MARROQUIN AND LAS CASAS IN GUATEMALA AND VERA PAZ.
1541-1550.
A NEW CATHEDRAL WANTED—A POOR PRELATE AND UNWILLING
TITHE-PAYERS—TWO CONTENTIOUS BISHOPS—CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS
FOUNDED—DOMINICAN CONVENT ORGANIZED—FRANCISCANS ARRIVE—THEIR
LABORS—MOTOLINIA FOUNDS A CUSTODIA—DISPUTES BETWEEN
FRANCISCANS AND DOMINICANS—LA TIERRA DE GUERRA—LAS CASAS'
SYSTEM—HIS FIRST EFFORTS IN VERA PAZ—HE GOES TO SPAIN—DECREES
OBTAINED BY HIM AND AN INDIGNANT CABILDO—LAS CASAS
RETURNS—PROGRESS IN VERA PAZ—PEACEFUL SUBMISSION AND HEAVY
TRIBUTES—CANCER'S EXPEDITION TO FLORIDA—OMINOUS OPINIONS—AN
INDIFFERENT CAPTAIN—A DOMINICAN MARTYR.
After the destruction of Santiago and the removal of the city to a
new site the erection of another cathedral and episcopal residence
was necessary.[XX‑1] The means, however, for the construction of these
edifices could not be immediately procured. The bishop therefore caused
to be built a hermitage, called Santa Lucía, which served temporarily as
the parish church in the new city.[XX‑2] The removal of the episcopal
seat was, moreover, a matter which did not depend upon either the
decision of the cabildo or the prelate, and both his Majesty and the
pope had to be consulted on so momentous a question. The necessity of
permission to make such a change was pointed out to the cabildo by the
bishop, who during a visit to Acajutla was informed by that body that
the roof of the old church had been removed.[XX‑3] With regard to the
building of the new cathedral few particulars are known, other than that
the bishop was compelled for a number of years to appeal to the king
for aid in its completion.[XX‑4]
Marroquin's bishopric, indeed, was not a rich one. In 1542 he represents
to the king the objection of the settlers to pay tithes, which they
regarded as an unheard of demand, and implores his Majesty to enforce
the payment to the church of one tenth of all tributes.[XX‑5] He,
moreover, assures him that his salary of five hundred thousand maravedís
was not sufficient to meet the demands of hospitality and charity, and
requests that a portion of the revenues of Honduras and Soconusco be
granted to him.[XX‑6]
But the colonists were not easily compelled to pay their tithes of
cacao,[XX‑7] maize, and feathers, and in 1545 the bishop again brought
the matter before the notice of the throne, declaring that the frequency
of disputes between the clergy and the colonists on this account was
prejudicial in the extreme. He represented the poverty of his church and
his own indebtedness, and asked that some compensation might be made
him for his services, and the expenses which he had incurred in his
visits to Honduras and Chiapas. Nevertheless the colonists maintained
a stubborn opposition, and in 1548 matters had so little improved that
Marroquin once more asks for aid from the crown.[XX‑8]
[Sidenote: QUARRELLINGS OF THE BISHOPS.]
The effort of Marroquin to obtain Soconusco as a district of his
diocese widened the breach between him and Las Casas, the particulars
of which have already been given, and was one of the causes of the
abuse which these prelates heaped upon each other. The prince regent
had issued a cédula assigning Soconusco to the bishop of Chiapas on
the ground of its proximity to that province. This decision Las Casas
communicated to Marroquin in 1545, and hence arose mutual vituperation,
charges of grasping after territory, and misrepresentations, if not
untruthfulness, on either side. The bishop of Guatemala writes to the
people of Soconusco urging them to appeal against the royal cédula, and
in a letter to the king dated June 4, 1545, describes the diocese of Las
Casas as extending from sea to sea, and broad enough to contain half a
dozen bishoprics, while Las Casas reports that the bishop of Guatemala
had appropriated districts extending almost to Nicaragua, and states
that his see is the asylum of vagabond clergymen.[XX‑9]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: FRESH ARRIVALS.]
But though Marroquin was thus involved in difficulties with his flock
and disputes with his brother bishop, he labored hard for the welfare
of the former by founding various charitable institutions. Under his
auspices was established between 1546 and 1548,[XX‑10] the convent of
La Concepcion, the first lady superior being Doña Beatriz de Silva, a
nun of the Dominican convent of Madre de Dios in Toledo.[XX‑11] This
institution was liberally aided by the crown.[XX‑12]
About the same time the hospital of San Alejo was founded by the
Dominicans,[XX‑13] and in 1849 Bishop Marroquin founded that of
Santiago. This latter establishment was designed for Spanish and native
patients of both sexes. It was a spacious building containing four
wards, so that the races and sexes could be kept apart. Marroquin,
retaining the office of administrator, ceded the patronage of this
institution to the crown; hence it was known as the royal hospital of
Santiago.[XX‑14] While the bishop thus studied the temporal welfare
of his flock, its spiritual good was ever in appearance, at least his
anxious care, and I find his requests for more ecclesiastics almost as
frequent as his petitions for more money. From both Franciscans and
Dominicans he received great assistance. This last named order had
with the rest of the settlers removed to the new city,[XX‑15] having
received from the municipality an assignment of four lots of ground
whereon to rebuild their convent.[XX‑16] In 1547 the provincial chapter
of the order in Mexico recognized and accepted the convent of Guatemala
as regularly organized, and appointed Friar Tomás Casillas as a prior.
At this date there were thirteen members of the community besides the
prior. In 1550 Fray Tomás de la Torre succeeded Casillas, by which time
the number had increased to only fifteen.[XX‑17]
[Sidenote: THE FRANCISCANS.]
Meantime the rival order of the Franciscans had appeared upon the
field of labor. When the first members arrived it is not possible to
decide. According to Torquemada, Fray Toribio Motolinia was sent in
1533, by the custodia of the order in Mexico, to found monasteries in
Guatemala,[XX‑18] but the first permanent establishment of Franciscans
in Santiago was due to the efforts of Marroquin. At the entreaty of that
prelate six friars were sent from Spain in 1539,[XX‑19] and arrived
at Mexico in 1540, their expenses having been paid by him.[XX‑20]
After remaining six months at that city they proceeded by land to
Guatemala, but at Tepeaca, six leagues from Puebla, their prelate
Casaseca fell sick and died.[XX‑21] The rest continued their journey
and were received at Santiago with every demonstration of welcome. By
private contributions and with the assistance of the bishop they were
enabled to erect a humble dwelling,[XX‑22] in which they discharged the
duties of their calling with as punctual and strict observance as if
it had been a convent of the highest order. After the destruction of
Santiago appropriate ground was allotted to them for the erection of
their convent, church, and other buildings,[XX‑23] and by June 1542 an
unpretending monastery had been built. When the Franciscans had acquired
some knowledge of the native tongues, they engaged in missionary labors
throughout the country.[XX‑24]
The need of more friars was, however, urgent, and ere long Fray
Valderas, with the approval of the bishop, went to Spain in order to
procure more members of his order. He soon accomplished his mission and
returned with twelve brothers to Mexico. Unhappily in their haste to
engage in their labors most of them broke down on the long and toilsome
journey to Santiago, and died.[XX‑25] At a later date, however, the want
was somewhat relieved by the arrival of Motolinia with a considerable
number of his order.[XX‑26]
The Franciscan order was now firmly established in Guatemala. Motolinia
erected the convents which had been founded[XX‑27] into a custodia,
despatched friars to Yucatan,[XX‑28] and visited different parts of the
country. He then returned to Mexico and was succeeded in his office of
custodio by Fray Gonzalo de Mendez.[XX‑29]
The jealousy which existed between the Dominicans and Franciscans was
exhibited in Guatemala as strongly as elsewhere, and the bickerings
which occurred, and opposition offered by the earlier established order
to the new-comers, were so discouraging that many of the Franciscans
left the province.[XX‑30] But for the efforts of Bishop Marroquin they
would have abandoned the field.[XX‑31]
In 1547 the comisario general states that there were only twelve
Franciscans in Guatemala, and requests that young members of the order,
capable of acquiring the native language, be sent out.[XX‑32] He also
impresses upon the emperor the necessity of assigning separate fields
of labor to the two orders, and it is to be noted that the Franciscans
were inimical to the Mercenarios, who are described as being detrimental
rather than beneficial to the cause of the church.[XX‑33]
[Sidenote: MEASURES CONCERNING NATIVES.]
The disagreement between the two highest regular orders was not based
entirely upon a struggle for supremacy. Each had its distinct views
with regard to the method of implanting Christianity in America. The
Dominicans, led by their unyielding chief Las Casas, would not recognize
wholesale baptism as practised by the Franciscans, and they would not
admit that the interests of the conquerors were compatible with the
welfare of the conquered races. The Franciscans, with Motolinia as their
leader, imagined that a system of ecclesiastical and civil policy could
be adopted which would conduce to the interests of both the dominant and
conquered races. This order did not object to the sword being called
into operation; the Dominicans denied it as a means of advancing the
gospel. The Dominicans were uncompromisingly opposed to slavery; the
rival order not so, and I am inclined to think that the Franciscans
honestly believed that under the pressure of the encomenderos and the
impossibility of rapid manumission, more benefit could be obtained
for the natives by a tolerant system of servitude, supervised by the
religious orders, than by a sudden change. It is unnecessary to relate
the bitter denunciations that each leader uttered against the other.
While it is to be regretted that Motolinia in his fierce attack on Las
Casas appears to have been guided by a spirit not altogether free from
jealousy,[XX‑34] it cannot be disputed that the indiscreet zeal of Las
Casas gave dissatisfaction to eminent men even in his own order.[XX‑35]
It was through the exertions of Bartolomé de Las Casas that the
pacification of Vera Paz was achieved without the aid of an armed force.
The native name of this territory was Tuzulutlan. The Spaniards after
their entrance into Guatemala made several unsuccessful attempts to
subdue it, and from this cause and the fierce character of the natives
they called it Tierra de Guerra.[XX‑36] Its dimensions at the time the
Dominicans entered it nearly corresponded with its present limits.
In 1574 friars of the convent at Coban reported that Vera Paz, as
already bounded by royal decree, extended sixty leagues from east to
west, measured from the river Nito[XX‑37] to the river Zacapulas, and
fifty leagues from south to north, commencing from the northern slope
of the Canal and Rabinal mountains.[XX‑38] The surface was rugged and
mountainous; roads were almost unknown, and the inhabitants active
and warlike.[XX‑39] Nevertheless Las Casas proposed to penetrate it in
defiance of danger, exposure, and hardship.
[Sidenote: PEACEFUL CONQUESTS.]
Previous to 1536 he had published a treatise,[XX‑40] in which he
condemned conquest by force of arms, and urged that to civilize
and convert the Indians was the true system of subjugation. These
precepts he incessantly upheld in Santiago both from the pulpit and
in conversation, and his teachings only drew upon him general ridicule
and enmity, and eventually the people of Santiago dared him to put his
principles in practice by accomplishing the conquest of Tuzulutlan. The
undaunted padre accepted the challenge, and in conjunction with Fray
Rodrigo de Ladrada and Fray Pedro de Angulo, agreed to undertake the
perilous enterprise on the condition that the natives should never be
assigned in encomiendas, and that for a period of five years, dating
from the entrance of the friars into the province, no Spaniards should
be permitted to enter the country.[XX‑41]
Las Casas at once proceeded to put his designs in execution, and by the
employment of converted Indians and the establishment of frontier posts,
opened friendly relations with the hitherto exclusive inhabitants of
Vera Paz,[XX‑42] and laid the basis of the future acknowledgment of the
sovereignty of Spain.[XX‑43]
Nevertheless the work of conversion could not be straightway
accomplished. Though Las Casas was convinced of the practicability
of his scheme, the small number of friars in the country rendered its
immediate execution impossible. Moreover much opposition was offered
to his broad and uncompromising views, and although the work was begun
under the best auspices, so far as the action of the native chiefs was
concerned, he felt himself compelled to suspend operations until he had
had a personal interview with the emperor.[XX‑44] Accordingly he left
Guatemala and proceeded by way of Mexico to Spain.[XX‑45]
On his arrival at court he advocated his system of peaceful conquest
with his usual vigor, but his action gave great offence to the
cabildo of Guatemala. Two indignant letters were addressed to the
emperor attributing to him the existing troubles and turmoils.[XX‑46]
The direct cause of these despatches was the receipt of two decrees
obtained by the representations of Las Casas, the first of which was
addressed to the bishop and governor of Guatemala and intended to
remedy the prevailing neglect in the religious instruction of the
Indians and negroes. It ordered that at a stated hour each day, all
such as were not already instructed should be taught their religious
duties.[XX‑47] The second guaranteed to Las Casas and his companions,
in their labors in Tuzulutlan, freedom from interference on the part
of the Spaniards.[XX‑48] At the same time he obtained other documents
authorizing him or his companions to take such Spaniards as they
themselves might select into the converted regions. Letters of thanks,
also, were sent to such caciques as had aided in the work begun, and
lastly as a precaution against the interference of Alvarado, the
assistance of certain caciques was secured to the Dominicans, and
the adelantado and his lieutenant commanded not to interfere with
them.[XX‑49]
But Las Casas was aware that the promulgation and execution of a decree
in the western world were two different matters. He had learned by
experience that subterfuge was commonly resorted to in order to prevent
the enforcement of a cédula or delay its operation until there was no
longer necessity for it, and this without the charge of disloyalty being
incurred. The ceremony of kissing the royal order and placing it upon
the head was duly and submissively performed, but if it could be alleged
that his Majesty had been misinformed, ground for appeal was at once
established, and its execution postponed until a truthful statement of
the question could be submitted to the king. This delayed the arrival
of the final decision until it became inoperative, and the evasion of
royal orders was at this time severely felt by the ecclesiastics. Las
Casas consequently represented these abuses to the council and procured
a final cédula which entrusted the enforcement of the preceding ones to
the audiencia of Mexico, authorizing that court to punish disobedience
to previous decrees.
[Sidenote: SUCCESS OF THE FRIARS.]
In 1541 Fray Luis Cancer returned to Guatemala, and continued in Vera
Paz the work of conversion inaugurated by Las Casas. From this time the
pacification proper may be considered to have begun.[XX‑50]
The exertions of Las Casas during the time he remained in Spain were,
as the reader is already aware, mainly directed to the promulgation
of the new code of laws. In 1545 he again arrived in New Spain to
take charge of his diocese as will be hereafter related, and in July,
being anxious to witness the progress that had been made in Vera Paz,
he visited that province. He found the condition of affairs to be so
satisfactory that he caused the depositions of six Spaniards to be
taken for the purpose of reporting to the emperor the true nature of the
conquest of this formerly warlike region. From the statements of these
deponents it appears that previous to the entrance of the Dominicans
the inhabitants of these districts opposed all attempts to subdue
them,[XX‑51] but that by infinite labor and care the friars had overcome
their ferocity and exasperation. In his progress through the country
the bishop everywhere met with a kind welcome. Escorted by Don Juan, a
son of the lord of Coban, with many of his subjects, he proceeded from
town to town,[XX‑52] receiving offerings and presents at each place.
At Coban he was gratified to find that a substantial wooden church had
been erected, and that every day many natives eagerly received religious
instruction. Proceeding thence to the town of Tuzulutlan he there met
Bishop Marroquin, who was making a similar visit[XX‑53] and I apprehend
that the two prelates did not entertain such friendly feelings to each
other as had been displayed to both of them by the natives.
But Las Casas had still to learn that however successful his own efforts
had been he could not ward off the oppression of his countrymen. The
Spaniards now began to enter the region, impose tributes, and make
slaves as was their wont, and in October following Fray Luis Cancer
wrote to him—the prelate being then at Gracias á Dios—stating that more
than seven hundred slaves of both sexes had been taken from the town
of Tuzulutlan alone, and that the tribute which the natives of Vera
Paz were called upon to pay was intolerable.[XX‑54] Moreover he was
soon to find, greatly to his mortification, that his peaceful system of
conversion was not necessarily unattended by bloodshed, as was shown a
few years later by the martyrdom of Luis Cancer and two brothers of the
Dominican order.
[Sidenote: FURTHER EFFORTS.]
In 1547 Fray Cancer and Las Casas returned to Spain, and by their
representations induced the emperor to consent to an expedition to
Florida to be conducted by the former on the system by which the
pacification of Vera Paz was accomplished. His Majesty extended every
facility to the friar, supplying him with funds and issuing an order
which would enable him to obtain every encouragement and aid from
the authorities in Mexico.[XX‑55] The friar made his preparations
with great enthusiasm; yet he met with considerable delay, caused by
the unfavorable light in which his dangerous enterprise was regarded
in Spain. He had great difficulty in obtaining a pilot, and indeed,
although he had hoped to procure the assistance of four or six
colleagues, two only were found ready to risk their lives in the cause.
"All Seville," he wrote, "is surprised at this undertaking; those who
most fear God approve of it; others think that we are going to the
slaughter-house."[XX‑56]
[Sidenote: MARTYRDOM.]
Writing these prophetic and ill-omened words on the very day of
his departure Fray Luis sailed on his last voyage from Spain. Few
particulars of his expedition are known, except the manner of his
death. On his arrival in Mexico he obtained the assistance which the
king ordered to be extended to him, and about the middle of 1549 set
sail from Vera Cruz, accompanied by Frailes Gregorio de Beteta, Juan
García, Diego de Tolosa, and a lay brother named Fuentes. Contrary
to his express desire the captain of the vessel landed him at a
part of the Florida coast where Spaniards had previously committed
depredations and thus exasperated the natives. Unconscious of this act
of carelessness,[XX‑57] Fray Cancer, accompanied by Tolosa and the lay
brother, proceeded on his mission, but the ill-fated ecclesiastics had
not advanced far from the shore when they were assailed by Indians, and
immediately beaten to death with clubs.[XX‑58]
This disastrous termination of an enterprise from which Las Casas and
his advocates had expected so much was a bitter cup which his opponents
did not fail to hold out to him. Yet this stout combatant for the
system of bloodless pacification yielded not an iota in his principles,
and ably defended himself against Sepúlveda by maintaining that the
previous cruel conduct of the Spaniards on the coast was the cause of
the tragedy in Florida.[XX‑59] The career of Las Casas in Chiapas and
the appointment of Cerrato as governor of Guatemala have already been
mentioned.