew of
the vessel last taken, to the number of about forty, being surrendered
as ransom for the two freebooters.
Meanwhile the Spaniards continued in their puerile efforts to rid
themselves of the vipers. On one occasion a pretended merchant, under
pretext of wishing to traffic, steered a vessel laden with combustibles
close up to them while at anchor. Having ignited his fire-ship, he and
his crew escaped in canoes, while the buccaneers were forced to cut
their cables in all haste to avoid destruction.[XXX‑19]
Soon afterward they were joined by no less than two hundred and eighty
French and English buccaneers who had crossed the Isthmus, and who
reported that one hundred and eighty more English were following under
Captain Townley.[XXX‑20] This accession was gratifying; the ninety-ton
prize was at once surrendered to the French, who numbered two hundred
under Captain Grogniet, while the English were received on board the
ships of Swan and Davis.[XXX‑21]
On the 3d of March they were joined by Townley, who had captured two
barks at the mouth of the Santa María, and a few days later an Indian
brought word that another band, three hundred strong, were on their way
overland from the North Sea.[XXX‑22]
For the next two months they cruised about the bay of Panamá, vigilantly
watching for the treasure-fleet. Meanwhile they took the town of Chepo,
made some captures, and intercepted letters from which they ascertained
that the pilots of Lima had been in consultation as to the best course
which could be adopted in order to elude the pirates, and had given
directions accordingly. They also learned that the fleet was to be
manned with all the available strength of Peru, but had orders not to
engage with the buccaneers if a battle could possibly be avoided.
On the 28th of May the pirate fleet lay between Pacheca Island and
the mainland, Captain Grogniet being a mile to the northward. It
consisted of ten sail carrying fifty-two guns and nine hundred and
sixty men.[XXX‑23] About eleven o'clock the weather, which had been
rainy, cleared, and the Spanish fleet numbering fourteen ships[XXX‑24]
beside piraguas, carrying one hundred and seventy-four guns and manned
by more than three thousand sailors and marines, was seen approaching.
Disparity of numbers did not, however, intimidate the buccaneers, and
for the great prize that now lay in sight they would have engaged with
even half their force.[XXX‑25] Being to windward of the Spaniards they
weighed anchor about three o'clock in the afternoon, but night fell upon
them before they could effect more than the exchange of a few shots.
[Sidenote: SPANISH STRATAGEM.]
Although Spanish arms had greatly deteriorated since the days of the
conquerors, there was still something of the Spanish stratagem left
which in this instance proved a match even for pirate cunning. When
the darkness had set in the admiral of the treasure-fleet hung out a
light as a signal for his vessels to come to anchor. In half an hour
the light was extinguished, but some time afterward the buccaneers saw
it again, stealing away from Panamá. Being well to the windward they
kept under sail all night in sight of the signal, but when morning
dawned they discovered that they had been decoyed to the leeward by a
solitary vessel sent in that direction and that the enemy had now the
weather-gage, and was bearing down upon them with all sail set. Thus
were the tables turned, and their only safety lay in flight. During
the whole day they maintained a running fight, and having sailed almost
round the bay of Panamá anchored their now battered vessels again off
the isle of Pacheca.[XXX‑26] In the morning three leagues to leeward
the Spanish fleet was observed at anchor, and a light south breeze
presently springing up it sailed away to Panamá, without attempting to
press further the advantage gained.[XXX‑27]
[Sidenote: IN NICARAGUA.]
Thus after nearly six months of planning and patient expectation their
great prize eluded their grasp, and the disappointed and exasperated
pirates bore away for the isles of Quibo. There a consultation was
held, which resulted in a determination to attack the city of Leon in
Nicaragua. They at once began preparations and built a number of canoes
in which to effect their landing.[XXX‑28] These being completed they
sailed for the port of Realejo on the 20th of July,[XXX‑29] and arrived
on the coast about eight leagues distant from the harbor on the 9th of
August. They now manned their canoes, to the number of thirty-one, with
five hundred and twenty men, and made for the harbor, the others taking
charge of the ships. On the way there were two heavy squalls which
placed them in extreme peril, but by dint of hard rowing the marauders
entered the port that night. At daylight on the following morning they
rowed up the creek leading to Leon, at the head of which, on the river
bank, they found a breastwork. Their approach was discovered by the
watchmen who fled to Leon and reported it.[XXX‑30]
The pirates now quickly effected a landing and four hundred and seventy
men were detailed in four detachments under the command of Townley,
Swan, Davis, and Knight,[XXX‑31] while Dampier with the remainder was
left in charge of the canoes.[XXX‑32]
Townley with his company entered the town about two miles in advance
of the others, and overthrew a body of nearly two hundred horsemen who
charged him in the main street. The infantry, to the number of five
hundred, were drawn up in the plaza, but perceiving the discomfiture
of the cavalry fled without offering resistance, and Leon, captured by
eighty men, lay at the mercy of the freebooters.[XXX‑33]
At noon on the following day the governor sent in a flag of truce with
offers to ransom the town,[XXX‑34] but the demands of the marauders were
so exorbitant[XXX‑35] that all he could do was to endeavor to prolong
capitulations until he could assemble a force strong enough to dislodge
the invaders. In a few days, however, they became aware of his design,
and on the 14th of the month, having collected all available booty, they
set the city on fire and marched back to their canoes.
[Sidenote: VISIT TO REALEJO.]
The pirates next directed their attention to Realejo, which they entered
without opposition. But here again they were balked, finding nothing
but empty houses. So, for a week, they ravaged the surrounding country,
killing cattle and sacking sugar-mills. Then they burned the town,
and returning to their canoes rejoined their ship. The following day,
which was the 25th, Davis and Swan agreed to separate, the former being
anxious to return to the South American coast, while Swan was desirous
of trying his fortune off the shores of Mexico. Their separation was,
however, amicable, and the two freebooters, when they parted company
on the 27th, fired salutes as they turned their prows in opposite
directions.[XXX‑36]
But the unfortunate cities of Nicaragua were not fated to be left in
peace after the departure of this band. Grogniet, with three hundred
and twenty men in his ship and five canoes, after separating from Swan
cruised slowly northward. His first operations, however, were of little
importance. During their voyage along the coast the party landed at
Realejo, which they found abandoned, and thence marched to Leon, but did
not attack the town, finding it too strongly garrisoned.[XXX‑37] They
then proceeded against Pueblo Viejo, and having foraged the surrounding
country again directed their course southward and entered the bay of
Calderas with the intention of taking Esparza, to execute which design
fifty men were sent ashore. They were deterred, however, from making
the attempt by learning that the Spaniards had gathered in considerable
force to oppose them. Their sufferings from hunger became excessive,
and they were compelled to kill and eat some horses which they captured,
after four days' starvation.[XXX‑38]
Their ship had been despatched to the island of San Juan de Pueblo
as their general place of rendezvous,[XXX‑39] and thither the canoes
now turned their course. Their next operations were directed against
Chiriquita, which they succeeded in surprising on the 9th of January
1686 with a force of two hundred and thirty men. Having secured a number
of prisoners, for whom they afterward obtained a ransom, they burned
the town and retired.[XXX‑40]
On their return to Pueblo a Spanish fleet of seven ships, twelve
piraguas, and three long barks made its appearance, and was recognized
as a squadron sent against them from Peru. Their ship being no longer
serviceable through want of sails, they ran her aground, and took up a
favorable position on the banks of a river, where they had already begun
building large-sized piraguas. Here the enemy dared not attack them,
and having burned the stranded vessel bore away.
[Sidenote: TOWNS ABANDONED.]
On the 14th of March, having completed the construction of the piraguas,
they left Pueblo in two barks, a forty-oared galley, ten piraguas, and
ten canoes, and having held a muster of their men, found that their
number had been reduced by thirty since their separation from the
English freebooters.[XXX‑41] Their design was to carry out a previously
formed intention to attack Granada in Nicaragua, but being half dead
with hunger they attempted a descent upon Pueblo Nuevo, and were
somewhat roughly handled by a detachment of the Spanish fleet left at
the mouth of the river.[XXX‑42] Hereupon the pirates again visited the
bay of Calderas and the town of Esparza, which they found abandoned.
They obtained, however, some provisions from a plantation on the bay.
They now consulted as to their method of attack on Granada, and made
certain regulations among themselves which they thought would ensure
the success of their enterprise.[XXX‑43]
On the 22d Grogniet fell in with Townley and one hundred and fifty
men in five canoes, and by way of retaliation for the treatment which
his men had received at the hands of the English buccaneers, made
them prisoners. After keeping them in durance for several hours the
Frenchmen gave them to understand that no harm would be done them, and
restored their canoes to them. This led to friendship, and Townley and
his men eagerly requested to be admitted as associates in the meditated
operations against Granada, a proposition which was listened to with
satisfaction.
The combined forces on the 7th of April 1686[XXX‑44] landed three
hundred and forty-five men,[XXX‑45] who by forced marches advanced into
the interior; but notwithstanding all possible precautions they were
discovered, and the alarm conveyed to Granada while they were still at
a considerable distance.[XXX‑46] Perceiving that a surprise could not
be effected, on the 9th they halted to rest and refresh themselves,
enfeebled as they were with hunger and fatigue. On the following day
they advanced upon the city which they found to be well fortified and
protected by fourteen pieces of cannon and six swivels, the inhabitants
having intrenched themselves in the great square.[XXX‑47] Nevertheless
they at once charged up the leading street with a recklessness that
astonished their foes;[XXX‑48] and having put to flight a strong force
which they encountered in the suburbs, were soon actively engaged with
the fort.
The fire of the artillery was heavy and rapid, but rendered in a great
measure ineffective by the pirates adroitly bending to the ground at
every discharge, so that the balls passed over them; seeing which the
Spaniards ignited false primings, and postponed the discharge of their
guns till the freebooters had assumed an upright position. Then the
latter ranged themselves beside the houses, and having gained a small
eminence at a convenient distance, so plied the defenders with bullets
and hand-grenades that after a brave resistance for an hour and a
half they abandoned the inclosure and sought refuge in the principal
church. They were quickly dislodged, however, and the city of Granada
was in possession of the pirates, who had only four killed and eight
wounded,[XXX‑49] while the loss of the Spaniards was severe.
[Sidenote: GRANADA TAKEN.]
Now French filibusters were no less devoted servants of God
and followers of the gentle Christ than were the English
freebooters.[XXX‑50] Though they were reckless of their lives and
bodies, it was far otherwise with regard to their souls. They might, it
is true, burn towns and cut off the heads of captives whose ransom was
not promptly forthcoming, but they did not neglect their devotions. So
they reverently chanted the te deum in the great church of Granada; then
hunted for plunder and women, and getting neither, opened negotiations
by means of a prisoner for the ransom of the city from fire.[XXX‑51] The
Spaniards, however, were indifferent, fully relying upon the assertion
of a straggler whom they had captured, that his companions would not set
fire to Granada, as it was their intention to return some months later,
and pass through the country by the lake to the North Sea,[XXX‑52] and
that the destruction of the city would be inconvenient. But the others
thought differently, and exasperated at their bootless and toilsome
journey, burned the cathedral and principal buildings.[XXX‑53]
The pirates now deemed it prudent to retire, and on the 15th began their
march to the sea, directing their course to the town of Masaya, situated
on the lake of that name. Their sufferings were great on their return
march. Parched with thirst, scorched by the vertical sun, and choked
with the stifling dust, they toiled along discontented and miserable,
incessantly exposed to ambushed foes.[XXX‑54] For a day they rested in
Masaya, where the Indians received them kindly and implored them not to
burn their town. On the 17th, as the freebooters were emerging from the
forest upon an open plain, they were opposed by a body of five hundred
Spaniards, who had hoisted a red flag in token that no quarter would be
given. But the pirates, never fearing, attacked and overthrew the enemy,
capturing fifty of their horses.
After this, feeling more secure, they slowly wended their way to the
ocean, halting at convenient places and resting from the fatigues of
their exhausting march. By the 26th they reached the sea-shore, where
they again embarked. They now once more made a raid on Realejo, captured
a number of the inhabitants,[XXX‑55] and then proceeded to Chinandega
and burned the town. During these forays they suffered greatly from
hunger, since the Spaniards systematically destroyed all provisions
wherever the freebooters made their appearance, and had also driven
their cattle from the coast.
It was a profitless enterprise that these rovers had been engaged in,
from first to last. Their booty was insignificant,[XXX‑56] many of
their wounded had died from privation and the effect of the climate, and
difference of opinion as to future movements finally displayed itself.
At a consultation held on the 9th of May a separation was decided upon,
and a few days later a division of barks, canoes, and provisions was
made. One hundred and forty-eight of the French with the English under
Townley sailed for Panamá, while Grogniet with the remainder of his
countrymen steered westward up the coast.
Townley's project was to attack Villa de los Santos[XXX‑57] on the Rio
Cubita. He succeeded in surprising the town and captured merchandise
estimated to be worth a million and a half of pesos, besides fifteen
thousand pesos in money and three hundred prisoners of both sexes. But
disaster was in store for the marauders on their return, and parties
of them were surprised by ambuscades; many were killed and the booty
retaken by the Spaniards. Then followed mutual retaliation. The bodies
of the slain pirates were mutilated and their heads fixed on poles,
while their comrades, out of revenge, decapitated a number of their
captives and treated the heads in like manner. Yet these pastimes
did not interrupt negotiations; the remainder of the prisoners were
ransomed, and the Spaniards purchased a bark of which their amiable
visitors had deprived them.
Townley, having thus arranged matters with the inhabitants of Los
Santos, bore away for Pearl Islands, and for the next two months cruised
about the bay of Panamá making descents on the land and capturing
prizes. The slaughter of the Spaniards in some of these engagements was
great. On the 21st of August the buccaneers attacked a frigate and a
bark, the former of which vessels had eighty killed and wounded out of
a crew of one hundred and twenty, and of the crew of the latter only
eighteen out of seventy remained unhurt. But Townley's career now came
to a close. During the next two days they captured three more vessels,
and in one of the engagements the captain of the pirates was mortally
wounded, and died on the 8th of September.
During the remainder of the year the buccaneers cruised among the
islands and in the bays on the coast of Veragua, frequently landing on
the main in order to procure food, and so dire was their necessity that
on occasions they imperatively demanded provisions as a ransom for their
captives instead of money.[XXX‑58]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: COSTA RICA.]
At the beginning of 1687 freebooters were again off the Costa Rica
coast and infesting the gulf of Nicoya, keeping the Spaniards in a
state of constant alarm, wringing from them ransom for captives, and
torturing prisoners to obtain information.[XXX‑59] On the 26th of
January they were rejoined by Captain Grogniet, whose movements had been
principally confined to the bay of Fonseca and the coast of Nicaragua,
but dissension occurring, eighty-five of his men separated from him,
and with the remaining sixty he turned once more toward Panamá.[XXX‑60]
Again this brood of ocean-banditti directed their course to the rich
coast of South America, where they and their fraternity had acquired
so infamous a reputation that the women they captured were in dread of
being eaten by them.[XXX‑61] After amassing immense wealth they sailed
northward and coasted along the Central American and Mexican shores as
far as Acapulco, burning, destroying, and murdering as was their wont.
But in spite of their sufferings from toil, hunger, and thirst, the
pirates had amassed much wealth, and they now wished to return to the
North Sea, where their hardships would end, and they could squander and
enjoy their ill-gotten riches. Having consulted as to the best course to
pursue, they decided to march overland through the province of Segovia
to Cape Gracias á Dios. So on the 2d of January 1688, after they "had
said their Prayers," they started on their perilous journey, two hundred
and eighty in number.[XXX‑62]
Their overland march through the wildest part of Central America was
somewhat extraordinary. The journeys of the pirates across the Isthmus,
like those of the discoverers and conquerors, were full of danger and
sufferings; but the difficulties overcome by these dauntless villains
in some respects surpassed anything on record.
[Sidenote: NUEVA SEGOVIA.]
Their route lay from the bay of Fonseca to Wank River, down which they
proposed to descend on rafts. Marching first to Nueva Segovia, they
found the inhabitants ready to oppose them. In the woods their road was
impeded by felled trees; in the open country the grass was set on fire,
so that to avoid suffocation they were often compelled to halt until
the fire should spend itself. The cattle were driven away and provisions
removed or destroyed, while ambushed Spaniards assailed them everywhere.
There was nothing for them, however, but to trudge along, which they
continued to do until they reached Nueva Segovia on the 11th. The town
was deserted. Everything that could maintain life had been carefully
removed. As they continued famished and footsore toward the river, now
twenty leagues distant, they were harassed by a force of three hundred
Spanish horse, constantly threatening their annihilation.
The road, which led over a steep mountain, was found on the second day
from Segovia to be intrenched. Thus beset in front and rear, between
two bodies each largely outnumbering their own, what were the pirates
to do? Blood-besmeared and determined, they were now to the effeminate
Spaniards what the early Spaniards had been to the Indians. It was
on a bright moonlit night that the filibusters encamped before the
intrenchment. Nevertheless two hundred of them managed to steal into
the forest unperceived by their enemies.[XXX‑63] With incredible labor
they worked their way round rocks and through quagmires, till, guided
by the voices of the Spaniards at morning prayer, by daylight they
found themselves in the road above, and in the rear of the intrenched
Spaniards. A dense mist which had arisen just before dawn concealed
them from sight, but while it in some measure aided them, it rendered
their operations more dangerous from the nature of the ground. It
appeared that there were three intrenchments, one behind the other,
and with the reversed position the defenders of the rear one were not
protected. Upon this exposed detachment, numbering five hundred men, the
freebooters fell so suddenly that the Spaniards fled panic-stricken, and
the successful assailants were in possession of the barricade. It was
equivalent to victory. There was no hope for the Spaniards now. Guided
in their aim by the flashes of the enemy's fire, the pirates, well
protected, poured volley after volley upon the Spaniards, who did not
know where to shoot or what to do. For an hour they held out; but when,
still enveloped in the mist, the pirates charged upon them, unperceived
till almost within reach of sword-blow, they turned and fled. What
followed was mere butchery. The Spaniards, impeded in their flight by
their own defences, were slaughtered till the ferocious victors, "weary
of running after them and killing," desisted.[XXX‑64]
[Sidenote: INTERNAL DISSENSIONS.]
The cutthroats are now master of all before them, but nature still
interposed her forces to the best of her ability. On the following
day, it is true, they arrived at another intrenchment, but the terror
they had inspired was so great that they passed it unmolested, and on
the 17th reached the banks of the longed-for river which was to carry
them to the sea.[XXX‑65] The current was swift, and for leagues the
waters rushed down rapids or plunged in cataracts over opposing rocks,
eddying and seething in their course. Yet the freebooters hailed it
with delight, and with wild enthusiasm constructed for themselves small
rafts each capable of carrying two men.[XXX‑66] Trusting to these they
launched themselves, many of them to their death. Besides paddles they
were provided with long poles to aid them in avoiding the rocks. It
was a fearful passage; the boldest trembled, and his brain grew giddy
as he was swept past an overhanging precipice or whirled about in the
surging flood. Most of the rafts were so overweighted that the men stood
up to the waist in water. Among those who had escaped with their lives
were many who had lost all their gains acquired by years of hardship
and of crime.[XXX‑67] Numerous portages and the building of new rafts
long delayed them, and it was not until the 20th of February that they
arrived at the broader and less impetuous part of the river. In the mean
time, in spite of peril and suffering, the evil passions of human nature
were not dormant. As there were no Spaniards present to kill they killed
each other as occasion offered.[XXX‑68]
When the river became navigable for boats the freebooters built canoes,
and on the 1st of March one hundred and twenty of them,[XXX‑69] in
four boats, started down the river, and arrived at the mouth the 9th
of March. On the 14th an English vessel arrived from the isles of
Pearls,[XXX‑70] on board of which about fifty of them, among whom was
Lussan, embarked. This band of the survivors eventually reached French
settlements in the West Indies. Of the subsequent fate of those left
behind little is known;[XXX‑71] but the gratitude of the devout ruffians
whom Lussan accompanied for their deliverance is thus chronicled: "When
we were got all ashoar to a People that spoke French, we could not
forbear shedding Tears of Joy, that after we had run so many Hazards,
Dangers, and Perils, it had pleased the Almighty Maker of the Earth
and Seas, to grant a Deliverance, and bring us back to those of our own
Nation."[XXX‑72]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: BUCCANEER BIBLIOGRAPHY.]
A peculiar feature in the history, particularly of Spanish America, is
presented by the buccaneers, a New World revival of the vikings, whose
adventures were the absorbing theme of the old Norsemen, as preserved
in the sagas, and a counterpart of their successors, the corsairs, who
maintained equal sway in sunnier climes, spreading terror over entire
kingdoms and exacting tribute to support a regal state of their own.
The European hordes who under the name of conquerors were ever alert
for plunder under the pretence of extending the domain of their divine
and royal masters scattered freely the seeds from which sprang the
freebooters, to whom the rivalry between Saxon and Latin races gave
a desired opportunity to prey upon cities and commerce. Next to the
early-discovery voyages none are so absorbing as the expeditions of
these wild fellows, culled from all nationalities, and their narratives
include not only daring raids, bloody feuds, and hair-breadth escapes by
sea and land, but cover the usual topics of exploring voyages. Indeed,
their transgressions against society, while covered in most cases by
the mask of patriotism and of just war, or retaliation, were frequently
condoned by discoveries for the benefit of trade and science, by the
extension of geographic knowledge, of natural history, ethnology, and
other branches.
The first special account of the buccaneers appears to be the _Zee
Roover_, by Klaes Compaen; Amsterdam, 1663; but the great original
for the many subsequent works on them is the book written by A. O.
Exquemelin, corrupted by the English into Esquemeling, and by the French
into Oexmelin. An employé of the French West India Company, he had in
1666 gone out to the Tortuga Island, but trade failing here, the company
sold its effects and transferred its servants. Exquemelin fell into the
hands of the lieutenant-governor, under whom he suffered great hardship
till a new and kinder master left him at liberty. Finding nothing
better to do, he joined the filibusters and sailed with them till 1672,
sharing in many notable exploits. He then returned home to Holland,
and employed his leisure in writing a history of buccaneer expeditions
in the Antilles and adjoining regions, including his own adventures.
This was issued as _De Americaensche Zee-Roovers_. _Behelsende een
Partinent Verhael van alle de Roverye en Onmenselÿcke Vreetheeden die de
Engelsche en France Roovers Tegens de Spanÿaerden in America Gepleeght
Hebben_; t'Amsterdam bÿ Jan Ten Hoorn, 1678, sm. 4o, 186 pp. Few books
have been so extensively used, wholly or in part, or as a foundation
for romances and dramas; but the ones used have generally been of the
numerous foreign editions, particularly the Spanish, published with more
or less variation, and often without credit to the author. The original
is exceedingly rare, one copy only besides my own being known to Müller.
It is a black-letter specimen, on coarse paper, illustrated with curious
maps and plates, depicting battle scenes, burning towns, and portraits
of leading captains, as Morgan and L'Olonnois. The title-page is
bordered by eight scenes of freebooters' warfare and cruelty. Beginning
with his voyage to the West Indies, Exquemelin proceeds to depict the
geography and political and social condition of the islands, including
the rovers' retreat, and then relates their doings in general. In
a second and third part he gives special sketches of the different
leaders and their expeditions; and in an appendix are found some
valuable statistics for the Spanish possessions on wealth, revenue,
and officials. The information is not only varied, but has been found
most reliable. The English edition was first published in London by Th.
Newborough in 1699, under the title of _The History of the Buccaneers
of America_. The second and third editions of this translation appeared
in 1704.
Several of the buccaneers have become known to readers in special
treatises by their own hand, or by biographers, as _Raveneau de Lussan_,
_Journal d'un Voyage_, Paris, 1689; _Dampier's New Voyage_, London,
1697, and others, which have also proved rich sources for compilers. To
the edition of Exquemelin, issued in 1700, Ten Hoorn added two parts,
one being an account of English buccaneer voyages under Sharp, Sawkins,
and others, written by Basil Ringrose, who had also been a member of
the fraternity, and had kept a journal from which the first edition was
prepared and issued in 1684. The second part gives Lussan's Journal,
followed by the _Relation de Montauban_, captain of freebooters, on the
coast of Guinea in 1695.
Ringrose's account furnishes some particulars not found in other
buccaneer narrators of the same expeditions. Though he disapproved of
Sharp as a leader, his statements may be considered truthful as well
as fuller than those of the other writers, all of whom corroborate
Ringrose in the main points. His narrative is also published in the
above mentioned work, _The History of the Buccaneers of America_,
under the title of _The Dangerous Voyage and Bold Attempts of Capt.
Bartholomew Sharp and others in the South Sea_. It contains numerous
rude cuts of islands, points, capes, etc., on the western coast of
America. Ringrose was killed with all his company near a small town 21
leagues from Compostela, in Jalisco, owing to the insubordination of
his men. Dampier, _Voy._, i. 271-2, says: 'We had about 50 Men killed,
and among the rest my Ingenious Friend Mr _Ringrose_ was one.... He
was at this time Cape-Merchant, or Super-Cargo of Capt. Swan's Ship.
He had no mind to this Voyage, but was necessitated to engage in it
or starve.' The most important other authorities for the history of
this enterprise are _Capt. Sharp's Journal of his Expedition, Written
by Himself_, published by William Hacke in _A Collection of Original
Voyages_ (London, 1699). Sharp omits all mention of the defection of
the men whom Dampier accompanied across the Isthmus.
_The Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp._ London, 1684.
The author is anonymous, and was a strong partisan of Sharp, omitting
much told against him in other accounts and frequently bestowing upon
him fulsome praise. Many pages of the narrative are taken up by mere
log-book entries of the ship's sailing and contain no other information.
_Dampier_, _A New Voyage round the World._ London, 1697-1709, 3 vols.
This writer touches in his introduction very briefly upon Sharp's
expedition 'because the World has accounts of it already in the
relations that Mr _Ringrose_ and others have given' of it; but his
account of his return across the Isthmus is interesting and minutely
described. Wafer, _A New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of
America, Giving an Account of the Author's Abode there_. London, 1699,
also only cursorily alludes to Sharp's voyage, but supplies a valuable
description of the Isthmus at that time. Wafer, who accompanied Dampier
on his return, had been compelled to stay behind on account of a severe
wound caused by an explosion of gunpowder, and remained several months
with the Indians on the Isthmus. His treatise is principally confined
to a description of the physical features of the country, its flora and
fauna, and the occupations and customs of the inhabitants. It contains
several copper-plates in illustration of these latter, as well as a map
of the Isthmus and charts of coast-lines.
A _Collection of Original Voyages_, by Captain Wm. Hacke, London,
1699, 12o, with some rude cuts and map, contains among other narratives
Cowley's Voyage round the Globe, touching Central America, written by
himself. As a sequel to these publications may be named _Johnson's
General History of the Robberies and Murders of the most Notorious
Pyrates_; London, 1724, which was added as a fourth volume to the French
Exquemelin collection of 1744 and later editions. Similar combinations,
more or less complete and changed, exist in different languages, from
the early _Bucaniers of America_, London, 1684, to the _History of the
Buccaniers of America_, Boston, 1853, and later editions. The first
thorough book on the subject, however, and one which enters into the
causes of the filibuster movement, carrying on the narrative till its
suppression in the beginning of the eighteenth century, is Admiral
Burney's _History of the Buccaneers_, London, 1816, a special issue of
a part of his _Chronological History of Discovery_.